Suchergebnisse

The author tries to prove the significance of including the factor of power in building theories of elites. It turns out that in many approaches the elite has been defined mostly and exclusively in terms of political power (Pareto, Mosca, Lasswell, Mills). Such an attitude followed from the adoption of "a priori" assumptions about the universality of dividing societies into those who govern and those governed (Italian scholars) and from empirical studies (especially Mills). Also the sociologists who stressed a highly diversified character of contemporary societies point to a great role of factors of a political character (Mannheim, Keller). Political power is not only an important criterion of stratifying the society but also of distinguishing the elite. Defining power appears to be very difficult. At present, with more and more diversified social structures, it is more difficult than several decades ago to indicate persons or groups who really (not nominally) are in authority. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The article covers the legal and tax aspects of the implementation of general anti-avoidance clause in Polish tax law, including the historical outline of the clause, its essence, and the usefulness of achieving the legislator's intended effects. The article deals with the disadvantages and advantages of the clause, its compliance with constitutional regulations, as well as the institution of GAAR protective tax opinions and the position of the Council on counteracting tax evasion. ; Artykuł omawia prawne i podatkowe aspekty wdrożenia do polskiego prawa podatkowego klauzuli o przeciwdziałaniu unikania opodatkowania, rys historyczny klauzuli, jej istotę oraz przydatność dla osiągnięcia zamierzonych przez ustawodawcę efektów. Artykuł odnosi się również do kwestii wad i zalet klauzuli, konstytucyjności regulacji oraz instytucji opinii zabezpieczających i pozycji Rady do Spraw Przeciwdziałania Unikaniu Opodatkowania.

Rad iznosi djelomične nalaze istraživanja hrvatskog narodnjaštva, tj. etnonacionalizma kao religije (u smislu ljudskog izmišljanja svetog).* Praktični su problemi sljedeći: narodnjaštvo kao religija, koja među ostalim uključuje to da narod ima mogućnost i/ili sposobnost da se razvije u nositelja države i da treba to i da postane; posljedice narodnjaštva, a to su nedostižnost narodne demokracije, narodne privrede i narodnog sazrijevanja; vjere u narod, i to prvenstveno Katoličke crkve u Hrvatskoj kao uvjeta od 1961. do 1971. te prije i nakon toga, naročito nakon 1990. Teorijski su problemi, tj. neodgovarajuće znanstveno znanje o praktičnima, sljedeći: prvo, odluke Ustavnog suda Republike Hrvatske o etničkim i vjerskim zajednicama; drugo, sustavna historija prava i države Hrvatske i Jugoslavije 1945.-1990.; treće, preobrazba komunizma i katolicizma u narodnjaštvo; četvrto i peto, društvena struktura i predstavljanje/zastupanje. Da bi se postigla opća svrha istraživačkog projekta, a to je upotreba razuma u javnim poslovima, istraživanje je provedeno u teorijsko-metodologijskom okviru integralne teorije prava i države koji uključuje prilagođenu Lasswellovu i McDougalovu političku analizu proširenu historijskim institucionalizmom i kritičkom teorijom prava. Glavna je hipoteza da je vjera u narod kao nositelja države izražena i ustanovljena odredbama Ustava RH da je RH nastala samoodređenjem naroda i/ili da je nacionalna država jednog ili više naroda; da je narod suveren; da pravo na državljanstvo RH imaju pripadnici određenog ili određenih naroda; da pripadnici određenog ili određenih naroda imaju posebna politička prava itd. Dopunska je hipoteza da je puku RH ili, pravno određenije, da je stanovnicima RH s biračkim pravom u RH smanjena vlast, a time i moć u odlučivanju o članstvu RH u transnacionalnim organizacijama, naime NATO-u i EU, te su oni sami svedeni na pravno neprepoznatljiv sastojak time što se u RH ne zna tko čini bilo puk bilo ustav. ; The paper reports partial findings of a research project into Croatian ethnonationalism (Croatian: narodnjaštvo) as a religion (in the sense of a human invention of the sacred). The practical problems are as follows: ethnonationalism as a religion, which implies inter alia that an ethnic community (Croatian: narod) has the potential and/or capacity to develop into, and ought to become, a substratum of the (nation-)state; consequences of ethnonationalism, which include the unattainability of ethnic democracy, ethnic economy and ethnic maturity; conditions of Croatian ethnonationalism, primarily the Catholic Church as a condition in 1961-1971, and also before and after the period, especially since 1990. The theoretical problems, i.e. inadequacies in scholarly knowledge of the practical problems, include inter alia Croatian Constitutional law, esp. jurisprudence of the Croatian Constitutional Court, on powers of ethnicities and disabilities of the people. To attain the general goal of the research project, which is the use of reason in public affairs, the research is carried out within the theoretical and methodological Framework of an integral theory of law and state which includes a modified Lasswell and McDougal's policy analysis expanded by historical institutionalism and critical theory. The paper attempts to demonstrate that there is strong evidence to support the following two chiefly descriptive hypotheses, which are ideal types and as such cannot be supported by conclusive evidence. The main hypothesis is that the faith in a narod as a substratum of the state is expressed and established by the provisions of the Croatian Constitution stating that the Republic of Croatia was created by the self-determination of a narod and/or is a nation-state of a narod, or of two or several narodi; a narod is sovereign; adherents of a narod have the right to Croatian nationality; adherents of a narod have special political rights, etc. The auxiliary hypothesis is that the people (Croatian: puk) or, juridically more precise, inhabitants of the Republic of Croatia with the right to vote have lost a part of their power to decide on the membership of the Republic of Croatia in transnational organisations, namely, NATO and EU, and have been reduced to a legally unrecognizable entity by virtue of the fact that in the Republic of Croatia it is not known what makes either its people or its constitution.

The curator of the estate may be established by a common court not only from office but also at the request of an administrative court. The rules determining the award of remuneration for actions taken before an administrative court in such a case come from procedural and material law provisions. However, they do not provide in an exhaustive way all the cases of granting remuneration to the curator of the estate in respect of the performed function. As a result, there is a need to solve such problems involving rules that are not explicitly expressed in the applicable regulations. This leaves the possibility to propose solutions for this kind of situation in practice. Due to the demand for consistency of the legal system, it is necessary to attempt to identify the entities responsible for covering receivables on the basis of the applicable regulations. Depending on the actions taken by the curator of the estate, this may be a court of inheritance or a governmental or local government administration body. Due to the postulate of legal certainty, it is necessary to postulate taking into account the legal opinions functioning in the literature in order to introduce regulations that will be considered exhaustive, from the point of view of entities applying the law. ; Kurator spadku może zostać ustanowiony przez sąd powszechny nie tylko z urzędu, lecz także na wniosek sądu administracyjnego. Reguły określające przyznanie wynagrodzenia za czynności podejmowane przed sądem administracyjnym w takim przypadku pozostają zawarte w przepisach prawa procesowego oraz prawa materialnego prywatnego. Nie przewidują one jednak w sposób wyczerpujący wszystkich przypadków przyznania wynagrodzenia kuratorowi spadku z tytułu sprawowanej funkcji. W efekcie pojawia się potrzeba rozwiązania takich problemów za pośrednictwem reguł, które nie zostały wprost wyrażone w obowiązujących przepisach. Stwarza to zatem możliwość zaproponowania rozwiązań tego rodzaju sytuacji w praktyce. Z uwagi na postulat zachowania spójności systemu prawa należy podejmować próby określenia podmiotów odpowiedzialnych za pokrycie omawianych należności na podstawie obowiązujących regulacji. W zależności od czynności podejmowanych przez kuratora spadku może to być sąd spadku bądź organ administracji publicznej lub samorządowej. Z uwagi na postulat pewności prawa należy postulować uwzględnienie funkcjonujących w literaturze poglądów prawnych w celu wprowadzenia regulacji, które będą uznawane za wyczerpujące z punktu widzenia podmiotów stosujących prawo.

The article discusses the nature and role of constituent power in contemporary constitutional democracies. It presents the genesis of the concept of constituent power (phrased by Joseph Emmanuel Sieyès within the distinction between «pouvoir constituant» and «pouvoir constitué»), different approaches to this concept framed in the XXth century legal science by such thinkers as H. Kelsen and C. Schmitt, and finally the contemporary interpretations of this concept. The author indicates and analyses two major issues relevant to the nature and role of constituent power in the contemporary constitutional democracy. Firstly, he examines the thesis that the democratic constituent power's activity remains normatively undetermined. The search for internal normativity that might characterise constituent power in democracy determines such practical constitutional issues as discretion of the legislator within the process of making or amending the constitution. Secondly, the author points out that analysis of the role of pouvoir constituant» in contemporary constitutionalism should not be limited to analysis of the "constitutional moment" only; the significance of constituent power should not be seen just in the framework of the one-off act of making the constitution. Constituent power should remain an active participant of constitutional discourse which induces a search for new principles ensuring balance between constituent and constituted power in constitutional democracies.

Polityka administracyjna kierownictwa resortu spraw wewnętrznych II Rzeczypospolitej w zakresie służby zdrowia skupiała się na zwalczaniu epidemii i chorób zakaźnych, a zwłaszcza najgroźniejszej z nich – gruźlicy, na podniesieniu ogólnego poziomu higieny społecznej poprzez wydawanie różnego rodzaju zarządzeń sanitarnych, dotyczących np. czystości miast, oraz na nadzorowaniu w skali kraju rozrastającej się sieci aptek i składów farmaceutycznych. Po zamachu majowym 1926 r. nową politykę administracyjną w zakresie zdrowia publicznego realizował minister spraw wewnętrznych S.F. Składkowski poprzez program "Podniesienie zdrowotności i wyglądu kraju". Propagował on wśród ludności kraju używanie śmietników i ustępów oraz regularne sprzątanie ulic, placów, podwórzy i obejść domów. Szefostwo resortu pracowało na rzecz zwiększenia "stanu posiadania" w szpitalnictwie i lecznictwie otwartym. Szkoliło personel administracji służby zdrowia, głównie w Państwowej Szkole Higieny. Od 1 lipca 1932 r. z kompetencji urzędu ministra spraw wewnętrznych wyłączono sprawy służby zdrowia, poza niewielkim działem techniki sanitarnej. Od tego czasu MSW skupiało się na wykonywaniu zadań związanych z zagadnieniami techniczno-sanitarnymi kraju, zwłaszcza w zakresie zabudowy osiedli i zaopatrzenia ludności w wodę. Znaczenie tych spraw wzrosło, gdy w maju 1936 r. premierem i ministrem spraw wewnętrznych został S.F. Składkowski. Zainicjował on wielką akcję higieniczno-sanitarną, głównie na wsi, w ramach której propagował stosowanie zasad higieny tak w życiu osobistym, jak i publicznym. ; The administrative policy of the heads of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Second Polish Republic in the field of healthcare between 1918 and 1939 focused on combating epidemics and infectious diseases, especially tuberculosis, which was the most dangerous one among them. Furthermore, its aim was also to raise the general level of social hygiene by issuing various types of sanitary ordinances concerning, e.g. city cleanliness. Moreover, it concentrated on the supervision of the growing network of pharmacies and pharmaceutical companies across the country. After the May Coup in 1926, a new administrative policy in the field of public health was primarily carried out by S. F. Składkowski, the Minister of Internal Affairs, by means of the "Improvement of State Health and Appearance" programme. He propagated the use of garbage cans and lavatories among the population as well as regular cleaning of streets, squares, courtyards, and homesteads. The Ministry's head worked to increase "the inventory" in both hospitals and outpatient care. The administrative personnel of the healthcare service were trained, for the most part, at the State School of Hygiene. Since the 1st of July 1932, matters concerning healthcare were excluded from the competences of the office of the Minister of Internal Affairs except for a small department of sanitary technology. From that time on, the Ministry of Internal Affairs focused on carrying out the tasks related to the technical and sanitary issues of the country, especially in the field of the development of housing estates and supplying water to the population. The significance of all of the aforementioned issues increased in May of 1936 when S. F. Składkowski became the Prime Minister and the Minister of Internal Affairs. He launched a great hygiene and sanitary programme, mainly in the Polish countryside, in which he advocated the application of hygiene principles both in private and public life.

The present study concerns the issue of excluding administrative sanctions on account of the removal of trees and shrubs without a required permit. The existing discrepancy in the jurisprudence of administrative courts, concerning the release from administrative responsibility, was the reason for undertaking this research. In the light of undertaken studies it has to be emphasized that it is possible to release from liability by demonstrating by the owner or holder of the property, on which the removal of trees and shrubs without a required permit took place, that he did not know about the tree removal by a third party and could not prevent it. The burden of proof to demonstrate the above circumstances rests on the owner or holder of the property. The existing discrepancies in the jurisprudence of administrative courts should be removed by an amendment to the Nature Conservation Act and the introduction of normative criteria for exemption from possibility of imposition of an administrative penalty on account of the removal of trees and shrubs without a required permit. ; Przedmiotem niniejszego opracowania jest problematyka przesłanek wyłączenia możliwości wymierzenie kary administracyjnej z tytułu usunięcie drzew lub krzewów bez wymaganego zezwolenia. Do podjęcia badań dotyczących powyższego zagadnienia doprowadziła istniejąca w orzecznictwie sądów administracyjnych rozbieżność, dotycząca możliwość uwolnienia się odpowiedzialności administracyjnej.W świetle podjętych badań należy dopuścić możliwość uwolnienia się od odpowiedzialności z tytułu sunięcie drzew lub krzewów bez wymaganego zezwolenia poprzez wykazanie przez właściciela lub posiadacza nieruchomości, na której doszło do usunięcia drzew lub krzewów bez wymaganego zezwolenia, w przypadku wskazania, że nie wiedział on o usunięciu drzewa przez osobę trzecią i nie mógł temu zapobiec. Obowiązek dowodowy wykazania powyższej okoliczności spoczywa jednak na właścicielu lub posiadaczu nieruchomości. Istniejące w orzecznictwie sądów administracyjnych rozbieżności, co do możliwości uwolnienia się od omawianej odpowiedzialności powinny zostać usunięte poprzez nowelizację ustawy o ochronie przyrody i wprowadzenie normatywnych kryteriów wyłączających możliwość wymierzenie kary administracyjnej z tytułu usunięcie drzew lub krzewów bez wymaganego zezwolenia.

This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands. ; This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands.

The article discusses the nature and role of constituent power in contemporary constitutional democracies. It presents the genesis of the concept of constituent power (phrased by Joseph Emmanuel Sieyès within the distinction between «pouvoir constituant» and «pouvoir constitué»), different approaches to this concept framed in the XXth century legal science by such thinkers as H. Kelsen and C. Schmitt, and finally the contemporary interpretations of this concept. The author indicates and analyses two major issues relevant to the nature and role of constituent power in the contemporary constitutional democracy. Firstly, he examines the thesis that the democratic constituent power's activity remains normatively undetermined. The search for internal normativity that might characterise constituent power in democracy determines such practical constitutional issues as discretion of the legislator within the process of making or amending the constitution. Secondly, the author points out that analysis of the role of pouvoir constituant» in contemporary constitutionalism should not be limited to analysis of the "constitutional moment" only; the significance of constituent power should not be seen just in the framework of the one-off act of making the constitution. Constituent power should remain an active participant of constitutional discourse which induces a search for new principles ensuring balance between constituent and constituted power in constitutional democracies.

The study is the result of a legal comparative analysis of the directions of reforms in the administrative judiciary in the countries of young democracy: Poland, the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Croatia, Serbia, Hungary, Ukraine, Georgia and Kazakhstan. The analysis was carried out with reference to the patterns developed in old European democracies, mainly in Austria and Germany. Papers on reforms of the administrative judiciary in each of these countries were delivered at the international scientific conference: Reforms of administrative judiciary in the countries of young democracy (10–11.06.2021, Faculty of Law and Administration, University of Lodz). They focused on three issues: 1) contemporary challenges of the rule of law and administrative judiciary, 2) directions of changes in the national systems of administrative judiciary, 3) the future of administrative judiciary. The content of the study refers to this system of issues, which reflects the stages of development of administrative judiciary in the countries of young democracy. The conclusions drawn from the analysis show the results of reforms at each of these stages – from the constitutionalization of the rule of law, through the independence of the court-administrative procedure, to the stage of the present, extremely difficult challenges, not only of a procedural nature. ; Opracowanie stanowi wynik prawnoporównaczej analizy kierunków reform sądownictwa administracyjnego w państwach młodej demokracji: Polski, Czech, Litwy, Chorwacji, Serbii, Węgier, Ukrainy, Gruzji i Kazachstanu, w nawiązaniu do wzorów wypracowanych w starych demokracjach europejskich, głównie w Austrii i Niemczech. Wygłoszone na międzynarodowej konferencji naukowej: Reformy sądownictwa administracyjnego w państwach młodej demokracji (10–11.06.2021r. WPiA UŁ) referaty na temat reform sądownictwa administracyjnego w każdym z tych państw koncentrowały się na trzech zagadnieniach: 1) współczesne wyzwania praworządności a sądownictwo administracyjne, 2) kierunki przemian w krajowych ...

The study is the result of a legal comparative analysis of the directions of reforms in the administrative judiciary in the countries of young democracy: Poland, the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Croatia, Serbia, Hungary, Ukraine, Georgia and Kazakhstan. The analysis was carried out with reference to the patterns developed in old European democracies, mainly in Austria and Germany. Papers on reforms of the administrative judiciary in each of these countries were delivered at the international scientific conference: Reforms of administrative judiciary in the countries of young democracy (10–11.06.2021, Faculty of Law and Administration, University of Lodz). They focused on three issues: 1) contemporary challenges of the rule of law and administrative judiciary, 2) directions of changes in the national systems of administrative judiciary, 3) the future of administrative judiciary. The content of the study refers to this system of issues, which reflects the stages of development of administrative judiciary in the countries of young democracy. The conclusions drawn from the analysis show the results of reforms at each of these stages – from the constitutionalization of the rule of law, through the independence of the court-administrative procedure, to the stage of the present, extremely difficult challenges, not only of a procedural nature. ; Opracowanie stanowi wynik prawnoporównaczej analizy kierunków reform sądownictwa administracyjnego w państwach młodej demokracji: Polski, Czech, Litwy, Chorwacji, Serbii, Węgier, Ukrainy, Gruzji i Kazachstanu, w nawiązaniu do wzorów wypracowanych w starych demokracjach europejskich, głównie w Austrii i Niemczech. Wygłoszone na międzynarodowej konferencji naukowej: Reformy sądownictwa administracyjnego w państwach młodej demokracji (10–11.06.2021 r. WPiA UŁ) referaty na temat reform sądownictwa administracyjnego w każdym z tych państw koncentrowały się na trzech zagadnieniach: 1) współczesne wyzwania praworządności a sądownictwo administracyjne, 2) kierunki przemian w krajowych systemach sądownictwa administracyjnego, 3) przyszłość sądownictwa administracyjnego. Treść opracowania nawiązuje do tego układu zagadnień, który odzwierciedla etapy rozwoju sądownictwa administracyjnego w państwach młodej demokracji. Płynące z przeprowadzonej analizy wnioski pokazują wyniki reform na każdym z tych etapów – od konstytucjonalizacji zasady praworządności, przez usamodzielnienie się procedury sądowoadministracyjnej, aż po etap obecnych, niezwykle trudnych wyzwań nie tylko procesowej natury.

The notion of the judicial control of administration exercised by specially designated authorities has been present in Poland for a long time. The first proposals in this area appeared as early as 1807, and were implemented on the basis of the French practice. In the years 1922–1939 there existed the Supreme Administrative Court, which determined the lawfulness of decisions and orders by public administration bodies in cases of breaches of particular rights or the imposion of duties without any legal grounds. It functioned as a court of appeal. After 1944 the administrative judicial system was dissolved. The solutions based on the three principal characteristics of administrative judicial system, i.e. the separation from common courts, the existence of a system of administrative courts, and the independence of their judges, were re-established in 1980. Also, a separate judicial authority was restored, referred to as the Chief Administrative Court, operating as a court of appeal with general material jurisdiction covering administrative decisions and cases of the inaction of administrative authorities despite their duty to issue such decisions. The scope of cognition of the Chief Administrative Court was gradually extending, and in 2004 a two-level model of the administrative judicial system was established, operating on an appeal basis. This model sparks off many controversies as to its practical application. The lengthiness of its proceedings is another problem of the Polish administrative judicial system. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

The reforms carried out in 1990, which included the reactivation of local self-government, constituted one of the most important elements of the systemic transformation in our country. They were also an important element of the reform measures undertaken to implement the three main goals of the political transformation after 1989: democracy, the free market and decentralization. The postulate of restoring local self-government was included in the Solidarity programme in 1981, and it was the subject of renewed focus during the Round Table talks in 1989. Among the supporters and propagators of this idea in the anti-communist opposition were representatives of the study of administrative law, who envisioned the creation of a completely new institution that would not be indebted to the communist regime. It was therefore assumed that the old system of local authorities had been rejected. The self-government reform carried out in 1990 was at the same time a powerful shock to the study of systemic administrative law, which lost its subject of research, namely the issues of national councils, which from then on were treated only in the context of 'negative experiences'. The reactivation of the local self-government in 1990 was accompanied by discussions and disputes on the concept of its essence, basic political assumptions and detailed rules of functioning. However, the reform did not come to an end in 1990, as local government law is characterized by a significant dynamic of changes concerning specific solutions, which is reflected in numerous amendments to local government laws. Subsequent reforms were accompanied by the activities of experts in the field of administrative law. At the same time, one should note significant development in the study of administrative law with regard to the consideration of local self-government issues. ; Przeprowadzone w 1990 r. reformy obejmujące reaktywowanie samorządu terytorialnego stanowiły jeden z najważniejszych elementów przemian ustrojowych w naszym kraju i były one istotnym elementem działań reformatorskich w ramach realizacji trzech głównych celów transformacji ustrojowej po roku 1989: demokracja, wolny rynek, decentralizacja. Postulat przywrócenia samorządu terytorialnego znalazł się w 1981 r. w programie Solidarności i powrócono do niego podczas obrad Okrągłego Stołu w 1989. Wśród zwolenników i propagatorów tej idei w opozycji antykomunistycznej byli przedstawiciele nauki prawa administracyjnego, którzy przewidywali stworzenie całkowicie nowej instytucji, niemieszczącej się w ramach ustroju komunistycznego. Zakładano zatem jednoznaczne odrzucenie starego systemu władz lokalnych. Przeprowadzona w 1990 r. reforma samorządowa stanowiła jednocześnie potężny wstrząs dla nauki ustrojowego prawa administracyjnego, które utraciło swój przedmiot badań w postaci problematyki rad narodowych, traktowanych odtąd wyłącznie w kontekście "negatywnych doświadczeń". Reaktywowaniu samorządu terytorialnego w 1990 r. towarzyszyły dyskusje i spory wokół koncepcji jego istoty, podstawowych założeń ustrojowych i szczegółowych zasad funkcjonowania. Reforma nie zakończyła się w 1990 r., gdyż prawo samorządowe charakteryzuje się znaczną dynamiką przemian dotyczących konkretnych rozwiązań, co znajduje swój wyraz w licznych nowelizacjach ustaw samorządowych. Kolejnym reformom towarzyszyła działalność ekspertów z zakresu nauki prawa administracyjnego. Jednocześnie odnotować należy znaczny rozwój nauki prawa administracyjnego w zakresie problematyki samorządowej.

One of the gravest problems of modern democracies is undoubtedly low electoral turnout. Numerous states try to prevent low turnout in different ways. One method to increase it may involve the introduction of compulsory voting, which is a legally regulated prescript to participate in an election. The principal goal of this paper is to attempt to answer the question of whether imposing compulsory voting, and thus obtaining a higher voter turnout, increases the legitimization of representative bodies. The issue of imposing compulsory voting is controversial and does not necessarily have to provide an effective solution to diminishing voter turnout. This is particularly valid for Central and Eastern European states, where imposing an obligation to vote on citizens can be contrary to saving democracy and the legitimization of public authorities. There is a risk that the citizens of countries that found themselves in the orbit of the Soviet Union after WWII may associate compulsory voting with their undemocratic past and as another attack on their rights. ; One of the gravest problems of modern democracies is undoubtedly low electoral turnout. Numerous states try to prevent low turnout in different ways. One method to increase it may involve the introduction of compulsory voting, which is a legally regulated prescript to participate in an election. The principal goal of this paper is to attempt to answer the question of whether imposing compulsory voting, and thus obtaining a higher voter turnout, increases the legitimization of representative bodies. The issue of imposing compulsory voting is controversial and does not necessarily have to provide an effective solution to diminishing voter turnout. This is particularly valid for Central and Eastern European states, where imposing an obligation to vote on citizens can be contrary to saving democracy and the legitimization of public authorities. There is a risk that the citizens of countries that found themselves in the orbit of the Soviet Union after WWII may associate compulsory voting with their undemocratic past and as another attack on their rights.

One of the gravest problems of modern democracies is undoubtedly low electoral turnout. Numerous states try to prevent low turnout in different ways. One method to increase it may involve the introduction of compulsory voting, which is a legally regulated prescript to participate in an election. The principal goal of this paper is to attempt to answer the question of whether imposing compulsory voting, and thus obtaining a higher voter turnout, increases the legitimization of representative bodies. The issue of imposing compulsory voting is controversial and does not necessarily have to provide an effective solution to diminishing voter turnout. This is particularly valid for Central and Eastern European states, where imposing an obligation to vote on citizens can be contrary to saving democracy and the legitimization of public authorities. There is a risk that the citizens of countries that found themselves in the orbit of the Soviet Union after WWII may associate compulsory voting with their undemocratic past and as another attack on their rights.