The question raised in this dissertation is: how is foreign policy explained by analyzing the use of historical analogies by decision-makers in their public statements? The purpose of this study is to develop an analytical framework that will help one to analyze the role of historical analogies in foreign policy. This dissertation challenges conventional approaches to historical analogies. It claims that conventional approaches unduly restrict the role that historical analogies play in foreign policy because of the way they perceive variety of practices in which historical analogies are used, as well as their premises about history and language analysis. This dissertation argues against the arguments of conventional instrumental, cognitive and integrated approaches and claims that the scope of constitutive approach needs to be extended. An alternative conceptualization of historical analogies is built on premises of rule-oriented constructivism, speech act theory and dialogical analysis method. In order to demonstrate the significance of the alternative approach to historical analogies the model is applied to an illustrative analysis of the Cold War historical analogy used by the U.S. and Russia's officials in 2007–2008. The question whether a chance of a (new) Cold War between the U.S. and Russia was possible at that time is answered by showing what kind of rules policy-makers had constituted by using the Cold War historical analogy.
The question raised in this dissertation is: how is foreign policy explained by analyzing the use of historical analogies by decision-makers in their public statements? The purpose of this study is to develop an analytical framework that will help one to analyze the role of historical analogies in foreign policy. This dissertation challenges conventional approaches to historical analogies. It claims that conventional approaches unduly restrict the role that historical analogies play in foreign policy because of the way they perceive variety of practices in which historical analogies are used, as well as their premises about history and language analysis. This dissertation argues against the arguments of conventional instrumental, cognitive and integrated approaches and claims that the scope of constitutive approach needs to be extended. An alternative conceptualization of historical analogies is built on premises of rule-oriented constructivism, speech act theory and dialogical analysis method. In order to demonstrate the significance of the alternative approach to historical analogies the model is applied to an illustrative analysis of the Cold War historical analogy used by the U.S. and Russia's officials in 2007–2008. The question whether a chance of a (new) Cold War between the U.S. and Russia was possible at that time is answered by showing what kind of rules policy-makers had constituted by using the Cold War historical analogy.
The question raised in this dissertation is: how is foreign policy explained by analyzing the use of historical analogies by decision-makers in their public statements? The purpose of this study is to develop an analytical framework that will help one to analyze the role of historical analogies in foreign policy. This dissertation challenges conventional approaches to historical analogies. It claims that conventional approaches unduly restrict the role that historical analogies play in foreign policy because of the way they perceive variety of practices in which historical analogies are used, as well as their premises about history and language analysis. This dissertation argues against the arguments of conventional instrumental, cognitive and integrated approaches and claims that the scope of constitutive approach needs to be extended. An alternative conceptualization of historical analogies is built on premises of rule-oriented constructivism, speech act theory and dialogical analysis method. In order to demonstrate the significance of the alternative approach to historical analogies the model is applied to an illustrative analysis of the Cold War historical analogy used by the U.S. and Russia's officials in 2007–2008. The question whether a chance of a (new) Cold War between the U.S. and Russia was possible at that time is answered by showing what kind of rules policy-makers had constituted by using the Cold War historical analogy.
The question raised in this dissertation is: how is foreign policy explained by analyzing the use of historical analogies by decision-makers in their public statements? The purpose of this study is to develop an analytical framework that will help one to analyze the role of historical analogies in foreign policy. This dissertation challenges conventional approaches to historical analogies. It claims that conventional approaches unduly restrict the role that historical analogies play in foreign policy because of the way they perceive variety of practices in which historical analogies are used, as well as their premises about history and language analysis. This dissertation argues against the arguments of conventional instrumental, cognitive and integrated approaches and claims that the scope of constitutive approach needs to be extended. An alternative conceptualization of historical analogies is built on premises of rule-oriented constructivism, speech act theory and dialogical analysis method. In order to demonstrate the significance of the alternative approach to historical analogies the model is applied to an illustrative analysis of the Cold War historical analogy used by the U.S. and Russia's officials in 2007–2008. The question whether a chance of a (new) Cold War between the U.S. and Russia was possible at that time is answered by showing what kind of rules policy-makers had constituted by using the Cold War historical analogy.
This master's thesis – "The Construction of USA Roles in National Security Strategies: Period After the Cold War" – questions what kinds of roles do the USA have in the world. The object of this work is the National Security Strategies of the United States of America after the Cold War. The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the roles' construction of the US, which are defined in the National Security Strategies. The main tasks were to analyze the role theory of international relations in the context of the US. Another task – to examine roles of the US in the National Security Strategies published after the Cold War. The main analysis was based on the construction of the roles: which of them repeats through the Strategies and how do they change during the years. The main outcome of this work is the definitions of the main roles of the US in the world. This thesis has three main chapters: at first, it gives structured analysis of role theory, then it explains the connection between role and identity through national interests and then it gives an analysis of National Security Strategies. Foreign policy of a state defines norms, which depends on national identity and the global context – neighboring countries, regions, subregions and global processes. Foreign policy is one of the main practices to construct and reveal the role of a state. The main document to define the US' vision of the state and connections with the world is National Security Strategy. This document highlights foreign policy's guidelines, main interests of a state, liabilities and the capacity of the security of the state. The exceptionalism of the US is what theorists define while talking about power distribution and roles in the world. The political decisions of the US have influence on the state itself and, more importantly, the remaining world. The national interests and actions form the roles of the US. The state links it with its promises and actions. That is why in the NSS you can find more about "outside" world, interactions between states and a vision of a global world. The analysis of the NSS reveals five roles of the US in the world: world leader, an example to the world, world policeman, world rescuer and mediator. They were the most repeated roles of the US. It is clear, that all roles of the US highlight its pursuit of authority and being the center of the world. As role theory states, role is not just how an "ego" sees itself, but also the expectations of the "alter" to an "ego". Being a mediator, the US has not only have the capacity of being one, but also other countries expect her to be one. Without doubt the salient role of the US is the one as a world leader. It is seen from the military capacity and, most of all, from the fact that interests of the US are equated to the interests of the whole world. Keeping this role the US can reach its national interests' implementation while having influence on other sates. As an "example to the world", the US creates more roles to itself. This way the US becomes not only it, but also the one that other countries tend to seek for help or authority. As role theory states, "the other" assigns its expectations to the US, this is how the role forms. This analysis revealed that although the US defines itself as a global leader and world policeman, it acts according to the interests of itself. American citizens can be safe in the world, that is guarded. Furthermore, as a mediator, the US gets even more benefits. This thesis adds to analysis of the US roles a broader view, because it takes a long period of time – almost 40 years. It fills the hole in researchers of the US roles with original names of the roles. The further works could be based on a deeper analysis of roles of the US – how do they apply to the real actions of the state. In other words, does the theory meet the practice.
This master's thesis – "The Construction of USA Roles in National Security Strategies: Period After the Cold War" – questions what kinds of roles do the USA have in the world. The object of this work is the National Security Strategies of the United States of America after the Cold War. The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the roles' construction of the US, which are defined in the National Security Strategies. The main tasks were to analyze the role theory of international relations in the context of the US. Another task – to examine roles of the US in the National Security Strategies published after the Cold War. The main analysis was based on the construction of the roles: which of them repeats through the Strategies and how do they change during the years. The main outcome of this work is the definitions of the main roles of the US in the world. This thesis has three main chapters: at first, it gives structured analysis of role theory, then it explains the connection between role and identity through national interests and then it gives an analysis of National Security Strategies. Foreign policy of a state defines norms, which depends on national identity and the global context – neighboring countries, regions, subregions and global processes. Foreign policy is one of the main practices to construct and reveal the role of a state. The main document to define the US' vision of the state and connections with the world is National Security Strategy. This document highlights foreign policy's guidelines, main interests of a state, liabilities and the capacity of the security of the state. The exceptionalism of the US is what theorists define while talking about power distribution and roles in the world. The political decisions of the US have influence on the state itself and, more importantly, the remaining world. The national interests and actions form the roles of the US. The state links it with its promises and actions. That is why in the NSS you can find more about "outside" world, interactions between states and a vision of a global world. The analysis of the NSS reveals five roles of the US in the world: world leader, an example to the world, world policeman, world rescuer and mediator. They were the most repeated roles of the US. It is clear, that all roles of the US highlight its pursuit of authority and being the center of the world. As role theory states, role is not just how an "ego" sees itself, but also the expectations of the "alter" to an "ego". Being a mediator, the US has not only have the capacity of being one, but also other countries expect her to be one. Without doubt the salient role of the US is the one as a world leader. It is seen from the military capacity and, most of all, from the fact that interests of the US are equated to the interests of the whole world. Keeping this role the US can reach its national interests' implementation while having influence on other sates. As an "example to the world", the US creates more roles to itself. This way the US becomes not only it, but also the one that other countries tend to seek for help or authority. As role theory states, "the other" assigns its expectations to the US, this is how the role forms. This analysis revealed that although the US defines itself as a global leader and world policeman, it acts according to the interests of itself. American citizens can be safe in the world, that is guarded. Furthermore, as a mediator, the US gets even more benefits. This thesis adds to analysis of the US roles a broader view, because it takes a long period of time – almost 40 years. It fills the hole in researchers of the US roles with original names of the roles. The further works could be based on a deeper analysis of roles of the US – how do they apply to the real actions of the state. In other words, does the theory meet the practice.
This master's thesis – "The Construction of USA Roles in National Security Strategies: Period After the Cold War" – questions what kinds of roles do the USA have in the world. The object of this work is the National Security Strategies of the United States of America after the Cold War. The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the roles' construction of the US, which are defined in the National Security Strategies. The main tasks were to analyze the role theory of international relations in the context of the US. Another task – to examine roles of the US in the National Security Strategies published after the Cold War. The main analysis was based on the construction of the roles: which of them repeats through the Strategies and how do they change during the years. The main outcome of this work is the definitions of the main roles of the US in the world. This thesis has three main chapters: at first, it gives structured analysis of role theory, then it explains the connection between role and identity through national interests and then it gives an analysis of National Security Strategies. Foreign policy of a state defines norms, which depends on national identity and the global context – neighboring countries, regions, subregions and global processes. Foreign policy is one of the main practices to construct and reveal the role of a state. The main document to define the US' vision of the state and connections with the world is National Security Strategy. This document highlights foreign policy's guidelines, main interests of a state, liabilities and the capacity of the security of the state. The exceptionalism of the US is what theorists define while talking about power distribution and roles in the world. The political decisions of the US have influence on the state itself and, more importantly, the remaining world. The national interests and actions form the roles of the US. The state links it with its promises and actions. That is why in the NSS you can find more about "outside" world, interactions between states and a vision of a global world. The analysis of the NSS reveals five roles of the US in the world: world leader, an example to the world, world policeman, world rescuer and mediator. They were the most repeated roles of the US. It is clear, that all roles of the US highlight its pursuit of authority and being the center of the world. As role theory states, role is not just how an "ego" sees itself, but also the expectations of the "alter" to an "ego". Being a mediator, the US has not only have the capacity of being one, but also other countries expect her to be one. Without doubt the salient role of the US is the one as a world leader. It is seen from the military capacity and, most of all, from the fact that interests of the US are equated to the interests of the whole world. Keeping this role the US can reach its national interests' implementation while having influence on other sates. As an "example to the world", the US creates more roles to itself. This way the US becomes not only it, but also the one that other countries tend to seek for help or authority. As role theory states, "the other" assigns its expectations to the US, this is how the role forms. This analysis revealed that although the US defines itself as a global leader and world policeman, it acts according to the interests of itself. American citizens can be safe in the world, that is guarded. Furthermore, as a mediator, the US gets even more benefits. This thesis adds to analysis of the US roles a broader view, because it takes a long period of time – almost 40 years. It fills the hole in researchers of the US roles with original names of the roles. The further works could be based on a deeper analysis of roles of the US – how do they apply to the real actions of the state. In other words, does the theory meet the practice.
This master's thesis – "The Construction of USA Roles in National Security Strategies: Period After the Cold War" – questions what kinds of roles do the USA have in the world. The object of this work is the National Security Strategies of the United States of America after the Cold War. The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the roles' construction of the US, which are defined in the National Security Strategies. The main tasks were to analyze the role theory of international relations in the context of the US. Another task – to examine roles of the US in the National Security Strategies published after the Cold War. The main analysis was based on the construction of the roles: which of them repeats through the Strategies and how do they change during the years. The main outcome of this work is the definitions of the main roles of the US in the world. This thesis has three main chapters: at first, it gives structured analysis of role theory, then it explains the connection between role and identity through national interests and then it gives an analysis of National Security Strategies. Foreign policy of a state defines norms, which depends on national identity and the global context – neighboring countries, regions, subregions and global processes. Foreign policy is one of the main practices to construct and reveal the role of a state. The main document to define the US' vision of the state and connections with the world is National Security Strategy. This document highlights foreign policy's guidelines, main interests of a state, liabilities and the capacity of the security of the state. The exceptionalism of the US is what theorists define while talking about power distribution and roles in the world. The political decisions of the US have influence on the state itself and, more importantly, the remaining world. The national interests and actions form the roles of the US. The state links it with its promises and actions. That is why in the NSS you can find more about "outside" world, interactions between states and a vision of a global world. The analysis of the NSS reveals five roles of the US in the world: world leader, an example to the world, world policeman, world rescuer and mediator. They were the most repeated roles of the US. It is clear, that all roles of the US highlight its pursuit of authority and being the center of the world. As role theory states, role is not just how an "ego" sees itself, but also the expectations of the "alter" to an "ego". Being a mediator, the US has not only have the capacity of being one, but also other countries expect her to be one. Without doubt the salient role of the US is the one as a world leader. It is seen from the military capacity and, most of all, from the fact that interests of the US are equated to the interests of the whole world. Keeping this role the US can reach its national interests' implementation while having influence on other sates. As an "example to the world", the US creates more roles to itself. This way the US becomes not only it, but also the one that other countries tend to seek for help or authority. As role theory states, "the other" assigns its expectations to the US, this is how the role forms. This analysis revealed that although the US defines itself as a global leader and world policeman, it acts according to the interests of itself. American citizens can be safe in the world, that is guarded. Furthermore, as a mediator, the US gets even more benefits. This thesis adds to analysis of the US roles a broader view, because it takes a long period of time – almost 40 years. It fills the hole in researchers of the US roles with original names of the roles. The further works could be based on a deeper analysis of roles of the US – how do they apply to the real actions of the state. In other words, does the theory meet the practice.
The question of small states in the academic literature is still treated as marginal, analyzing international relations as a "game of great powers". But the fact, that majority of states in contemporary international arena can be described as small, proves that analysis of behavior of small states is also important. Even though the security of small state is always in challenge, the number of small states in international arena is not decreasing, but even increasing. That means, that the problem of (in)security of small state is not irresolvable. Even though the question of security of small state is essential and tends to determine other aspects of behavior of small state in international arena, this issue was deeply analyzed only in 1950'-1970'. After the end of Cold War, the nature of international system have been modified in several aspects, and this also affected the question of the security of small state. Nevertheless international conjuncture sets several constrictions on the choices of security of small state, the final combination of choices belongs to the competence of the small state itself. This combination of choices is considered to be the model of security – the complex of long-term political choices in the sphere of foreign and security politics, being fixed in the strategic documents (Concept of national security, Strategy of national security, Strategy of foreign policy, Military strategy) and constantly appearing in political practice. If permanent political practice does not coincides with the principles, fixed in strategic documents, and then the principles, which are evident in political practice, are taken as a background of the model of security. The "model of security" is the original term, introduced in this paper. In literature the term "security policy" is used, but "security policy" emphasizes the partners of foreign policy, at the same time "the model of security" focuses attention on the type of relation between the state and its partners of foreign and security policy. In the period of Cold War small states, located in the intersection of interests of two superpowers, had only two opportunities: to joint one of them (to go to alliance) or not to join (to remain neutral). After the collapse of bipolar international system, one more model of security – complementarism - became possible. The main idea of complementarism can be described as the ability of small state to guarantee it's national security, relying not on one, but several "suppliers" of security. The main question of analysis was why small states, located in similar external conditions, tend to choose different models of security to maintain national security. The region of South Caucasus was chosen as an empirical case of analysis. Nevertheless states of South Caucasus are in maximum similar conditions, they choose different models of security to maintain national security: Georgia – alliance, Armenia – complementarism, Azerbaijan – neutrality. The results of analysis showed, that, in the case studied, two factors influence choice of the models of security: different type of threat to territorial integrity and different strategic resources of the country. The first factor determines the level of flexibility of the model of security – the more intensive the threat to territorial integrity is, the less flexible the model of security will be. The second factor influences the direction of the main vector (or vectors) in the model of security. It is worth to mention, that the results of analysis showed, that internal factors play a huge role in determining the model of security of the state. "Classical" theoretical insights stated that only external factors are those who determine choice of model of security of small state. As the analysis of case of the states of South Caucasus proved, the ignorance of the role of internal factors was one of the main missing points in the studies of security of small states.
The question of small states in the academic literature is still treated as marginal, analyzing international relations as a "game of great powers". But the fact, that majority of states in contemporary international arena can be described as small, proves that analysis of behavior of small states is also important. Even though the security of small state is always in challenge, the number of small states in international arena is not decreasing, but even increasing. That means, that the problem of (in)security of small state is not irresolvable. Even though the question of security of small state is essential and tends to determine other aspects of behavior of small state in international arena, this issue was deeply analyzed only in 1950'-1970'. After the end of Cold War, the nature of international system have been modified in several aspects, and this also affected the question of the security of small state. Nevertheless international conjuncture sets several constrictions on the choices of security of small state, the final combination of choices belongs to the competence of the small state itself. This combination of choices is considered to be the model of security – the complex of long-term political choices in the sphere of foreign and security politics, being fixed in the strategic documents (Concept of national security, Strategy of national security, Strategy of foreign policy, Military strategy) and constantly appearing in political practice. If permanent political practice does not coincides with the principles, fixed in strategic documents, and then the principles, which are evident in political practice, are taken as a background of the model of security. The "model of security" is the original term, introduced in this paper. In literature the term "security policy" is used, but "security policy" emphasizes the partners of foreign policy, at the same time "the model of security" focuses attention on the type of relation between the state and its partners of foreign and security policy. In the period of Cold War small states, located in the intersection of interests of two superpowers, had only two opportunities: to joint one of them (to go to alliance) or not to join (to remain neutral). After the collapse of bipolar international system, one more model of security – complementarism - became possible. The main idea of complementarism can be described as the ability of small state to guarantee it's national security, relying not on one, but several "suppliers" of security. The main question of analysis was why small states, located in similar external conditions, tend to choose different models of security to maintain national security. The region of South Caucasus was chosen as an empirical case of analysis. Nevertheless states of South Caucasus are in maximum similar conditions, they choose different models of security to maintain national security: Georgia – alliance, Armenia – complementarism, Azerbaijan – neutrality. The results of analysis showed, that, in the case studied, two factors influence choice of the models of security: different type of threat to territorial integrity and different strategic resources of the country. The first factor determines the level of flexibility of the model of security – the more intensive the threat to territorial integrity is, the less flexible the model of security will be. The second factor influences the direction of the main vector (or vectors) in the model of security. It is worth to mention, that the results of analysis showed, that internal factors play a huge role in determining the model of security of the state. "Classical" theoretical insights stated that only external factors are those who determine choice of model of security of small state. As the analysis of case of the states of South Caucasus proved, the ignorance of the role of internal factors was one of the main missing points in the studies of security of small states.
Maize (Zea mays L.), one of the three most cultivate crops in the world, is an important source of food, feed, fuel and fibre (Tenaillon and Charcosset 2011). In the European Union (EU-28), grain maize production accounts for 20.8% of the total cereal production (FAOSTAT 2016), and until 2026, a further expansion of the maize cultivation area of around 8% is expected.In the Nordic-Baltic countries, successful maize forage production is possible at a latitude of at least 58°N; however, currently, only a minor proportion of maize is harvested as grain in Denmark, Lithuania and Sweden (Swensson 2014). Despite the rapid maize expansion in northern Europe, the short growing seasons, the occurrence of late/early frosts, the rain quantity, which usually does not match with the highest water demand during the growing period, and the incidence of drought are considered to be the primary factors still limiting maize expansion in northern regions (Olesen et al. 2011).
Maize (Zea mays L.), one of the three most cultivate crops in the world, is an important source of food, feed, fuel and fibre (Tenaillon and Charcosset 2011). In the European Union (EU-28), grain maize production accounts for 20.8% of the total cereal production (FAOSTAT 2016), and until 2026, a further expansion of the maize cultivation area of around 8% is expected.In the Nordic-Baltic countries, successful maize forage production is possible at a latitude of at least 58°N; however, currently, only a minor proportion of maize is harvested as grain in Denmark, Lithuania and Sweden (Swensson 2014). Despite the rapid maize expansion in northern Europe, the short growing seasons, the occurrence of late/early frosts, the rain quantity, which usually does not match with the highest water demand during the growing period, and the incidence of drought are considered to be the primary factors still limiting maize expansion in northern regions (Olesen et al. 2011).
Master's thesis analyzes the traditional political ideologies formation of evolution and it's distribution of the Left and the Right of the spectrum. Also discusses the ideological situation in Lithuania and causes of its. Much attention is paid to the distribution of political Left and the Right in Lithuania had determined Lithuanian Reform Movement (TS - LK) and the Lithuanian Communist Party (LLDP later LSDP) which were the main basis of Lithuanian Party System formation. In the thesis there is presented the changes of ideological values of these parties, which took place on statehood recovery times to the present. Also analyzes the formation of Party system in Lithuania.
Master's thesis analyzes the traditional political ideologies formation of evolution and it's distribution of the Left and the Right of the spectrum. Also discusses the ideological situation in Lithuania and causes of its. Much attention is paid to the distribution of political Left and the Right in Lithuania had determined Lithuanian Reform Movement (TS - LK) and the Lithuanian Communist Party (LLDP later LSDP) which were the main basis of Lithuanian Party System formation. In the thesis there is presented the changes of ideological values of these parties, which took place on statehood recovery times to the present. Also analyzes the formation of Party system in Lithuania.
