Suchergebnisse

U ovom se radu govori o međunarodnopravnom subjektivitetu Bosne i Hercegovine, u pravom smislu riječi. Priznanje državnosti od Ujedinjenih naroda sada već davne 1992. godine, članstvo u velikom broju međunarodnih organizacija, bezbroj programa jačanja institucionalnih kapaciteta, izdašna materijalna i nematerijalna međunarodna pomoć u svim segmentima društva, kao i svi pozitivni društveno-političko-ekonomski procesi implementirani od Daytona do danas nisu rezultirali odgovarajućim pozicioniranjem Bosne i Hercegovine u međunarodnim odnosima, u prvom redu među zemljama jugoistočne Europe. Budući da je taj subjektivitet izuzetno ograničen ili dugoročno neproduktivan, kada se radi o odnosima u regiji, uloga na ''većoj'' međunarodnoj sceni je zanemariva i time se nećemo baviti. Takva pozicija dolazi kao posljedica izuzetno složene unutarnje strukture Bosne i Hercegovine i odnosa između bosanskohercegovačkih političkih subjekata. Geopolitika je prema riječima ''oca geopolitike'' Rudolfa Kjellena praktičan i realističan pristup međunarodnoj politici gdje se poseban naglasak stavlja na ulogu koju za državu imaju teritorij i resursi. Ako ulogu koju neka država može imati u međunarodnoj politici determiniraju njezini resursi, kako to tumači Kjellen, onda Bosna i Hercegovina ima odlične predispozicije da postane važan ''igrač'' prije svega na prostoru jugoistočne Europe, ali i šire. Stvarnost je ipak malo drugačija. ; This paper deals with the international legal subjectivity of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the true sense of the word. Recognition of statehood by the United Nations back in 1992, membership in a large number of international organizations, countless programs of institutional capacity building, generous material and immaterial international assistance in all segments of society, as well as all positive socio-political-economic processes implemented from Dayton until today did not result in an appropriate positioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina when it comes to international relations primarily among Southeast European countries. Since this subjectivity is exceptionally limited or long-term unproductive when it comes to relations in the region, the role on the "bigger" international scene is negligible and we will not deal with it. This position comes as a result of the extremely complex internal structure and the relations between political parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to Rudolf Kjellen's "father of geopolitics", Geopolitics is a practical and realistic approach to international politics, where special emphasis is placed on the role of territory and resources for each state. If the position of state in international relations is determined by its resources as Kjellen explains, then Bosnia and Herzegovina has a great predisposition to become an important player, especially in the region of Southeast Europe and beyond. Reality is, however, a bit different.

U radu se razmatraju implikacije braniteljskih naknada na socijalnu politiku i fiskalnu održivost u jednom od dva entiteta Bosne i Hercegovine, Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine. Autor nastoji obuhvatiti promjene tijekom vremena i povezati ih s procesom demilitarizacije, kao i s utjecajem i pritiskom braniteljskih udruga, što je rezultiralo mjerama koje pogoduju određenim grupama branitelja, često nauštrb drugih korisnika i dugoročne održivosti sustava. Socijalna politika i zakonodavstvo koje regulira status branitelja u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine temelji se na statusu, što vladinim dužnosnicima daje prostor za značajne diskrecijske odluke o dodjeli sredstava. Time se destabiliziraju javne financije, dok se malo toga poduzima u borni protiv siromaštva. ; The paper addresses the implications of war veteran benefits on social policy and fiscal sustainability in one of the two B&H entities, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The author attempts to address changes over time and relate these to the process of demilitarisation, as well as the influence and pressures exerted by war veteran associations, which resulted in policies favourable to certain war veteran groups, often at the expense of other beneficiaries and the system's long term sustainability. Social policy and war veteran legislation in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina is status based, which provides scope for considerable discretion by government officials in deciding where to allocate funds. This, in turn, is destabilising public finances, while little is being done to address poverty alleviation.

U članku se daje kratak pregled lokalne samouprave u Bosni i Hercegovini, odnosno u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine, Republici Srpskoj i Distriktu Brčko Bosne i Hercegovine. Akcent je stavljen na ustavnopravni položaj lokalne samouprave u BiH, organizaciju i nadležnost jedinica lokalne samouprave te na pravne instrumente zaštite prava na lokalnu samoupravu. Autor ukazuje na specifičnosti sistema lokalne samouprave u BiH te na ulogu i značaj koji lokalna samouprava u BiH, kao razina vlasti koja je najbliža građanima, treba da ima u kreiranju poželjnog životnog ambijenta. S tim u vezi, autor ističe koherentnost interesa na lokalnoj razini, čije ostvarenje je u nadležnosti jedinica lokalne samouprave, kao prednost i adekvatan mogući odgovor na disparatnost interesa na državnoj razini vlasti u BiH. Pored toga, autor ukazuje na određene preduvjete za postizanje istinske lokalne samouprave. ; The article gives a short review of local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina, specifically in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbian Republic and the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The emphasis was on constitutional position of local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina, organization and jurisdiction of local governments and the legal instruments for the protection of rights on local self-government. The author deals with specific attributes of local self-government system in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the role and the importance of the local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina in creating a desirable living environment, as the level of government that is the closest to the citizens. Coherence of interests at local level, whose realization is under the jurisdiction of local self-governments units is pointed out as an advantage and a possible adequate response to the disparity of interests at the state level of government in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In conclusion, the author specifies certain preconditions to achievement of genuine local self-government.

The article gives a short review of local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina, specifically in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbian Republic and the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The emphasis was on constitutional position of local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina, organization and jurisdiction of local governments and the legal instruments for the protection of rights on local self-government. The author deals with specific attributes of local self-government system in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the role and the importance of the local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina in creating a desirable living environment, as the level of government that is the closest to the citizens. Coherence of interests at local level, whose realization is under the jurisdiction of local self-governments units is pointed out as an advantage and a possible adequate response to the disparity of interests at the state level of government in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In conclusion, the author specifies certain preconditions to achievement of genuine local self-government. ; U članku se daje kratak pregled lokalne samouprave u Bosni i Hercegovini, odnosno u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine, Republici Srpskoj i Distriktu Brčko Bosne i Hercegovine. Akcent je stavljen na ustavnopravni položaj lokalne samouprave u BiH, organizaciju i nadležnost jedinica lokalne samouprave te na pravne instrumente zaštite prava na lokalnu samoupravu. Autor ukazuje na specifičnosti sistema lokalne samouprave u BiH te na ulogu i značaj kojeg lokalna samouprava u BiH, kao razina vlasti koja je najbliža građanima, treba da ima u kreiranju poželjnog životnog ambijenta. S tim u vezi, autor ističe koherentnost interesa na lokalnoj razini, čije ostvarenje je u nadležnosti jedinica lokalne samouprave, kao prednost i adekvatan mogući odgovor na disparatnost interesa na državnoj razini vlasti u BiH. Pored toga, autor ukazuje na određene preduvjete za postizanje istinske lokalne samouprave.

Sustav mirovinskoga osiguranja u Bosni i Hercegovini, s dva podsustava organizirana na entitetskoj razini, funkcionira u nepovoljnome makroekonomskom kontekstu, što se reflektira u malome broju osiguranika te velikoj stopi rasta novih umirovljenika, čemu pridonosi i niska efektivna starosna dob umirovljenja. Posljedica je svega toga iznimno niska primanja redovnih umirovljenika. Bosna i Hercegovina jedina je država u regiji i jedna od rijetkih tranzicijskih država koje nisu provele reformu i diversifikaciju svoga mirovinskog sustava. U posljednje vrijeme pitanje reforme mirovinskoga sustava aktualizira se kako problem financiranja sadašnje razine mirovinskih prava u Bosni i Hercegovini postaje sve akutniji i očitiji pa političari traže moguća rješenja. Vlada Federacije BiH do sada je usvojila dva nacrta Strategije reforme mirovinskoga sustava, dok je prijedlog Strategije reforme mirovinskoga sustava Republike Srpske usvojen u svibnju ove godine. Oba teksta strategije predviđaju pogoršanje položaja umirovljenika u budućnosti te stoga predlažu uvođenje različitih oblika privatno upravljanoga mirovinskog osiguranja kapitalizirane štednje. Ovaj rad analizira izvodivost i perspektive predloženih mirovinskih reformâ u bosanskohercegovačkome kontekstu. ; Pension system in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with two sub-systems organised on entity level, operates in unfavorable macroeconomic conditions, which is being reflected through low number of contributors and high rate of incoming pensioners, to which contributes low effective pensionable age. This is reflected in very law pension benefits of regular pensioners. Bosnia and Herzegovina is the only country in the region and a rare transitional country that has not reformed and diversified its pension system. The question of pension system reform has emerged recently as the problem of financing of current level of pension benefits becomes more obvious and acute, and policy creators are looking for possible solutions. Federation B&H Government so far adopted two documents of Strategy of Pension System Reform in Federation B&H, while institutions of Republika Srpska have adopted Strategy of Pension System Reform in Republika Srpska in May this year. Both entity Strategy documents envisage aggravations of current pension system problems in the future and propose introduction of different models of privately managed funded pension schemes. The aim of this article is to analyse feasibility and perspectives of proposed pension system reforms in the context of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Predmet ovog priloga je kraća empirijska analiza nekih sociološko-politikoloških značajki izbora u Bosni i Hercegovini, provedenih u novembru 1990. godine. U njegovom središtu je tzv. izborna geografija i posebno uvid u rezultate provedenih izbora, pomoću analize individualnih podataka. ; The paper gives a short empirical analysis of several sociological and political features of the Bosnia and Herzegovina elections held in November 1990. The main topic is the so-called »elections geography«, especially the interpretation of the results of the past elections, by means of the individual particularity analysis. Considering the elections to have been general, equal for all, direct and secret, we may say with certainty that these elections were the first free pluralistic elections in Bosnia and Hercegovina. Also, if we add that they were held in peace, similarly to those held in countries with a long parliamentary tradition, we may well conclude that they represent a historical step toward democracy. What makes them even more significant are the circumstances in which they were held The elections consisted of three levels. Organized at the same time were the presidential, parliamentary and local (community) elections by using a very complicated procedure — the mixed election model (a combination of the proportional model and the absolute and relative majority model). More than 2 300 000 voters had the opportunity to choose among a few thousand candidates supported by 15 political parties. They (voters) have chosen seven members of the Presidency, 240 members of Parliament in the two parliamentary houses and about 5000 representatives in 110 community parliaments. The winners were the three national parties (Party of Democratic Action, Serbian Democratic Party, Croatian Democratic Union). They won 84% of the representative mandates of Parliament. Even so, the question arises whether these elections were really democratic ones? The reason for this question lies in the apparent domination of »election irrationality« and in numerous deviations from long ago fixed election »rules« in the field of election sociology. Minor or almost no influence of programs and candidates on the political determination of voters is the best example for that The national and religious factors had absolute priority. Whether this will have decisive influence on the possible instability of the new government remains to be seen.

Poslije kratka presjeka važnijih događaja vezanih uz povijest Franjevačke provincije Bosne Srebrene autor analizira važnije odredbe franjevačkoga zakonodavstva s obzirom na školstvo koje su omogućile njegov snažan razvoj u razdoblju poslije Tridentskoga koncila i koje su bitno utjecale ne organizaciju i rad franjevačkih obrazovnih ustanova na ovim prostorima. Poseban je naglasak na odredbama što su se odnosile na studij filozofije čija je svrha bila pripremiti studente za što kvalitetniji studij bogoslovije. S tim je ciljem na generalnom kapitulu franjevačkoga reda održanome u Rimu 1694. godine propisano da se filozofija predaje najmanje tri godine i da se u njezinu okviru studiraju summulae (logica minor), logika (logica maior), fizika, metafizika, animistika (znanost o duši), učenje o nastanku i propadanju tvari te kozmologija. Nastavni je sadržaj bio vezan uz učenje Ivana Duns Škota i Bonaventure. Metoda je bila strogo skolastička. Međutim, daljnje su reforme išle za približavanjem državnih i crkvenih sveučilišnih programa. Iz odredaba vezanih za studij filozofije u Bosni Srebrenoj vidljivo je da su provincijske uprave nastojale što dosljednije provoditi propise što ih je donosio general reda i, koliko je to bilo moguće, držati korak s trendovima na zapadnim učilištima. Kada to okolnosti nisu dopuštale, svoje su gojence slali na studij u inozemstvo. ; After a short review of more important events related to the history of the Franciscan province Silver Bosnia the author analyzes more significant regulations of the Franciscan legislature with regard to education which enabled its strong development in the period after the Trident Council and which had a strong influence on the organization and work of the Franciscan educational institutions in these areas. The special emphasis is on the regulations which referred to the study of philosophy, the purpose of which was to prepare students for the quality study of theology. With that goal the general Franciscan body of canons held in Rome in 1694 stipulated that philosophy must be taught at least three years and that in its framework summulae (logica minor), logics (logica maior), physics, metaphysics, science about soul, study about the emergence and decadence of a matter and cosmology must be learned. The teaching content was connected with the study of Ivan Duns Scotsman and Bonaventure. The method was strictly scholastic. However, further reforms went in direction of drawing closer the state and church university curricula. From the regulations related to the study of philosophy in Silver Bosnia it is visible that the provincial authorities were trying to implement the regulations made by the general of order and, as much as possible, keep pace with trends in the western educational institutions. When the circumstances did not allow that, they sent their students to study abroad.

NATO's enlargement in the Western Balkans (WB) has been the focus of a number of debates for almost two decades. Opinions and positions regarding this question range from serious doubts, criticisms and opportunistic press releases to enthusiastic support for membership. This paper assesses Bosnian reforms and policy changes, as well as the country's efforts to join NATO. Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) has made significant steps in moving towards NATO's military and political standards, but not sufficiently. Although BiH is viewed by some observers as a country approaching the point of joining the Membership Action Plan (MAP), this prospect remains uncertain. The findings of this research suggest that BiH is different from other WB countries and that it is not suitable for understanding the NATO integration challenges in the WB. In order to understand Bosnian 'specifics', it is necessary not only to view the challenges through the prism of technical and other domestic issues in BiH. A wider approach must be adopted. Through understanding the Bosnian specifics, the dilemmas related to the NATO membership of BiH become more obvious and clear. Bosnian specifics illustrate why BiH is not able to take significant steps towards long-term stabilization and NATO membership. ; NATO's enlargement in the Western Balkans (WB) has been the focus of a number of debates for almost two decades. Opinions and positions regarding this question range from serious doubts, criticisms and opportunistic press releases to enthusiastic support for membership. This paper assesses Bosnian reforms and policy changes, as well as the country's efforts to join NATO. Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) has made significant steps in moving towards NATO's military and political standards, but not sufficiently. Although BiH is viewed by some observers as a country approaching the point of joining the Membership Action Plan (MAP), this prospect remains uncertain. The findings of this research suggest that BiH is different from other WB countries and that it is not suitable for understanding the NATO integration challenges in the WB. In order to understand Bosnian 'specifics', it is necessary not only to view the challenges through the prism of technical and other domestic issues in BiH. A wider approach must be adopted. Through understanding the Bosnian specifics, the dilemmas related to the NATO membership of BiH become more obvious and clear. Bosnian specifics illustrate why BiH is not able to take significant steps towards long-term stabilization and NATO membership.

U radu su analizirani zakonski i normativno-pravni akti o sudjelovanju građana u procesu donošenja odluka u jedinicama lokalne samouprave. Sudjelovanje građana u procesu odlučivanja jeste građansko pravo koje građani konzumiraju na svim razinama vlasti, kako na lokalnim tako i na višim razinama vlasti, što čini temelj razvoja demokratskog društva. S obzirom na složenost ustroja i funkcioniranja Bosne i Hercegovine, postoji velik broj normativno-pravnih akata koji reguliraju navedeno područje. Može se očekivati da će ova tema biti zanimljiva ne samo znanstvenicima čije je polje zanimanja javna uprava nego i široj javnosti iz razloga što građani većinu svojih interesa, potreba i očekivanja (prema provedenim istraživanjima preko 70%) upravo ostvaruju na lokalnoj razini. ; Citizens' participation in decision-making process is a civil right that citizens consume at all government levels, either directly or indirectly. Citizens' participation is regulated by the Constitutions (at the state, entity, and cantonal levels), as well as by the laws on local self-government and by the statute, which is the basic normative legal act of local self-government units. Although legal regulation of citizens' participation has been harmonised with the European Charter of Local Self-Government, an analysis of legislation concerning citizens' participation has shown numerous differences, deficiencies, and unfinished solutions in the regulations at the municipal and sub-municipal levels, as well as at the entity and cantonal levels of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, primarily due to the complex organisation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. What is necessary is to adopt the Law of Referendum at the entity (and state) level, and to amend and harmonise other regulations related to citizens' participation – entity and cantonal Constitutions, the Law on Local Self-Government at the entity and cantonal levels, and municipal and sub-municipal statutes. It is also necessary to adopt the Regulation of the Rules of Citizens' participation at the Local Level. Local self-government units must develop and adopt their partnership strategies for cooperation with local citizens.

Od financiranja lokalne samouprave zavisi provođenje njenih nadležnosti. Bez adekvatnog financiranja ne možemo očekivati kvalitetnu lokalnu samoupravu za građane kao krajnje korisnike usluga. Financiranje lokalne samouprave predstavlja važan princip koji je zajamčen i Europskom poveljom o lokalnoj samoupravi. Bez značajnije financijske i materijalne autonomije, cjelokupan koncept i funkcioniranje lokalne samouprave gube na značaju. Cilj ovog članka jest predstavljanje osnovnih pitanja o financiranju lokalne samouprave u Bosni i Hercegovini, odnosno njenim entitetima Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine i Republici Srpskoj. Analiza predstavlja međunarodnopravne odredbe o financiranju lokalne samouprave sadržane u Europskoj povelji o lokalnoj samoupravi i pravne odredbe iz nacionalnog zakonodavstva Bosne i Hercegovine i njezinih entiteta. ; The financing of local self-government influences the capacities of local units to perform their tasks. One cannot expect to receive high quality local services unless local units have sufficient financial means and are able to provide a wide range of services. The principle of local self-government financing is a basic principle guaranteed by the European Charter of Local Self-Government. The whole concept of local self-government and its functioning lose on their importance if there is not sufficient financial autonomy. The paper aims at presenting the basic issues of local self-government financing in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republic of Srpska. Some of the main international legal norms related to the financing of local self-government from the European Charter and national legal regulation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its entities are analysed in the paper. The analysis has shown that the funds allocated to Bosnian local self-government are far from sufficient. Furthermore, there is a significant difference in local self-government funding between the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which spends 8.42 per cent of its budget on local finances, and the Republic of Srpska, which spends 24 per cent.

Članak je usredotočen na djelovanje međunarodnih organizacija u postkonfliktnim i nestabilnim državama s posebnim prikazom njihove uloge u BiH. Od sredine 1990-ih međunarodne organizacije – kao što su UN, NATO, EU i OESS – angažirane su u BiH u procesu izgradnje države i transformiranja podijeljenoga društva u gospodarski i politički održivu državu. Iako su, uz podršku svih istaknutijih europskih država i SAD-a, međunarodne organizacije postale važan činitelj u slaboj i nefunkcionalnoj državi, njihovo uplitanje nije proizvelo očekivane rezultate. ; The paper is focused on activities of international organizations in postconflict and unstable countries with a special overview of their role in BiH. Since 1990 international organizations – such as UN, NATO, EU and OESS – have been engaged in BiH in the process of building the country and transforming a divided society into economically and politically sustainable country. Although international organizations became an important factor in the weak and non-functional country with the support of all eminent European countries and the USA, their interference has not produced expected results.

Glavni je problem priopćenja vanjska politika Republike Hrvatske (RH) u vezi s Ustavom BiH jer nedovoljno pridonosi rješavanju društvenih, političkih, ekonomskih, kulturnih itd. slabosti Bosne i Hercegovine (BiH) koje mogu i trebaju biti rješavane unutar prava. Ta je politika nedovoljno uspješna jer nije državna, nego strančarska. Matica politike je narodnjačka, tj. etnička. Alternativa zanemaruje činjenicu da je RH, kao stranka Daytonskoga mirovnog sporazuma, čiji je dio Ustav BiH, internacionalnim pravom ovlaštena zahtijevati od drugih stranaka, uključujući BiH, da poštuju i primijene Sporazum. Sporedni je problem priopćenja nedostatna znanstvena spoznaja glavnog problema. Posljedica je pomanjkanja interesa pravnih znanstvenika u RH i previda pravnih slabosti politike. Temeljna je svrha priopćenja priprema istraživačkog projekta unutar integralne pravne znanosti dopunjene izvornom pravnom dogmatikom i prilagođenom pravnopolitičkom analizom. Hipoteze, koje su dijelom ispitane, pripisuju politiku uvjetima te predviđaju razvoj problema ako se politika ne promijeni i ako se prromijeni u skladu s prijedlogom izloženim u priopćenju. ; The paper deals with the main problem of the Republic of Croatia's foreign policy on the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which fails to alleviate the social (political, economic, cultural, etc.) inadequacies of Bosnia and Herzegovina that can and ought to be solved within the limits of the law. It is of meagre success because it is a policy of political parties rather than of a nation-state. The mainstream policy is ethnicist. Its alternative ignores the fact that the Republic of Croatia, as a party to the Dayton Peace Agreement, whose part is the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, is by international law entitled to demand other parties, including Bosnia and Herzegovina, to observe and change the Agreement. The subordinate problem is a paucity of knowledge provided by legal scholars in the Republic of Croatia about the main problem. The knowledge deficit is a consequence of the lack of interest in the policy and oversight of its legal ramifications. The principal goal of the paper is the preparation of a research-project within integral legal scholarship supplemented by original legal dogmatics and adjusted policy analysis. The principal hypotheses are that the past policy can be ascribed to Croatian institutions (legalistic order, ethnic state, parochial studies) and their environment (dependence on foreign powers, pre-political and pre-legal conditions of the Croatian population); and that the same policy, even in a stable environment, should be expected to facilitate threats to the very existence of Bosnia and Hercegovina and Bosnian Croats, thus greatly endangering the Republic of Croatia. On the assumption that the environment, as well as the institutions and doctrines improve, the paper proposes a state policy as an alternative to past partisanship, with a view of re-instituting Bosnia and Hercegovina as a functional nation-state, establishing local and cultural autonomy, and retaining the constitution-making power of each major ethnic community in Bosnia and Hercegovina. The expected consequences are the strengthening of Bosnia and Hercegovina, Bosnian Croats, and the Republic of Croatia, in line with the values and principles of the inquiry.

Razvoj društveno odgovornih politika i praksi promatra se ne samo preko prizme konkurentske prednosti, nego kao ključan čimbenik za održivu budućnost tvrtke, ali i društva u cjelini. Promocijom društveno odgovornoga poslovanja tvrtke šalju poruke različitim skupinama kao što su ulagači, potrošači, zaposlenici te tako ulažu u svoju budućnost. Niz dokumenata i deklaracija kao što su UN Global Compact i Strategija održivog razvoja naglašavaju važnost društveno odgovornoga ponašanja. Potrošači su sve svjesniji značenja takva ponašanja tvrtki te, u skladu s tim, imaju i očekivanja odgovornoga ponašanja. Činjenica je da globalno zatopljenje te sve veće iskorištavanje prirodnih resursa potiču primjenu društveno odgovornoga poslovanja (DOP-a), kako na državnim razinama i institucijama pisanjem raznih naputaka, globalnih ciljeva, tako i na korporativnim razinama uključivanjem u strategije kompanija. Održivi razvoj smatra se ključem opstanka društva. U Bosni i Hercegovini društveno odgovorno ponašanje nejasno je i složeno definirano, zarobljeno u raljama složeno ustavno-pravnoga poretka države, fragmentiranosti BiH tržišta, nedovoljne razvijenosti zemlje, složenosti donošenja bilo kakvih odluka te filantropijskoga razmišljanja unutar kompanija. Proces približavanja Bosne i Hercegovine Europskoj uniji odvija se sporo. Godišnji izvještaji, smjernice i politike stalno ukazuju na potrebe bržega razvoja socioekonomskoga okruženja. Cilj je ovoga rada prikazati ekonomske i pravne pretpostavke za razvoj društveno odgovornoga poslovanja u Bosni i Hercegovini. Za cjelovitiju sliku primjene DOP-a u praksi, bit će obrađeni primjeri tvrtki. ; The development of socially responsible politics and praxis is viewed not only through the prism of competitive advantage, but as a key factor for sustainable future of a company, as well as for the society as a whole. By promoting corporate social responsibility, the companies send messages to different groups, such as investors, consumers, employees and in that way they invest in their future. A series of documents and declarations such as UN Global Impact and Strategy of Sustainable Development emphasize the importance of corporate social responsibility. Consumers are becoming more aware of such behaviour of a company, and following that they have the expectations of responsible behaviour. It is evident that global heating and increased exploit of natural resources initiate a change of the corporate social responsibility (CSR) on both the state and institutional levels through adoption of different instructions and global goals, and on corporate levels through inclusion in the companies' strategies. Sustainable development is considered the key to the survival of society. Corporate social behaviour in Bosnia and Herzegovina is unclear and defined in a complex way, trapped in the composite constitutional-legal system of the country, influenced by fragmentation of B&H market, insufficient development of the country, the complexity of adoption of any kind of decisions and philanthropic thinking within companies. The process of accession of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the EU runs slowly. Annual reports, instructions and politics are constantly indicating the need for quicker development of socio-economic environment. The goal of this work is to present economic and legal assumptions for the development of corporate social responsibility in Bosnia and Herzegovina. For the complete picture of the application of CSR in practice, the examples of companies will be elaborated.

The paper is analysing the influence of international institutions on social policy creation in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the beginning of the economic crisis in 2008. The first section gives an overview of the relevant literature, followed by a presentation of socio – economic factors that led to international credit agreement, reform agenda and actual implementation of social protection reforms. Through the analysis of proclaimed social protection objectives and their implementation by local institutions in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, an assessment of the achieved results is done in the light of realised savings and better targeting of social transfers. The paper sheds some light on inconsistent policy of both international institutions and government actors in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Hence, despite the proclaimed reform objectives, the system of social protection based on status rights which is fiscally unsustainable, and poorly targeted towards the poor still remains largely unchanged. ; Rad se bavi analizom utjecaja međunarodnih institucija na socijalnu politiku u Bosni i Hercegovini od početka ekonomske krize 2008. godine. U prvom se dijelu rada daje pregled relevantne literature, zatim se prezentiraju socio-ekonomski čimbenici koji su doveli do sklapanja međunarodnog kreditnog aranžmana, reformski ciljevi i način implementacije reformi sustava socijalne zaštite. Kroz analizu proklamiranih ciljeva reforme socijalne zaštite te njihovu implementaciju od strane lokalnih institucija u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine analiziraju se stvarni učinci s aspekta ostvarenih ušteda i bolje ciljanosti socijalnih transfera. Rad ukazuje na nedosljednost politike kako međunarodnih institucija u Bosni i Hercegovini tako i vladinih aktera. Unatoč proklamiranim ciljevima reforme, sustav socijalne zaštite temeljen na statusnim pravima fiskalno je neodrživ te loše ciljan prema siromašnima, ali i dalje ostaje nepromijenjen.