Suchergebnisse

Marxismin mukaan kapitalistisen yhteiskunnan jäsenet jakaantuvat kolmeen luokkaan: porvaristoon, keskiluokkaan ja työväenluokkaan. Jotkut marxismin tukijat jakavat keskiluokan talonpojistoon ja muuhun keskiluokkaan. Talonpojisto on vähenevä luokka. Koska marxismin luokkateorian mukaan poliittiset puolueet vaalivat yhteiskuntaluokien intressejä, tutkin pitääkö tämä väite paikkansa. Ensin selvitin marxilaisen teorian luokista ja niiden intresseistä eli eduista, joiden puolustamiseski luokat järjestäytyvät poliittisiksi puolueiksi. Ne laativat itselleen yhteiskuntapoliittiset ohjelmansa, joita ne pyrkivät politiikansa avulla toteuttamaan. Tutkimusaineistona käytän Suomen eduskunnassa tutkimusvuosina edustettina olelleiden puolueiden tavoite- ja yleisohjelmia, joista selvitän sisällön analyysiä käyttäen niiden sisällön ja julkilausutut tavoitteet. Erityisesti pyrin selvittämään orientoituvatko puolueet ohjelmissaan tiettyjen luokkien etujen puolustajiksi vai missä määrin ne esiintyvät yhteiskunnan yleisten etujen vaalijoina. Tutkimus tapahtuu toisaalta puolueiden eduskuntoimintaa selvittämällä. Tällöin pyrin saamaan selville sen toimivatko puolueet periaate- ja tavoiteohjelmiensa mukaisesti laatiessaan lakialoitteita eduskunnassa. Kolmantena tutkimuskohteena on hallituksen esitysten sisällön eritteleminen intressiorientaation pojalta. Kysymys kuuluu palvelevatko hallituksen esitykset yleistä vai luokkien erityisetuja. Tutkimuksessa selvisi, että puolueet niin ohjelmalausumissaan kuin eduskuntatoiminnassaan vaalivat sekä yleistä etu, josta käytän nimitystä luokkien yhteisetu, että luokkien erityisetuja. Eniten puolueet vaalivat yhteisetua. Erityiseduista puolueet vaalivat kukin tiettyä luokkaetua enemmän kuin toista. Tämän perusteella puolueet jakaantuvat ensijaisesti porvariston, keskiluokan ja työväenluokanetuja vaaliviksi. Hallituksen esityksissä luokkaorientaatio on heikompaa kuin kansanedustajien lakialoitteissa. Tutkimustuloksistani selviää myös se, että vaikka puolueet ovat viime vuosikymmeninä ottaneet vaaliakseen aikaisempaa enemmän kaikkien luokkien intressejä ja niiden yleispuolueominaisuudet ovat lisääntyneet, tietty luokkaorientaatio on säilynyt. ; Classes continually alter and influence party strategies and also the behaviour of voters. The members of classes form economic, professional and political organisations. Every class aims to exert the greatest influence upon the state with the help of its political party. This study researches the class basis of political competition, the effect of class interests on the policies of nine Finnish parties in their political programmes and initiative work in the Parliament. The investigation is based on historical materialism and its class structure theory developed by Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels and other Marxists. The aim of study is to estimate how appropriate the class schema of historical materialism is for analysing the political partisanships and ideological conflicts in advanced industrial society. The statements and aims of political party programmes are put into practice in Parliament. This research analyses how parties represent their aims in their political programmes and what their parliamentarians do in Parliament. Is a party the representative of one class or does it equally promote the interests of many classes? Is it a class party or a generally oriented party? As in historical materialism, the programmes and legislative initiatives have been classified into five groups. The first group contains general class interest, oriented towards the common good. The next four groups comprise bills with a specific class interest orientation: bourgeoisie, the middle class, farmers and workers. The parties investigated are The National Coalition Party /The Conservative Party, The Swedish People`s Party, The Finnish Centre Party, The Finnish Social Democratic Party, The Left Alliance, The Liberals, The True Finns, The Christian Democratic Party and The Greens. The changes in politics and in party relationships over thirty years are investigated by comparing the parliamentary actions of parties from the 1960´s to the 1990´s. The study concerns the legislative initiatives of the years 1965, 1972, 1988 and 1999. The data on the programmes were collected from the two political programmes of nine parties from the years 1950 2003. The programmes of political parties are the public flag of the party as Engels expressed it, although their programmes have lost some of their class orientation. In the programmes of all nine political parties the contents aiming at the common good are the first, most important aim, the percentages being 76 98 %. Differences in the programmes of the political parties can still be found. The political parties emphasise their interests and aims in their own ways. The Conservative Party, The Swedish People´s Party and The Liberals have the next important interest in the bourgeoisie. The Swedish People´s Party, The Finnish Centre Party and The True Finns emphasise the middle class and the farmers. The Finnish Social Democratic Party, The Left Alliance and The Greens take care of working class. The main task of Parliament is to enact legislation. Bills can be submitted to Parliament by the Government or as private members bills. In this process the class interests notably emerge in private members bills of plenary sessions. The main Finnish political parties took into consideration the interests of all classes. All nine parties have made in the largest extent common good legislative initiatives. For all nine parties, the most prevalent type of legislative initiatives was those for the common good (84 -67 %). At the same time they tended to favour special class interests. The least specific class parties were The Christian Democratic Party, The Green Party and The Swedish People´s Party. Among special class interests all the parties oriented more to middle class interests in Parliament than in their declared objectives (18.8 7.0 %). The Liberals, The Conservative Party, The Social Democratic Party, The Left Alliance and The True Finns had the strongest middle class orientation. The Conservative Party were the most bourgeois party (10.2%). The strongest working class interest was found in The Left Alliance, The Social Democratic Party and The Green Party (18.8 13.1 %). The Finnish Centre Party and The Social Democratic party, The Left Alliance and The True Finns were closest to working class interests. Are there class oriented differences in the contents of the legislative initiatives and political programmes of the nine political parties? The contents were classified into eleven groups: administration, civil rights, nature conservation, economics, occupation structure, social policy, public health, education, culture, labour market and international affairs. All nine parties have the same three most important contents of legislative initiatives. These were finance/economics, social policy and administration systems. And all nine parties were more interested in financial and economic aims than their political manifestos suggest. The fourth important content for The Conservative Party, The Swedish People`s Party, The Liberals and The Christian Democratic Party was education. Employment was the fourth aim of The Finnish Centre Party and The True Finns. The Labour Market was also important to The Finnish Social Democratic Party, The Left Alliance and The Greens. Nature conservation was important to The Greens, too. The contents of government bills are more oriented towards the common good than are the private members bills. The conclusion is that the main Finnish political parties took the interests of all classes into consideration. At the same time they reveal preferences for special class interests. This emerges in political manifestos and legislative initiatives and government proposals. The Finnish political parties are not purely general parties devoid of class background. Finance and economics was the basis upon which the people arranged their lives and formed political opinions. The class structure of historical materialism is suitable to demonstrate political partisanship in Finland during the second half of the twentieth century. Social changes affect both the class structures and the political aims of parties and give rise to social and ideological conflicts in advanced industrial societies. The consensus policy is one appearance of civilized class struggle.

Finland was an autonomous Grand Duchy in the Russian Empire during the years 1808–1917. At this time nationalism as well as other ideologies reached Finland from Europe, which strengthened the willingness to change both in society and on a governmental level. The Fennoman movement, which was a movement focusing both on language and on nationalism, became the core of the Finnish self-perception. The goal was to define Finland as a coherent and separate country in relation to its neighbouring countries. Collecting folk poems and learning to know one's home country became essential. People saw the Kalevala poems as a way to understand and define the Finnish identity and the history of the Finnish people. Especially young people with a background in academia were intrigued by these ideas. University students collected poems all over the Grand Duchy of Finland as well as in the Russian part of Carelia, in Sweden, Norway and in Ingria. Students who collected these folk poems also wrote travelogues about their travels and all this material was handed over to The Finnish Literature Society. These documents are unique and there has not been much research done on them, especially with the focus on how the young academic generation during the age of autonomy defined their home country, their national self-perception, themselves and the commoners living in the rural parts of the country. This book reviews travelogues written by one hundred university students who travelled in the country collecting folk poems during 1836–1917. The book offers insight into how the students described Finland and what it meant to be Finnish. Travelogues can be defined as a sort of hybrid of texts. They consist of a mixture of letters, journals, biographical texts and travel books. Consequently, the image that the students depict of Finland is in this study based upon research perspectives and methods used in textual research, oral history and travel literature. The travelogues written by students previously evoked the interest of researchers who mainly studied certain traits of poem collectors, tradition bearers or poems. However, the travelogues contain plenty of information about the lives of the people who lived in the areas where the poems were collected. The descriptions of Finland in the travelogues do not represent the "real" 19th century Finland, but instead it is a story written and created by university students. The characteristics that are presented in The Land of Hope are based on how the intelligentsia perceived "real" Finnishness as opposed to the uneducated commoners living in the rural parts of the country. The most notable themes in the travelogues are the state and the future of the society and of being Finnish. Another theme is the otherization of those who were uneducated commoners. These themes describe the fears and hopes that university students had about Finland. They also show us that the travelogues were ideological texts about Finland and Finnishness that united the collectors of folk poetry. This book studies the collection of folk poetry in the context of the ideologies during the age of autonomy and it explains what the collection of poems meant and who were involved in it. Furthermore, the book gives an insight into the possibilities to pursue academic studies and it also presents the most essential sources of students' knowledge about Finland at that point of time.

Pro gradu ­tutkielma koostuu seuraavista osista: Rouvinen, Kaisa. Lisääntymisterveydenhuollon haasteet ja naisten hyvinvointi vähiten kehittyneissä maissa. Tampereen yliopisto. Terveystieteen laitos. Kirjallisuuskatsaus. Osasuoritus Pro gradu ­tutkielmaan. 26 s. 2003 Rouvinen, Kaisa. Quality of care in reproductive health services at health posts in Nepal. International EuroQuan Conference on Quality and Nursing Practice. Proceedings. Norsk sykepleieforbund. 1997; 224-231. Rouvinen, Kaisa. Quality of care in reproductive health services at five government health posts in Siraha District, Eastern Nepal. A dissertation submitted to the University of Liverpool (School of Tropical Medicine) in partial fulfilment of the degree of Master in Community Health. 95 pages. 1996 ; 1. JOHDANTO 6 2. LISÄÄNTYMISTERVEYS KEHITYKSEN INDIKAATTORINA 7 3. NAISEN ELÄMÄN TÄRKEÄT JA KRIITTISET VAIHEET 10 3.1. RASKAUS JA SYNNYTYS - TURVALLISEN ÄITIYDEN TAVOITE 10 3.2. PERHESUUNNITTELU JA ABORTTI 15 3.3. HIV JA MUUT SUKUPUOLITAUDIT 17 3.4. LAPSETTOMUUS JA LAPSEN SUKUPUOLI 19 3.5. SUKUPUOLIELINTEN TRADITIONAALINEN SILPOMINEN 20 3.6. KÖYHYYDEN, TRADITIOIDEN JA OLOSUHTEIDEN MERKITYS 22 4. HAASTEET JA MAHDOLLISUUDET 23 LÄHTEET 26 QUALITY OF CARE IN REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH SERVICES AT FIVE GOVERNMENT HEALTH POSTS IN SIRAHA DISTRICT, EASTERN NEPAL ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS III LIST OF TABLES VI LIST OF FIGURES VII LIST OF ABBREVATIONS AND ACRONYMS VIII GLOSSARY IX EXECUTIVE SUMMARY X CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 1 1.1. THE CLIENT AND THE CONCERN 1 1.1.1. Save the Children US in Nepal 1 1.1.2. Save the Children Siraha project 1 1.1.3. Problem statement 2 1.2. THE STUDY 2 1.2.1. Study question 2 1.2.2. Aim and objectives of the study 2 1.2.1. Action plan and accomplishment of the study 3 1.3. STUDY LOCATION 4 1.3.1. Nepal 4 1.3.2. Siraha District 4 CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW 6 2.1. GLOBAL VIEWS OF WOMEN'S HEALTH 6 2.2. PRIMARY HEALTH CARE IN NEPAL 8 2.2.1. Safe Motherhood and Family Planning 8 2.3. QUALITY IN HEALTH CARE 10 2.3.1. What is quality? 10 2.3.2. Approaches to assessment of quality in health care 10 2.4. SELECTED ISSUES IN QUALITY OF HEALTH CARE 14 2.4.1. The structure of the health care and its relevance in quality assessment 14 2.4.2. Health care providers' job motivation and its impact on quality of health care 15 2.4.3. User satisfaction 16 2.5. CONCLUSION 17 CHAPTER 3. METHODOLOGY 19 3.1. EVALUATION OF HEALTH POST FACILITIES AND SERVICE ARRANGEMENTS 20 3.1.1. Study location 20 3.1.2. Selection of health posts 20 3.1.3. Issues and variables used to explore the objective 20 3.1.4. Tools and strategies of data collection 20 3.2. EXPLORING HEALTH CARE PROVIDERS' PERCEPTIONS ABOUT THE QUALITY OF CARE 21 3.2.1. Study population 21 3.2.2. Selection of informants 21 3.2.3. Issues and variables used to explore the objective 21 3.2.4. Tools and strategies of data collection 21 3.3. DESCRIBING THE LEVEL OF USERS' SATISFACTION 22 3.3.1. Study population 22 3.3.2. Selection of informants 22 3.3.3. Issues and variables used to explore the objective 22 3.3.4. Tools and strategies of data collection 23 3.4 ADDITIONAL DATA COLLECTION METHODS 24 3.5. PRE-TESTING AND TRANSLATION 24 3.6. DATA HANDLING AND STORAGE 25 3.7. DATA ANALYSIS 25 3.8. QUALITY ASSURANCE AND ENCOUNTERED CONSTRAINTS IN DATA COLLECTION 25 CHAPTER 4. RESULTS 27 4.1. EVALUATION OF HEALTH POST FACILITIES AND SERVICE ARRANGEMENTS 27 4.1.1. Location and accessibility 27 4.1.2. Target population and service statistics 27 4.1.3. Sub-health posts, outreach clinics and staffing 28 4.2.4. Waiting facilities at health posts 28 4.1.5. Rooms for counselling and MCH and FP services 28 4.1.6. Infection prevention 29 4.1.7. Equipment and instruments for use in MCH and FP 29 4.1.8. Availability of contraceptives and essential medicines 29 4.1.9. IEC material and activities 29 4.1.10. Record keeping and reporting 30 4.1.11. Health post management and supervision 30 4.1.12. Conclusion 30 4.2. HEALTH CARE PROVIDERS' PERCEPTION ABOUT THE QUALITY OF CARE 31 4.2.1. Job satisfaction and experience as a health care provider 31 4.2.2. Health workers' perception of what is good quality in health care 32 4.2.3. Health workers' perception about users' expectations 33 4.2.4. Health workers' suggestions for improvement of health care 33 4.2.5. What are the specific reasons for low utilisation of FP and AN services 34 4.2.6. Conclusion 35 4.3. QUALITY OF CARE FROM THE USERS' POINT OF VIEW 35 4.3.1. The sample 35 4.3.2. Perceptions of the quality of care 37 4.3.3. Suggestions for improvement for the quality of care at a health post 40 4.3.4. Conclusion 40 4.4. SUMMARY OF RESULTS 41 CHAPTER 5. DISCUSSION 43 5.1. IMPACTS OF STRUCTURE OF HEALTH CARE ON QUALITY OF THE SERVICE 43 5.1.1. Accessibility 43 5.1.2. Clinical settings and procedures 44 5.1.3. Service arrangements 44 5.2. HEALTH WORKERS' ROLE 47 5.2.1. Users' expectations contradicting providers' perceptions 47 5.2.2. Implications of health workers' perceptions for improvement of quality 48 5.2.3. Job motivation 48 5.2.4. Quality assurance cycle 50 5.3. CONCLUSIONS 50 5.4. COMMENTS ON METHODS USED IN THE STUDY 51 CHAPTER 6. RECOMMENDATIONS 53 REFERENCES 54 APPENDICES APPENDIX 1 PHOTPGRAPHS: WALL PAINTINGS AND TBA TRAINING 58 APPENDIX 2 MAPS OF NEPAL AND SIRAHA DISTRICT 59 APPENDIX 3 INVENTORY FORM FOR HEALTH POST FACILITIES 60 APPENDIX 4. BACKGROUND VARIABLES 70 APPENDIX 5.A STRUCTURED QUESTIONNAIRE FOR USER EXIT INTERVIEW 71 APPENDIX 5.B MAITHALI TRANSLATION OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE 75 APPENDIX 6 EVALUATION OF HEALTH POST FACILITIES AND SERVICE ARRANGEMENTS 79 APPENDIX 7. FINDINGS FROM HEALTH PERSONNEL IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS 84 APPENDIX 8. USERS' EXPRESSIONS OF THE QUALITY OF CARE. QUOTATIONS. 85

Väitöstutkimus analysoi julkisia poliittisia performansseja poliittisena viestintänä. Poliittiset performanssit voidaan ymmärtää julkisissa tiloissa toimeen pantuina 'näytöksinä', joiden tavoitteena on luoda arkisiin rutiineihin yllättäviä katkoksia ja synnyttää uutta toimintatilaa jonkin yhteiskunnallisen ongelman esiin nostamiseksi. Performanssit synnyttävät katkoksia monin tavoin, mutta erityisen leimallista niille on näkyvän, vallalla olevan visuaalisen järjestyksen murtaminen tuomalla siihen erilaisia 'häiritseviä' (disruptive) elementtejä: resistoivia kehoja, valtaa parodioivia kuvia, karnevalistista protestointia, katuteatteria jne. Poliittisten performanssien viestintä perustuu puheen sijaan tai ohella toimijoiden oman kehon ja sen kantamien erilaisten visuaalisten merkkien julkiseen esittämiseen, joskus hyvin äärimmäisellä tavalla, kuten esimerkiksi nälkälakoissa ja polttoitsemurhissa. Väitöskirjassa tällaista viestintätyyliä kutsutaan visuaaliseksi ja esteettiseksi politikoinniksi. Tutkimuksessa analysoidaan useita esimerkkejä performatiivisesta poliittisesta viestinnästä ja kehitetään teoreettisia ideoita sen ominaispiirteiden tulkitsemiseksi. ; In this doctoral thesis I study a phenomenon which I have titled as public political performance. By public political performance I refer to a public event (a 'show', display, demonstration) the purpose of which is to expose in public and challenge those social-political norms, practices, and relations of power which usually remain invisible in the sway of routine political life. I am interested especially in how performance works as a form of non-linguistic, or wider than linguistic, political communication. I theorize and analyze, through several illustrative examples, performances from three perspectives: as corporeal (bodily), visual, and aesthetic communication. In construction of theory I use and partly rework ideas from thinkers such as Jürgen Habermas, Michel Foucault, Hannah Arendt, Maurice Merleau-Ponty, and Jacques Ranciere. The study shows that public political performance is a sensitive, even volatile phenomenon because it often manifestly exposes the fundamentally violent power structure of society – as when, for example, street demonstrations induce strong counter reactions from the police and political authorities – and puts this order under critical public scrutiny. Political authorities do not take such challenges lightly, which is why public performances sometimes instigate serious political controversies. The key theoretical ideas of the study relate to performance as something done and en/acted. On the one hand, performance discloses the nature of politics as a 'doing.' This means in simple terms that, in order to subsist, the political world needs to be done, performed, and 'iterated,' every time anew. The term performative describes this social-constructivist side of politics. That the constitution of the social and political power is based not on any 'natural' ground but on continuous re/iteration of certain ways and routines is often revealed only when it is visibly and noticeably disrupted. This is what political performance typically does. On the other hand, performance signifies a particular kind of public show which resembles but does not equal theatrical shows. Performance is theatrical in being an 'art-like' communicative act, yet it is more surprising and unpredictable compared to regular theatre and, because of this, usually more difficult to approach and interpret. Political performance as a contingent and sometimes oddly appearing public event with a surprise effect brings forth the importance of disruption for politics. It alerts us to situations where the normalized political performatives are being visibly questioned by bringing into public space – 'in your face' – diverse disrupting elements like resisting bodies, parodying images, and carnevalism. The relationship between these two, performatives and performances, creates an edgy and 'chiasmatic' political space from which much of political life gains its driving force. This basic idea and relationship constitute the key starting point for this study's theoretical reflections. Political performance is an important subject for political studies for several reasons. The purely knowledge-based reason is that that in directing attention to the corporeal and visual aspects of politics and political communication, performance brings into view phenomena and conceptual possibilities which are too often ignored by political researchers and theorists. The relevance of performance for the field can also be justified from another perspective, through reference to its political and democratic significance. The discussions and analyses carried out in the study show that there are political circumstances where citizens see public performance as the only available means of participation in political communication, with other channels of communication forbidden or marginalized. There are also situations where citizens create, through setting up a performance, space for public communication and action where it has not existed before. Political performance as a way of contesting existing political realities can therefore have special value for political freedom. Political and democratic theory needs to understand, I shall argue, also that category of political action which performs political freedom rather than asks for it.

Siirtymiä ja ajan merkkejä koulutuksessa: Opetussuunnitelmatutkimuksen näkökulmia -teos jatkaa opetussuunnitelmakeskustelua, joka käynnistyi vuonna 2017 julkaistussa ensimmäisessä suomenkielisessä opetussuunnitelmatutkimusta käsittelevässä teoksessa. Teoksen johdantoartikkelin jälkeiset 14 vertaisarvioitua artikkelia jakaantuvat neljään teemakokonaisuuteen, joiden merkittävin yhteinen nimittäjä on huoli saksalais-pohjoiseurooppalaisen Bildung/Didaktiikka -opetussuunnitelmatradition ajautumisesta entistä ahtaammalle oppimisteorioiden jäsentämän, taitoihin ja kompetensseihin rajoittuvan, näennäisesti epäpoliittisen angloamerikkalaisen curriculum-opetussuunnitelmatradition ja sen poliittisen aisaparin, uusliberalismin, puristuksessa. Ensimmäisessä teemassa "Tieto ja sivistys antiikista globaaliin" käsitellään sivistystä ja tietoa suomalaisessa opetussuunnitelmakeskustelussa. Teemassa jäljitetään niitä antiikkiin palautuvia, edelleen ajankohtaisia, historiallisia merkityskerroksia, joita sivistyksen käsitteeseen sisältyy. Lisäksi teemassa avataan spenceriläistä kasvatusajattelua ja sen vaikutusta suomalaiseen opetussuunnitelma-ajatteluun. Ajankohtaista opetussuunnitelmien tarkastelua edustaa pohdinta ekososiaaliseen sivistykseen ja oikeudenmukaisuuteen kasvattamisesta. Teeman päättää kriittinen länsimaisen, valkoista elitismiä ja rodullis-etnistä ylemmyyttä henkivän, sivistyskäsityksen tarkastelu. Toisessa teemassa "Opetussuunnitelmapolitiikan historiallisia ja ajankohtaisia painotuksia" tarkastellaan varhaiskasvatuksen rakenteiden muutosta tehden samalla näkyväksi niitä oletuksia, joita liitämme kasvatukseen ja sen tehtävään yhteiskunnassa. Niin ikään suomalaisen perusopetuksen opetussuunnitelmaprosessit, erityisesti vuoden 2014 opetussuunnitelman perusteiden uudistamisen prosessi sekä paikallistason opetussuunnitelmatyö, ovat käsiteltäviä sisältöjä teoksen toisessa teemassa. Teeman lopussa kyseenalaistetaan historiaan peilaten arkiymmärryksemme siitä, että opetusta on aina suunniteltava tavoitteet edellä. Kolmannessa teemassa "Tiedonaloja ajassa" pohditaan tiedonalalähtöisyyteen perustuvan oppiainejakoisen kokonaisopetuksen yleissivistäviä vaikutuksia, samoin taidekasvatuksen suhdetta kulttuuriin, mediaan ja subjektiin. Lisäksi havainto siitä, miten sekularistisissa kansalaisuustarkasteluissa kansalaisuuden katsomukselliseen perustaan liittyvät kysymykset pyritään sivuuttamaan tai sijoittamaan rajatusti yksilön privaatin elämän alueelle, herättää pohdintaa. Neljännessä teemassa "Korkeakoulupolitiikka muutoksessa" fokus on korkeakoulutusta ja erityisesti yliopistoja koskevassa uusliberalistisessa hallinnassa – siinä, miten kyseinen hallinta puhuttelee yliopistojen tutkija-opettajia tai miten osaamisperustaiset ja työelämäkompetensseja tuottavat opetussuunnitelmat ovat muuttaneet perustavanlaatuisesti käsitystä tiedon olemuksesta populistiseen ja epä-älylliseen suuntaan. Lisäksi neljännessä teemassa esitellään meta-analyysi korkeakoulujen opetussuunnitelmaa koskevien tutkimustekstien taustalla vaikuttavasta opetussuunnitelma-ajattelusta ja -käsityksistä. Teeman lopussa palataan yhden esimerkin välityksellä ammattikorkeakoulun osaamisperustaisen opetussuunnitelman kehittämisen prosessiin. ; This edited book continues the discussion on curriculum, which began in 2017 in the first book on Curriculum Studies in Finnish. The 14 peer-reviewed articles following the introductory article are divided into four thematic sets, the common denominator of which is the concern about the drifting of the comprehensive democratic German and Nordic Bildung / Didactic curriculum tradition into the narrower, competence and skills driven Anglo-American education and curriculum, shaped by the paradoxical alliance of assumedly apolitical instrumental learning theories and neoliberal policy measures. The first theme, "Knowledge and Education from Antiquity to Global", deals with the topics of civilization, education and knowledge in the Finnish curriculum debate. The first article traces back to the antique with the intertwinement of current and historical layers of meanings that are implicated in the modern concepts of civilization and education. In addition, the first theme will open up Spencer's educational thinking and its impact on Finnish curriculum thinking. The space is also given to currently emerging concerns of eco-social education and reactivated issues by global interconnectedness of social and economic justice as educational goals. The theme ends with a critical examination of the Western concept of civilization and modernity related to issues of white supremacy with affiliations of cultural and racial-ethnic superiority. The second theme looks at "The historical and current emphases of Finnish curriculum policy". The first article examines how the theme is reflected in the changing structures of early childhood education. This focus on early education will arguably make more explicit and visible the assumptions we attach to education and its role and goals in globalized society in general. The curriculum processes in Finnish basic education, especially the process of reforming the curriculum in 2014 and the local curriculum work, will also be addressed in the second theme of the book. The last article questions the assumption, often shared by mainstream academic and common sense alike, that curriculum design and teaching planning should always start with objectives. The third theme is "The current issue of disciplinarity in curriculum and teaching". In the first article attention is paid to horizontal integration of school subjects, and to general educational implications predicated on subject-based curriculum and teaching, more generally. The next article deals with conceptual interrelatedness between art education and culture, media, and subjectivity. In the third article, the secularist views on citizenship is scrutinized of the neglect of significant citizenship aspects related to broader worldviews by illusorily positioning them in the sphere of private life out of reach of public interest and debate. The fourth theme, "Higher Education Policy in Change", focuses on neoliberal governance in higher education and universities, first addressing the new ambivalent identities of academic teachers, and how competence, skills and workplace-based curricula have fundamentally altered the concept of knowledge toward an instance of populist de-intellectualization of higher education and neoliberal vocational school. In addition, the fourth theme presents a meta-analysis of the underlying curriculum thinking and conceptions behind research texts on university curricula. Exemplarily, the last article critically unpack the process of developing a skills and competence-based curriculum at the University of Applied Sciences.

Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan palvelun laadun arviointia moniportaisessa julkisessa organisaatiossa. Laatutyöhön kuuluu keskeisenä osana laadun arviointi. Ongelmallista julkisten organisaatioiden tuottamien palvelujen arvioinnissa on se, että lainsäädäntö jättää usein viranomaisten harkinnan varaan sen, millaisina palvelut tosiasiallisesti tuotetaan eivätkä kunnalliset päätöksentekijätkään välttämättä aseta palvelujen laadulle kovin tarkkoja tavoitteita. Jos em. tahot asettavat palvelun laatua koskevia tavoitteita, ne asetetaan yleensä palvelun lopputulokselle eikä palvelun tuotantoprosessin välivaiheille. Moniportaisissa organisaatioissa ja organisaatiohierarkian eri tasoilla ylempien organisaatiotasojen osuus palvelujen tuottamisessa jää usein arvioinnissa mm. tavoitteiden puutteellisuuden vuoksi vähemmälle huomiolle kuin asiakasrajapinnassa toimivien organisaatiotasojen. Asiaan vaikuttaa myös tulosjohtamiseen liittyvä käytäntö, jossa ylempi organisaatiotaso arvioi alempaansa eikä päinvastoin. Tulosjohtaminen on ankkuroitunut Suomen julkiseen hallintoon aiemmin ja vahvemmalla otteella kuin laatujohtaminen. Selkeiden laatua koskevien tavoitteiden puute hankaloittaa arvioimista, erityisesti tavoiteperusteista arviointia, jossa toimintaa verrataan asetettuihin tavoitteisiin. Tavoitteiden puutteellisuus asettaa paineita arvioida toimintaa eri intressitahojen näkemykset huomioon ottavan monitahoarvioinnin avulla. Palvelun laadun intressitahoja julkisessa hallinnossa ovat palvelujen käyttäjien lisäksi mm. poliittiset päätöksentekijät ja kansalaiset, palvelua tuottavan organisaation johto sekä palvelua tuottava henkilöstö ja moniportaisissa organisaatioissa vielä organisaation eri tasot. Eri intressitahojen näkökulmat ja vaateet palvelun laadulle määräytyvät niiden suhteesta palveluun samoin kuin niiden asema ja tehtävät arvioinnissa ja arviointitiedon hyväksikäytössä. Moniportaisissa organisaatioissa keskeisin intressitaho ylemmän organisaatiotason tuottamalle palvelulle on alempi organisaatiotaso. Alemman organisaatiotason näkökulmasta katsottuna ei ole riittävää arvioida moniportaisissa organisaatioissa ylemmän organisaatiotason toimintaa esim. laatupalkintokriteereiden avulla, vaan ylemmän organisaatiotason toimintaa on tarpeen arvioida palvelukohtaisesti. Tämä puolestaan edellyttää sitä, että palvelukohtaisesti määritellään ylemmän ja alemman organisaatiotason työosuus (osapalvelu) moniportaisen organisaation palveluketjussa. Tutkimuksessa päädyttiin myös näkemykseen, jonka mukaan palvelut on varsinkin ylemmän organisaatiotason toiminnan suhteen syytä suunnitella moniportaisissa organisaatioissa etukäteen eri intressitahojen vaateita yhteen sovittaen. Tutkimuksen tuloksena syntyi arviointikehikko moniportaisten julkisten organisaatioiden tuottamien palvelujen laadun arviointiin. Arviointikehikossa otetaan kantaa siihen, miten arvioinnin eri vaiheissa olisi tarkoituksenmukaista edetä ja millaisia näkökohtia eri vaiheissa on tarpeen ottaa huomioon. ; EVALUATION OF THE QUALITY OF SERVICES IN A PUBLIC MULTI-LEVEL ORGANIZATION The task of the study was crystallized in the following questions: 1. In what way is it justifiable in public organizations to evaluate the activi-ties of upper organizational levels in producing high quality services? 2. Accordingly, in what way is it justifiable to evaluate the guidance and support directed to the school assistants work and carried out by the ad-ministrative level in the Education Department of the City of Helsinki.? The study showed that the way in which it is justifiable to evaluate the qual-ity of services in public organizations is determined by the special features of public administration. These features have an effect on the definitions of the ser-vice and quality in public administration. The definition is especially influenced by the community orientation of public organizations, the lack and the vagueness of the goals which guide the quality of services, and many interest groups of services. In this study the quality of the service produced by a public organization has the following definition: the quality of the service and the process with help of which the users of the service receive the service must satisfy the integrated de-mands of the users of the service and its various interest groups in all the features of quality. In public administration, interest groups for the quality of services include not only the users of the services but also political decision makers, the leaders and the personnel of the organization producing the services ­ and in a multilevel organization, the different levels of the organization. The quality demands made by these groups, their opportunities to evaluate the service and their interests in utilizing the evaluation data at least partly differ from each other. In a multi-level organization the lower level, often the so called performing level of the organization, is one of the interest groups in relation to how the up-per level takes care of its own tasks in the service chain. The culture of manage-ment by results has rooted in the public organizations earlier than quality culture. Management by results assumes that the upper organizational levels evaluate the lower levels and not the other way around. Quality culture, however, places the direction of the evaluation upside down, bottom-up and not top-down. In service chain thinking there is a need for the lower level to give feedback to the upper organizational level about how it has for its own part supported the work of the lower level in producing value added to the ultimate users of the services. From the point of view of the lower organizational level the emphasis in evaluation should be on the quality of those parts of the services that are pro-duced by the upper organizational level. Evaluation should take place by evaluat-ing one service at a time. The main interest of the lower level is in evaluating whether or not the upper level supports the lower level well enough in producing individual services. In order to be able to define what is good enough in each case it is necessary to specify the responsibilities of both the upper and lower organizational levels service by service in the service chain. Multiple constituency evaluation or stakeholder-based evaluation is an approach to evaluation in which activities are evaluated from the points of views of many different interest groups. The choice of the approach is determined by the purpose of the evaluation. Purposes of evaluation can be for instance evaluation for development work or evaluation for accountability. Multiple constituency evaluation is suitable for situations where there is a lack of goals for the quality of public services or the goals are vague. The case example of the study showed the lack and vagueness of goals in the guidance and support directed to the school assistants work and carried out by the administrative level of the Hel-sinki City Education Department. Multiple constituency evaluation is suitable for evaluations for both accountability and for development. However, if there were clear goals defined for the quality of the services the natural choice of the ap-proach in the purpose of evaluation for accountability would be the goal-attainment evaluation.

Kuntoutusjärjestelmä on Suomessa rakentunut monitahoiseksi ja monen osajärjestelmän muodostamaksi kokonaisuudeksi. Oikeus kuntoutukseen määrittyy sen mukaan, minkä osajärjestelmän piiriin ihminen kuuluu. Tämä johtaa siihen, että yksilöille voi määrittyä erilainen oikeus kuntoutukseen riippuen siitä, minkä osajärjestelmän piirissä hän on. Myös eri sosioekonomiset ryhmät saavat erilaisia kuntoutusetuuksia. Aihe on erittäin ajankohtainen, koska viimeaikainen keskustelu työuran pidentämisestä nostaa areenalle myös kuntoutuksen yhtenä keinona pidentää työssä jaksamista. Sari Miettisen väitöskirja Muutoksen mahdollisuus Suomen kuntoutusjärjestelmässä tarkastelee Suomen kuntoutuspolitiikkaa kuntoutuksen institutionaalisen kokonaisuuden näkökulmasta. Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan ensimmäistä kertaa kuntoutusjärjestelmää laajana institutionaalisena kokonaisuutena. Tarkoituksena on jäsentää kuntoutusjärjestelmän monimutkaisuutta ja sen muotoutumista sekä näiden kautta tehdä johtopäätöksiä järjestelmän muutoksen mahdollisuudesta. Tutkimuksen lähtökohtana on vuosikausia samanlaisina säilyneet epäkohdat järjestelmässä. Järjestelmän ongelmiksi on vuosikymmenten kuluessa katsottu esimerkiksi vastuunjaon epäselvyydet ja asiakkaiden putoaminen eri toimijoiden väliin. Näitä epäkohtia on pyritty korjaamaan erilaisilla uudistuksilla, joista tähän asti laajin on ollut vuonna 1991 voimaan astunut kuntoutuslainsäädännön uudistus. Uudistuksista huolimatta samat ongelmat ovat esiintyneet erilaisissa kuntoutusjärjestelmän kuvauksissa aina tähän päivän asti. Kokonaisuutta lähestytään analysoimalla valtionhallinnon asiakirjoja ja täydentäen aineistoa tarvittavilla avainhenkilöhaastatteluilla. Tutkimus osoittaa kuntoutusjärjestelmästä erilaisia sisäisiä keskusteluareenoja vuosikymmenien aikana sekä erityisiä valta-asetelmia eri osajärjestelmien kesken. Yhteinen puhe kokonaisuuden hallinnasta on puuttunut ja järjestelmän kokonaisuutta kehittäessä puhe on keskittynyt lähinnä neljään erilaiseen kehykseen. Käytännön tasolla asiakkaan oikeus kuntoutusetuuksiin näytti määrittyvän usealla erilaisella perusteella ja erilaisiksi eri väestöryhmien kesken. Oikeuden ovat myös määrittyneet monenlaisissa erilaisissa paikoissa, kuten yksilön kuntoutuksesta päättävien tahojen ja osajärjestelmien yksittäisten ohjeiden tasolla. Kuntoutusjärjestelmää tulisi tutkimuksen mukaan uudistaa kokonaisuus huomioiden. Usein uudistuksia on toteutettu osa kerrallaan, jolloin eri osien välisiin ongelmiin ei ole puututtu riittävässä määrin. Nykyisellään kuntoutusjärjestelmän osat toimivat erillisinä. Mikäli tätä halutaan muuttaa, pitäisi uudistuksia tehdä kokonaisuus huomioiden ja myös perustaa toimintaa selkeästi koordinoiva taho. Nykyiset keskustelut työuran pidentämisestä voisivat tarjota paikan kuntoutusjärjestelmän kokonaisuuden uudistamiseen, koska kuntoutus voi toimia välineenä saavuttaa näitä tavoitteita. ; Rehabilitation in Finland is part of many welfare systems and as an institutional entity it has many separate subsystems. It has been described as a fragmented and complex entity. Several problems have been attached to the Finnish rehabilitation system, such as unclear division of responsibilities between different subsystems. The rehabilitation system have undergone several coordination attempts especially since the 1990 s. A large legislative reform was launched in 1991. The purpose of the reform was to overcome the problems appearing in the system. The legislative reform was to be evaluated every four years and it was presented in the form of three government rehabilitation reports. Besides the major legislative reform in 1991, parts of the system have been reformed through single legislative reforms in the last three decades. However, despite many reforms in the rehabilitation reports and in other descriptions of the system the same problems have recurred. It seems that no extensive solutions have been found to the problems of the whole rehabilitation system, at least in the short-term. Macro-level studies of the rehabilitation system are needed in Finland. Studies are usually focused on the practical level and different methods of rehabilitation. Although some studies concern the whole rehabilitation system, the perspective is usually on certain sub-system or the entity is contemplated from the client s perspective. In this study the focus was on the institutional entity of rehabilitation in Finland called rehabilitation system. The concepts used were governance and historical institutionalism. The purpose was to analyse the complexity of the institutional entity of rehabilitation in Finland and its development and draw conclusions on the possibility of change in the rehabilitation system in Finland. The legislative reform in 1991 was used as a starting point because it has been the largest reform to develop the whole system in Finland so far. The complex system was analysed using several data. The data used were national rehabilitation policy documents and their background reports and statements, interviews with key authors, legislation and also literature and documents describing the history of the rehabilitation system in Finland. The data were analysed using data based and theory oriented content analysis, frame analysis and the basis of historical sociology. This dissertation consists of four publications which analysed the governance of the rehabilitation system from different perspectives. First, the focus was on the construction of governance in the complex system. The perspective was on the roles of different institutions in the rehabilitation system. According to the results different co-operation forums have promoted change in the system. However, at the same time different power constellations in rehabilitation agendas inside the system have inhibited change. Second, the system was studied through so-called basic modes of governance (hierarchy, network and market). The results showed that certain parts seemed to be emphasized in the reform talk. Common talk of governance was missing. In the third part the main focus was on the interpretations of problems and their policy solutions for the whole system in its reform agenda. The results showed four different frames which were used in discussions. In the frames the problems and policy solutions usually did not meet. In the fourth part the governance of citizens rights was studied. According to the results the rights to rehabilitation benefits are determined in different ways for different population groups and the right to benefits was decided in many places. The overall results of this study showed a deep division between the subsystems. Instead of single and small reforms a reform of the whole system requires attention of all parts of the system in the reform and perhaps a strong coordinating body. It seems that through single and small reforms it is difficult to overcome the problems of this complex system.

Arviointitutkimus koskee Suomen talouden ytimen, valtiokonsernin talousohjauksen tilaa vuosien 1987-2008 uudistuskauden jälkeen. Mihin oli tultu vuonna 2008 ja miten talousohjausjärjestelmä toimii? Arvioinnin kohteena on myös se, miten ohjausjärjestelmän tila vastaa 2010-luvun haasteita. Arviointiaineiston muodostavat uudistuskauden dokumentit sekä ohjausjärjestelmän kaikkien tasojen eduskunnan, hallituksen, valtiovarainministeriön, ministeriöiden, virastojen ja laitosten sekä tarkastusviranomaisten haastattelut. Vastaavaa lähestymistapaa ei suomalaisessa hallinnontutkimuksessa ole aikaisemmin sovellettu. Arviointi tukeutuu kompleksisuusteoreettiseen viitekehykseen. Kompleksisuusteoriaa ei ole myöskään vastaavalla tavalla hyödynnetty. Tutkimus on siten sekä lähestymistapansa että teoriaulottuvuutensa osalta pioneerityötä, jota ei ole voitu perustaa aiempaan tutkimukseen. Sellaisena se avaa, vaatii ja osoittaa useita jatkotutkimustarpeita. Tutkimuksen päätuloksia ovat ensinnäkin se, että talousohjauksen ytimen, finanssipolitiikan ohjausrakenne on tasapainossa uudistustavoitteiden kanssa ja sellaisena se tukee talouden kokonaishallintaa. Toiseksi tutkimustulokset osoittavat, että tulosohjaustavoitteet, tuottavuus, taloudellisuus ja vaikuttavuus eivät ole toteutuneet talousarviolain edellyttämällä tavalla. Laki ja käytännön toiminta ovat kaukana tasapainosta. Lain vaatimukset ovat taakkana toimijoille. Taakka ei kuitenkaan näy suoraan menoina momenteilla ja siksi se ei ole saanut osakseen ansaitsemaansa huomiota. Kolmantena uudistustavoitteena ollut demokraattisen ohjauksen vahvistaminen näyttää valtiokonsernin osalta rakenteellisesti toteutuneen. Toimivuuden kannalta rakenne on kuitenkin vielä niin uusi, että erityisesti eduskunnan näkökulmasta sen toimivuutta on vaikea arvioida. 2010-luvun haasteiden kannalta tutkimuksessa tulee esiin joukko riskitekijöitä. Yksi niistä on talousohjauksen päätoimijan, valtiovarainministeriön ohjausrakenne. Se näyttää olevan epätasapainossa ministeriön kasvaneiden vastuiden kanssa. Taloudellisesti vaikeina aikoina valtiovarainministeriön rooli lisäksi korostuu järjestelmälogiikan mukasesti talouden tasapainottajana. Ministeriön ohjausrakenteella on yleistä merkitystä, koska se heijastuu koko hallinnon talousohjaukseen. Se voi olla sille joko tukena tai taakkana. ; In the administrative reforms of 1987-2008 in Finland the state as a whole was divided into three parts the core state, autonomous parts and actors operating in market conditions. The structural division was taken further when in 2010 the universities were split off from the financial governance of the core state to join the autonomous actors. Each part of the state body has its own financial governance. The study is confined to reforms in the system of financial governance of a state concern (core state) and the functionality of the system of governance after the reforms. This is an evaluative study assessing first the reforms in the structure and governance tools and thereafter their functionality. The structural research is based chiefly on documentary material from the era of reform. The functionality of the structures is evaluated from the perspectives of Parliament, the Government, the Ministry of Finance, the ministries, agencies and institutions and also the inspectorate. The functionality evaluation is based on 96 personal interviews with actors in charge of governance, the elite in financial governance. The object of the evaluation was the main finances under overall control and the objectives set for management by results of improving productivity, economy of operations and effectiveness. As the reforms progressed, it became a political objective to strengthen democracy or political governance in financial governance. This, too, was made a target of evaluation. The evaluation relies on the concepts of complexity theory. It was the working hypothesis of the study that through the concepts of the theory it would be possible to explain and comprehend reform processes, the functionality of the reforms and the problems experienced in them. In the study of the structure the main criterion was the complexity theory concept far from a state of equilibrium and in the study of functionality the concept of significance . No such complexity theory based study in the field of administrative science has so far been presented in Finland. Thus on the basis of the study the applicability of complexity theory to the research of reform processes and the functionality of reforms was evaluated. In the study of structure the research question was how after the reforms of 1987-2008 the governance structure of a state financial governance system is in a state of equilibrium with the goals of the reforms. The question in the study of functionality was how the financial governance system of a state concern functioned after the reforms from the perspectives of various actors. Likewise thereafter an answer was sought in the nature of triangulation to how the situation of the financial governance system structure and functionality appear to be in equilibrium with the challenges to financial governance apparent in the 2010s. Is the financial governance system a support, burden or risk to the challenges of the 2010s? In summary the answers to the research questions in light of the evaluation of the structure and functionality data are as follows: 1. The core of financial governance, the governance structure of financial policy and its functionality would appear to be almost in equilibrium with the goals of financial overall administration. In this respect the structure also supports overall financial governance. 2. The objectives of productivity, economical and efficacy in management by results would appear to be very far from being in equilibrium with respect to the requirements of the budgetary legislation (Talousarviolaki). Due to shortcomings in accounting and evaluation systems the objectives has not been achieved. Thus the management by results structure would appear to be a burden on financial governance and administration of the state economy as a whole. The structure of management by results would appear to be in a state of disintegration 3. The aim of strengthening democracy through the structural reforms of the 2000s appears to have been achieved. However, the structure is still mostly so new that its functionality, especially as regards Parliament, is difficult to evaluate. The structure appears mostly to support overall financial management, but this may entail risks from the perspective of overall financial management. 4. The situation of financial governance, from the perspective of the challenges of the 2010s would appear, as far as financial policy is concerned to be almost in equilibrium with the policy challenges, but from the perspective of overall financial management this would not appear to be the case in all respects; the situation in governance is likely to require reforms and attention to the obvious risk factors latent therein. The study permits the evaluation that complexity theory, a derivative of systems theory, would appear to be applicable to the research of reforms of complex systems and their functionality and to offer opportunities to explain and comprehend the successes and failures of reforms.

Tutkimuksen tavoitteena oli selvittää poliittisen eliitin toimintaa ja työmoraalia Suomen eduskunnassa. Tutkimus tehtiin kvantitatiivisen ja kvalitatiivisen aineiston pohjalta ja soveltamalla yhteiskuntatieteen ja oikeustieteen tutkimusmetodeja. Tilastotietoa kerättiin kahdeksientoista (18) valtiopäivien täysistunnoista vuosien 1970-1998 väliltä. Valiokunnista kohteena oli vaalikausi 1991-1994. Yhteensä aineistoon sisältyi 6 078 pöytäkirjaa ja näiden 520 869 läsnä- ja poissaolomerkintää. Lisäksi tarkasteltiin valtiopäivien historiaa, sekä lobbausta eli valiokuntien kestityksiä. Tärkeimmät säädökset olivat valtiopäiväjärjestys, Suomen perustuslaki ja eduskunnan työjärjestys. Tutkimustuloksena todettiin mm. seuraavaa. Kansanedustajan toimi ei ole enää perinteinen luottamustehtävä. Kansanedustaja on ammattipoliitikko, ja hänen toimensa nimikkeeksi sopisi käsite 'luottamusvirka'. 'Edustajanpalkkiokaan' ei ole 'palkkio' vaan kuukausitulo, ja siihen voisi soveltaa vanhaa virkamiespalkan elatusteoriaa. Kansanedustaja saa elatusta siitä, että hän antaa työvoimansa valtion, puolueen ja kansan käytettäväksi. Eduskuntatyö kaipaisi perusteellista remonttia. Tulisi pohtia ainakin välikysymyksen tarpeellisuutta, täysistuntojen päätösvaltaisuusrajaa, varamiesjärjestelmää ja valiokuntien asiantuntijakuulemisia. Asiantuntijat ovat liian usein samoja henkilöitä, he edustavat julkista valtaa, ay-liikettä ja erilaisia etujärjestöjä. Puhemiesneuvoston valtaa - ja henkilöön perustuvaa auktoritatiivista valtaa - voisi rajoittaa asettamalla puhemiehen (ja varapuhemiesten) toimikaudelle määräaika. Eduskunnan kollektiivinen moraali muodostuu majoriteetti- ja senioriteettiperiaatteen pohjalta ja ilmentää usein kokeneempien edustajien käsitystä oikeasta ja väärästä. Taustajoukoista ja puolueensa tuesta riippuvainen ammattipoliitikko menettää herkästi yhteyden äänestäjiensä arkipäivään. Tällöin "oikea" voi hämärtyä ja edustajan etu nousee tärkeimmäksi. Esimerkiksi valiokuntien kestitysten suhteen on tulevan korruptiolain aikana syytä olla takavuosia varovaisempi. Kollektiivinen työmoraali näkyy edustajien tekemistä päätöksistä ja siitä, miten eduskunta tulkitsee, toteuttaa ja uudistaa instituutiota itseään koskevaa lainsäädäntöä. Yhtenä trendinä ilmenee eduskuntatyöhön kohdistuvien kontrollinormien lieventäminen, toisena demokratian vaatima mutta käytännössä paikoin näennäiseksi jäävä avoimuus. Eduskunnan sisäisten sääntömuutosten yhtenä funktiona voi olla jopa tarkoitus antaa suojaa kansalaiskontrollia vastaan. Poissaoloja on ollut eduskunnan alkuvuosista lähtien. Kaikki edustajat eivät saavu ajoissa valtiopäiville eivätkä kaikki osallistu äänestyksiin, vaikka ilmoittautuvat läsnäoleviksi. Salista poistumisen yhtenä syynä voi olla halu välttyä poliittiselta kannanotolta. Suuria poissaoloja ovat aiheuttaneet yöistunnot, maanantaipäivät, istuntokausien loppumiskiireet ja välikysymysten ministerivastaukset. Runsaita henkilöpoissaoloja ovat aiheuttaneet sairaus, virka- ja ministerintehtävät, 1990-luvun alussa myös loikkaukset ja ristiriidat puoleen kanssa. Aineiston valiokuntakokouksista päätösvaltaisena oli alkanut noin 70 % ja loppunut noin 65 %. Suurin vajaavaltaisuuden aiheuttaja oli asiantuntijakuuleminen. Ratkaiseva hallituksen esityksen toinen käsittely oli tehty päätösvaltaisesti, mutta muuten asioita oli viety eteenpäin vajaavaltaisena. Jos päätösvalta-vaatimus olisi ollut ehdoton, asia olisi voinut jumiutua valiokuntaan ja hidastaa eduskuntatyötä. Poikkeuksena päätösvaltaongelmiin oli toimintatavoiltaan erilainen, edustajia ministeristöön nostava valtiovarainvaliokunta. Eduskunnassa on hiljaisia puurtajia eli lainsäädäntötyön tekijöitä, mutta myös poissaolijoita. Poissaolijat jakautuvat puolueensa hyväksi työtä tekeviin poliitikkoihin ja edustajiin, joiden poissaoloihin löytyy ehkä selitys mutta ei puolustusta. Hiljaisen puurtajan työpanos jää usein näkymättä, ja julkinen kuva muodostuu tunnetuista poliitikoista. Ajan mittaan hiljainen puurtaja voi kuitenkin tulla palkituksi arvostetulla eduskunta- tai ministeritehtävällä. Eduskunnassa on korkeaa kollektiivista ja korkeaa yksilöllistä työmoraalia, mutta myös päinvastaisia ilmentymiä. Työmoraalilla ei ole keskimäärää, sillä on kasvot. Poliittiseen eliittiin kuuluu henkilöitä, jotka käyttäytyvät epäeettisesti jos heitä ei valvota - mutta niin heitä kuuluu kaikkialle yhteiskuntaan, äänestäjiinkin. Yleistää ei pidä; jokaista on kohdeltava omana henkilönään. 1980-luvun alkupuolella keskimääräinen poissaolo täysistunnon nimenhuudosta oli noin 20 henkilöä (10 %). Vuonna 1989 työjärjestykseen lisättiin mahdollisuus ilmoittautua läsnäolevaksi nimenhuudon jälkeen. Samana vuonna keskimääräinen poissaolo oli jo 31 henkilöä (15 %). Valtiopäiviin 1994 vaikutti mm. liittyminen Euroopan unioniin, ja silloin nimenhuudosta oli poissa keskimäärin 36 henkilöä (18 %). Sama 36 henkilöä toistui vuonna 1997, jolloin yhtenä syynä olivat äitiyslomat. Vuonna 1998 eduskunta muutti tilastonsa julkisiksi ja syksyn poissaolot lähtivät jyrkkään laskuun. Vuoden keskimääräinen poissaolo nimenhuudosta oli 29 edustajaa (14 %). ; The purpose of the research was to examine the operation of the political elite in the Finnish Parliament.The study is based on both quantitative and qualitative data, and the research methods used are derived from jurisprudence and the social sciences. The statistical data of plenary sessions were collected from 18 parliaments in years 1970-1998, and the data of parliamentary committees from the legislative period of 1991-1994. In all, the data consisted of 6,078 recorded minutes and 520,869 registrations of attendance and non-attendance. The qualitative data consisted of historical surveys of parliament's early years and of surveys of lobbying parliamentary committees. The most important statutes in the normative examination were Parliament Act, the Finnish Constitution and the Parliamentary Order of the Day. The actual work of a parliament member is no longer based on the position of trust. The position has now a more professional character, and the representative has in a way become a professional politician. In fact, the term "office of trust" might most appropriately describe an elected representative's work at present. Even today representatives are paid a "reward" for their services. The use of the term "subsistence" could better refer to the total sum of a monthly income and various other benefits. Subsistence, it also could imply that the representatives contribute their work for the use of the state, of the party and the people. Parliamentary regulations still need a fundamental restructuring. More widely it should be discussed the usefulness of interpellation, the quorum of plenary sessions, the system of deputy members and the system of hearing outside experts at the committee work. The power of the Speakers could be reduced by limiting the office years of the Speaker (and Deputy Speakers). In a parliament, collective morale is moulded by the principle of majority and seniority. Members with fewer years of service have to accept the decisions taken by the more experienced colleagues. Therefore, the collective morale mainly reflects the senior representative's perceptions of right and wrong. A professional politician, depending on political background and party, lost readily genuine contact with the everyday life of voters. Therefore the meaning of the word "right" can be obscured. For example, in committee work they should be more careful with lobbyism in future, when parliament pass a law for representative's corruption. The collective work morale of parliament manifests in the decisions taken. It is also visible in how the members interpret, implement and reform legislation concerning parliament institution. One trend seems to be moderating the norms used in controlling parliamentary work. Another trend is the requirement of openness, demanded by democracy, which, however, often remains quite superficial. It actually seems some times that the internal reforms of parliamentary regulations have been made to protect parliament against its control by citizens. Absences have always been there and they have been discussed since early days of parliament. All the representatives do not turn up in time when parliament begins its work, and some representatives leave the main auditorium as soon as the roll call is over. One reason for an early departure may be try to avoid taking political stand. In the years examined major non-attendance have been caused by night sessions, Monday sessions, ending of term of parliamentary sessions and interpellations debates during Cabinet minister's respond. As to individual representatives non-attendance have been increased by illness, ministerial and official duties or official journeys. In the early 1990s some non-attendance were caused by representatives who went over to another party or had conflicts with their own party. In research material some 70% of committee meetings had started with the presence of a quorum, but when they were adjourned the quorum had dropped to 65%. Hearing outside experts was the major reason for non-quorum meetings. In the decisive second reading of a government proposal there was always the presence of a quorum. If the demand for a quorum had been applied faithfully in all cases, the matter under discussion would probably have delayed the work of parliament as a whole. In this respect, the state financial committee was an exception, because it operates different and helps parliament members in their political career by promoting them to ministerial positions. In parliament work some of the members can be clearly identified as the quiet hard workers. On the other hand, the degree of non-attendance can be high. The conscientious representatives who attend meetings actively are "legislators", while the absent could be divided into "professional politicians" working for their own party or representatives whose absence can be explained but not really defended. The input of a single, hard- working representative often remains invisible. The public image of parliament is primarily created by the well-known professional politicians. A quiet hard-working can, however, in the long run be rewarded with visible parliamentary or ministerial duties. High collective and individual work morale is still to be seen in parliament, but just the opposite may also manifest itself. Morale is something that cannot be expressed in terms of an average, since morale has a face. There will always be members of the political elite who, if uncontrolled, will act unethically. But the same holds true for the rest of society, including the voters. Therefore we should avoid making generalisations and, instead, we should regard each member of parliament as an individual person with his or her own human characteristics. As the early 1980s the average number of absentees in the roll call of plenary sessions was 20 members (10%). In 1989, after an order reform, it became possible to register as present even after the roll call of plenary sessions. In that year 31 members on average (15%) were absent during the roll call. In 1994, when Finland was negotiating its membership in the European Union, on average 36 members (18%) were absent during the roll call. In 1997 the same 36 was caused by a large number of maternity leaves. In 1998 when parliamentary statistics were made public, the average number of absentees was 29 members (14%).