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Ever since that South Africa was admitted like a member of BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), its regional leadership was limited to the African Austral. This can be appreciated in the little commercial bonding with the continent, due to its principaleconomic partners are in Asia, in addition its limited participation in the peacekeeping operations the ongoing in this part of the world, show us its little leadership in matters of security and defense of the Africa continent, fundamental aspect to consolidated like a regional leader; All this added to the polarized socioeconomic situation that present its population and the high indexes of corruption that exist in the government, could limit its aspirations of consolidated like a "rising power" of this part of the globe. However, its geopolitical potential, that is support in its geostrategic location, its abundance in natural resources, principally in mining and its soft power, that use to promotion the multilateralism, democratic principles, the equality and the defense of human rights, they place to South African in a position of great expectative for this international Forum. ; Desde que Sudáfrica fue admitido como miembro de los BRICS (Brasil, Rusia, India, China y Sudáfrica), su liderazgo se limitó únicamente a la región de África austral, la cual se puede apreciar tanto en su poca vinculación comercial, debido a que sus principales socios económicos se encuentran en Asia, y en su escasa participación en las operaciones de mantenimiento de paz que se vienen desarrollando en esta parte del mundo, lo que nos muestra su poco liderazgo en los asuntos de seguridad y defensa del continente Africano, aspecto fundamental para consolidarse como un líder regional; todo esto sumado a la polarizada situación socioeconómica que presenta su población y a los altos índices de corrupción que existen en el gobierno, podrían limitar sus aspiraciones de consolidarse como la "potencia emergente" de esta parte del globo. Sin embargo, su potencial geopolítico, el cual se sustenta en su ubicación geoestratégica, su abundancia en recursos naturales, principalmente en minería y su soft power, por medio del cual promueve el multilateralismo, la democracia, la igualdad y la defensa de los derechos humanos, lo colocan en una posición de gran expectativa para este foro internacional.

The article is dedicated to the United States' achievements in space rivalry, its economic, geopolitical, scientific and technological aspects. Given the fact that the U.S. are faced with a difficult period in their history, they will try to restore the positive image of American democracy not only through traditional political methods, but also via scientific and technological leadership, including in the field of outer space exploration. The author focuses on NASA's modern space programs, among which are initiatives that deal with landing on asteroids, exploring deep space, the Moon and Mars as well as attempts to commercialize outer space through space tourism. The author also compares the space program budgets of the U.S., Russia, China and some European countries. The article presents all these aspects in the current context, with paying attention to the STEM education (Science, Technology, Engineering, Mathematics). The goal is to understand why America still leads in space exploration and sets the bar. In conclusion, the author argues that Washington will keep prioritizing space industry and involve private companies in this field through allocating additional funding and granting tenders to those who are most competitive. In addition, achievements in the U.S. space program is a matter of international prestige and American leadership, given the fact that the image of the country has suffered a lot, especially amidst Trump's bygone, yet controversial presidency. A successful implementation of Washington's ambitions in outer space will strengthen both its leadership and its ties with Europe, which is strategically important for America in the times of political confrontation with Russia and China. In the article, the author primarily relies on descriptive and narrative scientific approaches, comparative and historical methods as well as systematic approach by analyzing NASA documents and publications, speeches of the U.S. presidents and specialized media outlets. The novelty of the article adds up to the fundamental analysis of the American space program through the lens of history and current times while focusing on its political, economic and technological aspects. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project "Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation" supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement № 075-15-2020-783).

This paper presents a bibliometric analysis of the publications on government social media research from the Scopus database from the period of 1998-2021.Based on the keywords used,482 documents related to government social media were retrievedand analysed using various tools. Microsoft Excel was used to conduct the frequency analysis, VOSviewer for data visualization and Harzig's Publish or Perish for citation metrics and analysis. There is a continuous growth of publications on government social media research since 1998. The USA was found to be the largest contributor to government social media, followed by China. In addition, the role of social media in communication technology may take over most of the government services in delivering the information and services to the people. This paper provides a comprehensive compilation of articles offering a general overview of the leading trends and researchers to the development of government social media. This paper reports using standard bibliometric indicators such as the growth of publications, authorship patterns, collaboration and prolific authors, country contribution, most active institutions preferred journals and top-cited articles. ; This paper presents a bibliometric analysis of the publications on government social media research from the Scopus database from the period of 1998-2021.Based on the keywords used,482 documents related to government social media were retrieved and analysed using various tools. Microsoft Excel was used to conduct the frequency analysis, VOSviewer for data visualization and Harzig's Publish or Perish for citation metrics and analysis. There is a continuous growth of publications on government social media research since 1998. The USA was found to be the largest contributor to government social media, followed by China. In addition, the role of social media in communication technology may take over most of the government services in delivering the information and services to the people. This paper provides a comprehensive compilation of articles offering a general overview of the leading trends and researchers to the development of government social media. This paper reports using standard bibliometric indicators such as the growth of publications, authorship patterns, collaboration and prolific authors, country contribution, most active institutions preferred journals and top-cited articles.

Baize Zhang,1 Junhui Wang,1 Zhifei Zhou,2 Xin Ge,1 Geng Cheng,3 Yujiang Chen,1 Xiaojing Wang1 1State Key Laboratory of Military Stomatology & National Clinical Research Center for Oral Diseases & Shaanxi Key Laboratory of Stomatology, Department of Pediatric Dentistry, School of Stomatology, The Fourth Military Medical University, Xi'an, 710032, People's Republic of China; 2Department of Stomatology, The General Hospital of Tibetan Military Region, Lasha, 850000, People's Republic of China; 3State Key Laboratory of Military Stomatology & National Clinical Research Center for Oral Diseases & Shaanxi Key Laboratory of Stomatology, Department of Endodontics, School of Stomatology, The Fourth Military Medical University, Xi'an, 710032, People's Republic of ChinaCorrespondence: Xiaojing WangDepartment of Pediatric Dentistry, School of Stomatology, The Fourth Military Medical University, 145 West Changle Road, Xi'an, Shaanxi, 710032, People's Republic of ChinaTel/Fax +86-29-84776239Email wxjingpd@hotmail.comAbstract: Currently, the common treatment for pulpitis and periapical diseases is root canal treatment. However, the complex variations of root canal system often affect the effect of root canal treatment and even lead to treatment failure. Therefore, it is of great significance for dentists to emphasize the diversity of root canal morphology and to be familiar with the anatomical morphology of root canal to improve the success rate of clinical diagnosis and treatment. We reported a case of an eight-year-old female patient of type V root canal in a young maxillary middle incisor. The young maxillary central incisor was diagnosed with irreversible pulpitis by radiography and CBCT examination. The present case report described the entire treatment procedure of a young maxillary central incisor after trauma, including successive apical examination, CBCT examination and multiple root canal filling, and finally the treatment was completed with the aid of microscope. The root canals were filled with the vertical compression technique. Z350 composite resin was used to repair the tooth. The patient was followed-up at three, six, and 12 months after endodontic treatment. All of the examinations were normal. Finding the anatomical configuration of root canal by various ways will help to improve the success rate of root canal therapy.Keywords: cone-beam computed tomography, CBCT, one root with two root canals, root canal microscope, young maxillary central incisor

Addisu Dabi Wake Nursing Department, College of Health Sciences, Arsi University, Asella, EthiopiaCorrespondence: Addisu Dabi WakeNursing Department, College of Health Sciences, Arsi University, P.O. Box: 193/04, Asella, EthiopiaTel +251 910 2867 66Email addansa12@gmail.comBackground: The outbreak of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) in Wuhan, China, spreads globally, since its declaration by the World Health Organization (WHO) as a COVID-19 pandemic on March 11, 2020. COVID-19 vaccine is a crucial preventive approach that can halt this pandemic. The present systematic review was aimed to assess the level of willingness to receive COVID-19 vaccine and its associated factors.Methods: A comprehensive literature search was conducted by using various online databases such as PubMed/MEDLINE, HINARI, EMBASE, Google Scholar, Web of Science, Scopus, African journals, and Google for grey literature which were used to search the related articles up to the period of May 08, 2021.Results: The overall rate of participants' willingness to receive the COVID-19 vaccine was ranged from 27.7% to 91.3%, which was from Congo and China, respectively. Factors such as age, educational status, gender, income, residency, occupation, marital status, race/ethnicity, perceived risk of COVID-19, trust in healthcare system, health insurance, norms, attitude towards vaccine, perceived benefit of vaccine, perceived vaccine barriers, self-efficacy, up-to-date on vaccinations, tested for COVID-19 in the past, perceived efficacy of the COVID-19 vaccination, recommended for vaccination, political leaning, perceived severity of COVID-19, perceived effectiveness of COVID-19 vaccine, belief that vaccination makes them feel less worried about COVID-19, believing in mandatory COVID-19 vaccination, perceived potential vaccine harms, presence of chronic disease, confidence, COVID-19 vaccine safety concern, working in healthcare field, believing vaccines can stop the pandemic, fear about COVID-19, cues to action, COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy, complacency, and receiving any vaccine in the past 5 years were associated with the willingness of receive COVID-19 vaccine.Conclusion: There were insufficient levels of willingness to receive COVID-19 vaccine, and several factors were associated with it. Health education should be provided concerning this vaccine to improve the willingness of the community.Keywords: COVID-19, vaccine, willingness, acceptance, associated factors, demand

During the so-called Cold War the financing of the defense budget was widely discussed. The issue of financing the defense budget was widely discussed during the arms race. Since the end of the Cold War, armed conflicts have become more complex, and their causes are even more diverse than during the Cold War. They were caused by the deterioration of inter-ethnic divisions, hybrid and cyber wars over energy resources and the activities of terrorist groups. Due to the changing security dimension, a new study was conducted examining the determinants of defense spending in a changing security environment: the creation of new islands in the South China Sea to expand China's military-political power in the region; the possibility of using North Korea's nuclear energy. weapons, Russia's military maneuver in the conflict in Ukraine, its naval operation in the Black Sea, the occupation of Crimea, military operations in Syria, a change in U.S. military doctrine. The state that has spent the most military spending is returning to the creation of large military units, and to do so, the country needs to increase defense spending. Looking at how these world events work, we see one component that connects them. Strong force, expressed in military action, is used to achieve their political goals. Military power is gaining more and more influence in the formation of foreign policy, therefore the defense budget, as an instrument of foreign policy expressed in military power, is becoming an increasingly relevant object of research. Lithuania's defense budget is not as important to world politics as the United States, China or other major countries in the world, but it is relevant and significant in its region. Expenditures on the Lithuanian military budget began to increase significantly by two thousand and fourteen. It can be argued that the factor that has now influenced cost growth is Russia's military aggression in Ukraine. Nevertheless, in 2008 Russia's aggression in Georgia did not affect the growth of Lithuania's defense budget. 2008 The economic crisis may have influenced Lithuania's decision not to increase military spending. Some pressure on the country's defense budget is also related to the 2020 Pandemic crisis. The question arises as to why seemingly similar conflicts affect Lithuanian political decisions differently.

During the so-called Cold War the financing of the defense budget was widely discussed. The issue of financing the defense budget was widely discussed during the arms race. Since the end of the Cold War, armed conflicts have become more complex, and their causes are even more diverse than during the Cold War. They were caused by the deterioration of inter-ethnic divisions, hybrid and cyber wars over energy resources and the activities of terrorist groups. Due to the changing security dimension, a new study was conducted examining the determinants of defense spending in a changing security environment: the creation of new islands in the South China Sea to expand China's military-political power in the region; the possibility of using North Korea's nuclear energy. weapons, Russia's military maneuver in the conflict in Ukraine, its naval operation in the Black Sea, the occupation of Crimea, military operations in Syria, a change in U.S. military doctrine. The state that has spent the most military spending is returning to the creation of large military units, and to do so, the country needs to increase defense spending. Looking at how these world events work, we see one component that connects them. Strong force, expressed in military action, is used to achieve their political goals. Military power is gaining more and more influence in the formation of foreign policy, therefore the defense budget, as an instrument of foreign policy expressed in military power, is becoming an increasingly relevant object of research. Lithuania's defense budget is not as important to world politics as the United States, China or other major countries in the world, but it is relevant and significant in its region. Expenditures on the Lithuanian military budget began to increase significantly by two thousand and fourteen. It can be argued that the factor that has now influenced cost growth is Russia's military aggression in Ukraine. Nevertheless, in 2008 Russia's aggression in Georgia did not affect the growth of Lithuania's defense budget. 2008 The economic crisis may have influenced Lithuania's decision not to increase military spending. Some pressure on the country's defense budget is also related to the 2020 Pandemic crisis. The question arises as to why seemingly similar conflicts affect Lithuanian political decisions differently.

En las Sierras de Curicó (también conocidas como de La China) en el Pdo. de Olavarría, se han detectado pinturas rupestres en paredones y reparos de los afloramientos tabulares de cuarcita. Se trata de tres sectores con motivos lineales, geométricos, pintados en rojo. En el faldeo de la misma sierra, se localizaron dos estructuras pequeñas de piedra pircada de forma circular. En la cima de otro afloramiento rocoso, ubicado 500 m al oeste de estas estructuras, se halló una acumulación oval de piedras. En este trabajo se resumen las características del conjunto arqueológico y se presentan los resultados de los sondeos realizados en una de esas estructuras. Se examina la contemporaneidad entre las estructuras y las pinturas rupestres y su posible filiación tehuelche. Se comparan estas pinturas con otras manifestaciones similares de la Región Pampeana. Por último, se exploran aspectos simbólicos y religiosos de las sociedades pampeanas tardías. ; In the Curicó hills (also known as the La China hill), in the Olavarría district, rock art has been discovered on walls and in shelters in the quartzite tabular outcrops of the Balcarce Formation. The paintings are in three sectors and consist of lineal and geometrical motifs painted in red. On the slope of the hill, two stone circular structures were detected, and on the top of the opposite hill an oval stone structure was also found. In this article, the characteristics of this archaeological material are summarised and the results from test pits, excavated in one of these structures is presented. The contemporaneity among the findings is examined as well as its possible tehuelche affiliation. Finally, the symbolic and religion dimensions of the Late Pampean indigenous societies are explored. ; Fil: Madrid, Patricia. Universidad Nacional del Centro de la Provincia de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Ciencias Naturales y Museo; Argentina. ; Fil: Poiré, Daniel G. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Ciencias Naturales y Museo; Argentina. ; Fil: Politis, Gustavo. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Universidad Nacional del Centro de la Provincia de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Ciencias Naturales y Museo; Argentina.

Seed processing is an important link in the seed industry chain. Crop seed industry is a national strategic and basic core of industry. Drying, cleaning, selecting, grading, coating, packaging and storage of crop seeds are the main measures to realize the precision sowing of crops and the increase of grain yield and income. Continuously improving the intelligence and fi ne level of seed processing equipment is of great signifi cance to ensure the production and supply of excellent seeds and the stability of agricultural production. This paper describes the development status of modern seed processing equipment technology in China, introduces the establishment of seed processing equipment engineering technology research center, taking maize, rice, wheat and cotton seed processing technology and machinery as an example, describes the key technologies and technological process of the breakthrough in the major crop seed processing, analyzes the existing problems of seed processing equipment in China at this stage as well as the development trend in the future, provides a reference for government decision makers in resolving the problem of mechanical damage in the process of seed processing and further improving the intellectualization level of seed processing, promotes the common progress of the global seed processing equipment technology. ; Обработка семян – важное звено в цепочке семеноводства. Отрасль растениеводства – это национальная стратегическая и базовая отрасль промышленности страны. Сушка, очистка, отбор, сортировка, дражирование, упаковка и хранение семян сельскохозяйственных культур являются основными мерами по обеспечению точного посева сельскохозяйственных культур и увеличения урожайности и доходов зерна. Постоянное повышение интеллектуального уровня оборудования для обработки семян имеет большое значение для получения и поставки отличных семян и обеспечения стабильности сельскохозяйственного производства. В этой работе описывается состояние разработки современного оборудования для обработки семян в Китае, рассказывается о создании центра инженерных технологий оборудования для обработки семян. На примере технологий и оборудования для обработки семян кукурузы, риса, пшеницы и хлопка описываются ключевые технологии и технологический процесс, лежащие в основе технологического прорыва в обработке семян основных сельскохозяйственных культур. Анализируются существующие проблемы, связанные с оборудованием для обработки семян в Китае на данном этапе, а также будущие тенденции развития обработки семян. Статья предоставляет рекомендации для лиц, принимающих правительственные решения в области проблем механических повреждений семян в процессе обработки и решения о дальнейшем повышении уровня интеллектуализации обработки семенного материала. Данная работа способствует дальнейшему развитию глобальных технологий в этой сфере.

Jinman Zhong,1,* Jianke Ding,2,* Lei Deng,1 Ying Xiang,1 Duoduo Liu,1 Yanyan Zhang,1 Xin Chen,1 Quanxin Yang1 1Department of Radiology, The Second Affiliated Hospital, Xi' an Jiaotong University, Xi'an, Shaanxi Province, 710004, People's Republic of China; 2Department of Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery, Xijing Hospital, Fourth Military Medical University, Xi'an, Shaanxi Province, 710032, People's Republic of China*These authors contributed equally to this workCorrespondence: Quanxin Yang; Xin ChenDepartment of Radiology, The Second Affiliated Hospital, Xi' an Jiaotong University, 157 Xiwu Road, Xi'an, Shaanxi Province, 710004, People's Republic of ChinaEmail quanxin1962@163.com; chen_x129@163.comBackground: The sensitive and specific detection of pathogenic cells is important in tumor diagnosis at an early stage. Aptamers are short single-stranded oligonucleotides evolved from systematic evolution of ligands by exponential enrichment (SELEX). It has been proved that aptamers can interact with cognate target molecules with high affinity and specificity and have great potential in the development of medical imaging at molecular level.Purpose: To select epithelial cell adhesion molecule (EpCAM) specific aptamers targeting prostate cancer and further to conjugate aptamers with GoldMag nanoparticles (a typical iron oxide core/gold shell structure) to construct magnetic molecular probes for medical imaging.Methods: EpCAM-specific aptamers were selected by Cell-SELEX. The enrichment of specific aptamer candidates was monitored by flow cytometric analysis. Aptamers were further conjugated with GoldMag nanoparticles to construct magnetic molecular probes. The affinity and specificity of aptamer candidates and aptamer-conjugated GoldMag nanoparticles were evaluated. The MR imaging of aptamer-conjugated GoldMag nanoparticles to prostate cancer was further explored in vitro and in vivo.Results: After 12 rounds of selection, aptamer candidates Eppc6 and Eppc14 could specifically target three types of prostate cancer cells, revealing a high affinity of Eppc6 and Eppc14. Moreover, aptamer-conjugated GoldMag nanoparticles not only exhibited good affinity to different prostate cancer cells but also produced strong T2WI signal intensity reduction distinguished from peritumoral tissue in MRI, indicating that the molecular probes possess both the affinity properties of EpCAM-specific aptamer and the superparamagnetic features of iron oxide.Conclusion: Our study indicates that aptamer Eppc6 and Eppc14 can recognize prostate cancer cells and tissues. The aptamer-conjugated GoldMag nanoparticles constructed in the study can be used as a molecular imaging agent for detection of PCa in MRI.Keywords: EpCAM, aptamer, Cell-SELEX, prostate cancer

executive summary: This essay examines Australia's understanding of the concepts of the "Indo-Pacific" and "rules-based order" and analyzes how Australia pursues its geostrategic interests in the Indo-Pacific, particularly its increased emphasis on minilateralism. main argumentAustralia and other regional countries confront the threat that U.S.-China tension could escalate from competition to outright confrontation. To address this challenge, Australia should adopt a more "free and open" strategic and foreign policy by partnering with other middle powers and smaller states to create a new Indo-Pacific security order that seeks to rebalance regional power dynamics. This security order would be better guided by rules than by values, but given the limitations of the existing rules-based order, Australia should recognize problems with the current rules and work to make them attractive to smaller states. This may involve middle powers compromising some of their "shared values" and making sacrifices to their national interests (narrowly defined) in service of the overriding interest in preserving regional peace and security based on rules that are seen as legitimate and respect-worthy by many states, not just the most powerful ones. policy implications• Behind closed doors, middle powers are questioning whether the U.S. should continue to take the lead in securing order in the Indo-Pacific, and in fact do not necessarily trust that it is capable of doing so. Many Indo-Pacific states are wary of being caught between an activist China and an unpredictable U.S. and are reluctant to make a strategic choice. • Over the last two decades, Australia has demonstrated its capacity as a middle power by leading interventions in Timor-Leste and the Solomon Islands, and most recently by implementing its cross-government policy to "step up" its engagement in the Pacific Islands. Australia should draw confidence from these and other efforts. • Creating an Indo-Pacific security order negotiated and led by middle powers and small states will strain alliance relationships and strategic partnerships, and it will be challenged by Southeast Asian states' emphasis on ASEAN centrality and the preference of regional states for nonalignment and autonomy. This suggests that creating this order will require sustained diplomatic commitment and compromise and necessarily be an iterative process.

The global energy scenario is undergoing a tectonic shift in recent times. While energy security has been emerging as one of the cornerstones of the foreign policy of major countries, a new geological survey has the promise of new discoveries and reserves untapped. One such epic new frontier of the world geological survey has been the post-Soviet Central Asia consisting of five "Stans" of Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan, along with the Caspian Sea region. Sitting on huge untapped hydrocarbon potentials, the Central Asian geographical entity in recent years has offered enormous opportunity and appeal for countries adjacent to the region and far beyond. That is perhaps the reason that even after the disintegration of the USSR, the geopolitical importance of Central Asia has never waned down, instead it emerged as a grand chessboard for regional and extra-regional players for the immense opportunities it offered for the energy-crunch countries as potentially new and non-OPEC source of oil and natural gas. In the quest for energy security and diversity of supply sources by energy consumers, the heartland has witnessed a new great game in the scramble for resources. This accentuated struggle for oil and energy in the region has further led to aggressive foreign policy formulations and strategic calculation by countries such as the United States, China, the European Union, Japan, Israel, Iran, Pakistan, and India, to which many now call "the New Great Game" for not just controlling but administering energy resources of the region. The bottom line of the New Great Game, unlike the previous version, is essentially played out around petropolitics and pipeline diplomacy. To support the scramble for energy in Central Asia and the aggressive petropolitics and pipeline diplomacy by major powers, the study adopts the peak oil theory of Club of Rome thesis to understand the global tectonic shift of energy frontiers. Further, this article attempts to examine the position of India in Central Asia and its policy initiatives in the epic quest for oil and energy in the traditional bastion of Russia and the new grand chessboard of China and the United States.

The article analyzes long-term external and internal factors determining the course of development of Russian-Japanese relations in 2019-2020. On the one hand, the anti-Russian component in Tokyo's foreign policy is shaped by its membership in the Security Treaty with the United States and its solidarity with the sanctions policy of the Group of Seven towards Russia. On the other hand, Japan and Russia are both interested interest in political cooperation in creating multilateral dialog mechanisms of international security in East Asia, resolving the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula, and easing tensions around territorial disputes in the East China and South China seas. Among the economic factors, the author focuses on the significant place of Russia in the context of Japan's task of diversifying sources of external energy supplies, as well as on Russia's desire to avoid unilateral dependence on the Chinese market while reorienting the system of foreign economic relations from the West to the East. Personal diplomacy of political leaders plays a significant role in relations between Russia and Japan, and, above all, close personal relationships and frequent meetings between Prime Minister Abe and President Putin, which make it possible to partially compensate the unfavorable image of the partner country in the public opinion of both Russia and Japan. Against the background of a deadlock in the Peace Treaty talks which emerged in 2019, the search for a way out of the diplomatic impasse is on the agenda. In the author's opinion, it would be appropriate at the first stage to proceed to the conclusion of a basic agreement on the basis bilateral relations, which would be "untied" from the Peace Treaty. In addition, Russia could stop criticizing Japan for its security policy and show greater understanding of the Japanese initiative in the field of quality infrastructure. In turn, Japan could take a number of strategic decisions on cooperation with Russia and announce them in the Prime Minister's keynote speech. In addition, Tokyo could stop positioning the issue of the peace Treaty as the main issue in relations with Russia, which would allow our countries to "untie" bilateral relations from the problem of border demarcation and focus on their positive agenda.

Abstract
Chinese politics are characterized by the complex issues of a large population and centralized political powers, which offers a distinct political model from the Western models. However, the last two decades have witnessed a sharp collision between Chinese and Western political thinking. In response, domestic authors have increasingly focused on the indigenization (bentuhua 本土化) of Chinese political theories and, therefore, defend the concept of politics with Chinese characteristics. In this article, the authors focus on the discourse of "deliberative democracy" within the Chinese language, namely, Xieshang minzhu 协商 民主. In the current literature, almost no scholarly discussions have explored the semantics of the notion of Xieshang minzhu within Chinese politics. This article engages with this issue, both as a subject and a methodology, to better understand the political language that has been used in the official discourses in China
Official propaganda mainly includes five of China's most authoritative official media (newspapers): People's Daily (Renmin ribao 人民 日报), Guangming Daily (Guangming ribao 光明 日报), Xinhua Daily(Xinhua ribao 新华 日报), China Comment (Banyutan 半月谈), Qiushi (Qiushi 求是, formerly known as Red Flag (Hongqi 红旗)), Xi Jinping's series of important speech databases and official documents on the subject of Xieshang or Xieshang minzhu in the Party-Building Database.
by 1) establishing a textual corpus by collecting relevant data into the Chinese and English groups through keywords; 2) conducting a statistical analysis based on the Word Cloud and Diagram analyses; and 3) using Word2Vec to calculate the relationship among other sub-keywords. The purpose of this contribution is to differentiate Xieshang minzhu as adopted by Chinese official discourses embedded in the logic of political reforms from the Western discourses. The semantic analysis presented here also serves as a methodology that systematically develops a conceptual model of xieshang, which further clarifies the misconceptions and errors in the existing literature. The authors also provide an outline of the polysemic notion of deliberative democracy, which not only exists within an authoritarian regime but is also present in other forms and other languages (such as Chinese). This serves to further maintain the legitimacy of the "socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics."

PurposeE-commerce poverty alleviation (EPA) is an innovative poverty alleviation model in China. The institutional mechanisms of the e-commerce platform improve the effect of EPA and exert online shopping purchase power in rural China. From a socio-technical perspective, this paper used adoption readiness of farmers and perceived risk to construct an integrated model to discern the effect of enhanced e-commerce institutional mechanisms on farmers' online shopping intention in the context of EPA.Design/methodology/approachThe survey included 832 valid samples from rural farmers in Shanxi province. This study analyses using structural equation modelling (SEM) and bootstrap methods used to empirically test the model.FindingsFindings suggest that enhanced e-commerce institutional mechanisms have significant direct and indirect positive impacts on farmers' online shopping intention; adoption readiness and perceived risk play partial mediation roles in determining the relationship between farmers' online shopping intention and enhanced e-commerce institutional mechanisms; and the indirect mediation effect of adoption readiness is greater than that of perceived risk.Research limitations/implicationsAlthough the proposed model was supported in the questionnaire survey, the investigation method was not completely excluded. Future research can combine the method of panel data and apply the framework to other e-commerce platforms, as well as to other cultural settings.Practical implicationsThe study suggests that enhanced e-commerce institutional mechanisms that are based on the needs of farmers from poverty-stricken areas change the shopping habits of farmers. Moreover, enhanced e-commerce institutional mechanisms should allow farmers' perceived adoption readiness to play its promoting role and reduce the impeding role of perceived risk. The results of this study are conducive to the intensive implementation of the 'Three Rural Issues' strategy in China.Originality/valueA new model to generate a two-factor mediation effect model by integrating the perceived effectiveness of enhanced e-commerce institutional mechanisms with farmers, farmers' adoption readiness, perceived risk and online shopping intention. The study explored the relationship between enhanced e-commerce institutional mechanisms and farmers' online shopping intention, bridging the gap in related empirical studies. Besides, this study first proposed farmers' adoption readiness and clarifies the mediating role of farmers' adoption readiness and perceived risk, which highlights the previously unnoticed role of farmers' adoption readiness.