Summary. Introduction. The article substantiates causal relations between the theory of "symphony" of the Church and the State proposed by Emperor Justinian, and appearance of specific relationships expressed in the primacy of political power over the spiritual institution and known as "Caesaropapism". Examples of Caesaropapist relations between church and state in the Byzantine Empire, in the Kievan Rus, in the Moscow kingdom and Russia are depicted in the historical aspect. Purpose. To explore the formation of Caesaropapism in the Orthodox world, as a result of the transformation "symphony of power" Emperor Justinian I. Methods. Methods of analysis, description and induction were used to study the cause of Caesaropapism appearance, to display the most significant historical stages of its manifestation and to find out its consequences for the countries of the Orthodox world. Results. It was found that the concept of "symphony" proposed by Justinian I was the basis for the formation of Caesaropapist relations and it was aimed not to the harmonious existence of spiritual and secular institutions but to the development of Byzantine absolutism in the base of which the Orthodox Church was supposed to lie. Subsequently, the Byzantine emperors used the legal work of Justinian I to justify their political dominance over the Orthodox Church. The Moscow version of Caesar's repentance manifests itself in a more perverted form and rather resembles the elements of theocracy being close to the Islamic world. Originality. The study notes that the purpose of the Justinian the Great's "symphony" was a desire to fix the unhindered intervention of secular authority in the affairs of the church at the legislative level, and this eventually led to the establishment and consolidation of Caesaropapism as a system of relations between political and spiritual authorities in the Byzantine Empire, and later, with borrowing Christianity, in the Russian Empire and in Russia too. It is noted that the manifestations of Caesaropapism are also evident in modern Ukraine which is a consequence of the influence of the Russian Orthodox tradition. Conclusion. So, the symphony of Emperor Justinian the Great became the source of Caesaropapism, and it legislatively provided the influence of basileus on the Orthodox Church. Cesaropapism became a characteristic phenomenon for both Byzantium and for the Russian Empire. Intervention of political elites in the spiritual sphere takes place also in modern Ukraine, as our country is still experiencing the consequences of political and spiritual Russian hegemony.
The article considers the problems of relations between the Church and the state in the classical sociological theory of M. Drahomanov and modern sociology. In the Western sociology of religion, considerable attention is paid to distinguishing the contexts of state and Сhurch practices, which can be compatible or incompatible with democracy. Compatible with democracy is a form of interaction between Church and state that ensures the protection of religious freedom and religious self-expression of all religious organizations and excludes discrimination based on religion. The negative consequences of the violation of the «principle of separation of Church from the State» described in the works of M. Drahomanov are analyzed. The socio-cultural effects of state intervention in the affairs of the Church at the level of society are investigated: violation of the principle of freedom of conscience, religious repression, forced unification of religions, and migration of believers as a result of repression by the state. It is emphasized that the violation of the principle of freedom of conscience contributes to the formation of an imposed and inauthentic identity of the individual, the growth of religious conformity, and the strengthening of «categorical inequality» in society. The social consequences of religious discrimination are analyzed: the growth of mass tension and frustration in society, the conflict between different Church communities, and the weakening of the effect of cohesion. The negative consequences of the violation of the «principle of separation of Church from the state» for the state Church are demonstrated: weakening of influence in society, rejection of the intellectuals, and latent atheism of the population. It is emphasized that to neutralize these negative effects, it is necessary to observe the constitutional principle of separation of the Church from the state. It was concluded that the separation of Church from state should contribute to the establishment of interreligious tolerance and understanding in society.
Author's resume. An urgent problem for both theoretical-sociological reflection and social practices is the problem of the relationship between the social institutions of the church and the state in contemporary Ukrainian society. The problem is actualized both in connection with the uncertainty of the hidden contradictions between the key religious denominations, and through the falsely neutral position of the state pursuing a policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of the church, and, in fact, indulges in inciting inter-confessional hostility. The main line of conflict passes between the UOC-MP and the UOC-KP and Greek-Catholicism (Uniate). In many respects, the differences between them relate to the «connection of the relevant religious organizations with lobbyist renditions in the special services, which to some extent continue their» curatorial powers «in the Orthodox Church. Relations of other faiths that can be considered secondary, concerning marginal neo-Protestantism, which, however, enters into relations with the state only in connection with Orthodoxy and Greek Catholicism. Institutes of religion in comparison with other social institutions are more conservative and change extremely slowly. Religion consolidates the values, norms, social practices, patterns of relations that have developed in previous epochs. The transformation of religious institutions does not occur synchronously with the change of other legal, political or economic institutions. Religious institutions are more stable, provide stabilization influence, introduce an element of continuity and provide society with its distinctiveness. The authorities are not in a position to give priority support to any of them, politically it depends on the electorate not just one, but the totality of all denominations. As a result, the role of the religious factor in the public life of the country is somewhat blurred, the main thing in the relations between the state and the church is determined though fragile. Splits in Orthodoxy in its social functionality, limited by a single Ecumenical Orthodoxy, have destructive and disintegrating significance, not only in the ecclesiastical, but also in the social sense. ; Насущной проблемой как для теоретико-социологической рефлексии, так и социальных практик является проблема отношений между социальными институтами церкви и государства в современном украинском обществе. Проблема актуализируется как в связи с неопределенностью скрытых противоречий между ключевыми религиозными конфессиями, так и через ложно-нейтральную позицию государства, проводящего политику невмешательства во внутренние дела церкви, и тем самым фактически потакающего разжиганию межконфессиональной вражды. Основная линия конфликта проходит между УПЦ МП, УПЦ КП и греко-католицизмом (униатством). Во многом различия между ними касаются связи соответствующих религиозных организаций с лоббистскими групировками в спецслужбах, которые в той или иной степени продолжают свои «кураторские полномочия» по православной церкви. Отношения других конфессий, которые можно рассматривать в качестве вторичных, касающиеся маргинального неопротестантизма, который, однако, вступает в отношения с государством только в связи с православием и греко-католицизмом. Институты религии по сравнению с другими социальными институтами более консервативны и меняются крайне медленно. Религия закрепляет сложившиеся в предыдущие эпохи ценности, нормы, социальные практики, образцы отношений и др. Трансформация религиозных институтов происходит не синхронно с изменением других правовых, политических или экономических институтов. Религиозные институты более устойчивы, предоставляют стабилизационный влияние, вносят элемент преемственности и обеспечивают обществу его своеобразие. Власть не имеет возможности оказывать приоритетную поддержку какой-либо из них, в политическом плане она зависит от электората не одной, а совокупности всех конфессий. В результате роль религиозного фактора в общественной жизни страны несколько размыта. Расколы в православии в своей социальной функциональности, ограниченной по единому Вселенскому православию, имеют деструктивный и дезинтегрирующие значение не только в церковной, но и в общественной смысле. ; Нагальною проблемою як для теоретико-соціологічної рефлексії, так і соціальних практик є проблема відносин між соціальними інститутами церкви і держави в сучасному українському суспільстві. Проблема актуалізується як у зв'язку із невизначеністю прихованих протиріч між ключовими релігійними конфесіями, так і через хибно-нейтральну позицію держави, яка проводить політику невтручання у внутрішні справи церкви, і тим самим фактично потурає розпалюванню міжконфесійної ворожнечі. Основна лінія конфлікту проходить між УПЦ МП, УПЦ КП та греко-католицизмом (уніатством). Багато в чому відмінності між ними стосуються зв'язку відповідних релігійних організацій із лобістськими огрупованнями в спецслужбах, які в той чи інший спосіб продовжують свої «кураторські повноваження» щодо православної церкви. Відносини інших конфесій, які можна розглядати в якості вторинних, стосуються маргінального неопротестантизму, який, проте, вступає у відносини з державою лише у зв'язку із православ'ям і греко-католицизмом. Інститути релігії в порівнянні з іншими соціальними інститутами більш консервативні та змінюються вкрай повільно. Релігія закріплює сформовані в попередні епохи цінності, норми, соціальні практики, зразки відносин та ін. Трансформація релігійних інститутів відбувається не синхронно зі зміною інших правових, політичних або економічних інститутів. Релігійні інститути більш стійкі, надають стабілізаційний вплив, вносять елемент наступності та забезпечують суспільству його своєрідність. Влада не має можливості надавати пріоритетну підтримку будь-якої з них, в політичному плані вона залежить від електорату не однієї, а сукупності всіх конфесій. Внаслідок цього роль релігійного чинника в суспільному житті країни дещо розмита. Розколи в православ'ї у своїй соціальній функціональності, обмеженої щодо єдиного Вселенського православ'я, мають деструктивне та дезінтегруюче значення не тільки в церковному, але і в суспільному сенсі.
В статті досліджуються проблемні аспекти взаємовідносин держави і церкви, зокрема, аналізуються основні моделі взаємовідносин держави і церкви, досліджується досвід України та Польщі. ; В статье исследуются проблемные аспекты взаимоотношений государства и церкви, в частности, анализируются основные модели взаимоотношений государства и церкви, исследуется опыт Украины и Польши. ; Problem setting. The society is a kind of rather complex, dynamically differentiated and social systems characterized by integrity, stability and ability of self-development, as well as the existence of special social norms and values that ensure its functioning. At the same time, the high importance for the regulation of social relations is played by law and religion, because particular these elements determine the normal state of functioning of society as a whole and a person in it. According to this, the special attention is paid to the issue of the relations between the law and the religion.After the Revolution of Dignity, our state is undergoing the process of national revival, a return to the implementation of the idea of ruining national, legal and ideological system, taking into account the traditional and religious origins of law. Thus, nowadays there are intensified efforts to determine the connection of law with religious norms, laws of spiritual development of society. This necessitates the need for comprehensive research, the characteristics of the relations between the church and the state, because the religious norms, through which the regulation of certain spheres of public life is carried out, have not become the subject of research by scholars in many areas: lawyers, sociologists, phi- losophers, etc. This study was especially relevant as a result of the conflict between the Ukrainian Orthodox churches of the Kyiv and Moscow Patriarchate, which gained much publicity in January 2018. That is why the problems of relationships between the church and the state are gaining the high importance.Recent research and publications analysis. Under the modern conditions, the prob- lems of the relationship between the church and the state, in particular, its sociological, philosophical, moral and legal aspects, are the subject of a study by a number of scholars. Among them we can distinguish the following: O. M. Bandurka, D. O. Vovk, I. I. Dakhova,P. M. Rabinovich, I. V. Ryabko, G. L. Sergienko, Yu. I. Fisun, S. V. Shevchuk, L. V. Yarmol and others. Without diminishing the role and significance of these scholars' achievements, we believe that the issue under study remains very relevant in nowadays' conditions.The purpose of the article is to address the problematic sociological and philosophical and legal aspects of the relations between the church and the state.Paper main body. At the beginning of the article is emphasized that the state and religion are those institutions that have the same important influence on a person. But the relations between the church bears not a simple nature, therefore, the authors reveal the content of church-state relations. It should be mentioned that "the state-church relations" is a concept that was formed by combining two established concepts – the state and the church. And if the term "state" is agreed by the vast majority of scholars. Regarding the term "religion", there is a number of constitutional terms that serve to define the term "religious organization." These terms are proportional to the variety of names that they have acquired over a long process of development. In the bosom of Christian religion, for example, everywhere the name "Church" is adopted. Other religious communities use names such as "religious organization, association, society".Today, the definition of the concept of the state-church relations is dominant – is a cer- tain system of ties and relations, in which various issues related to the activity of the au- thorities and the church, regulation of the legal status of the church are solved. Subse- quently, the authors disclose the content of the basic principles and fundamental models of interaction between the state and society. The ideal model is called the model of "ideal neutrality" by the authors.In Ukraine, the cooperation of the state and the church is carried out on a constitu- tional basis and based on the norms of the current legislation, in particular the Law of Ukraine "On Freedom of Conscience and Religious Organizations".The experience of Poland is interesting in the relations between the state and the church. Despite the communist past and forced atheism, Poland remains today a country with a strongly represented religious tradition, which, of course, affects the relations between the state and the church in the educational sphere. Teaching religion in schools is only with the consent of parents, and the process of teaching is controlled by the state itself, the church and public organizations.Conclusions of the research. Thus, after studying the problematic aspects of the rela- tions between the church and the state, we came to the conclusion that the state-church relations are one of the types of social relations characterized by the level of interconnec- tions of the church, associations, movements and other religious organizations with the state, the degree of their interrelation as well as universal human principles. In our opin- ion, the most perfect way of the relations between the church and the state is the model of liberal neutrality, which consists of the complete neutrality of the church, its elimination from the socio-political sphere of society and the complete separation of church and state. Although the example of Poland shows that, under modern conditions, the model of con- cordat is also relevant. Therefore, we can state that throughout the life this question will always be relevant, because the problems of relations between the state and the church are an eternal problems.
В статті досліджуються проблемні аспекти взаємовідносин держави і церкви, зокрема, аналізуються основні моделі взаємовідносин держави і церкви, досліджується досвід України та Польщі. ; В статье исследуются проблемные аспекты взаимоотношений государства и церкви, в частности, анализируются основные модели взаимоотношений государства и церкви, исследуется опыт Украины и Польши. ; Problem setting. The society is a kind of rather complex, dynamically differentiated and social systems characterized by integrity, stability and ability of self-development, as well as the existence of special social norms and values that ensure its functioning. At the same time, the high importance for the regulation of social relations is played by law and religion, because particular these elements determine the normal state of functioning of society as a whole and a person in it. According to this, the special attention is paid to the issue of the relations between the law and the religion.After the Revolution of Dignity, our state is undergoing the process of national revival, a return to the implementation of the idea of ruining national, legal and ideological system, taking into account the traditional and religious origins of law. Thus, nowadays there are intensified efforts to determine the connection of law with religious norms, laws of spiritual development of society. This necessitates the need for comprehensive research, the characteristics of the relations between the church and the state, because the religious norms, through which the regulation of certain spheres of public life is carried out, have not become the subject of research by scholars in many areas: lawyers, sociologists, phi- losophers, etc. This study was especially relevant as a result of the conflict between the Ukrainian Orthodox churches of the Kyiv and Moscow Patriarchate, which gained much publicity in January 2018. That is why the problems of relationships between the church and the state are gaining the high importance.Recent research and publications analysis. Under the modern conditions, the prob- lems of the relationship between the church and the state, in particular, its sociological, philosophical, moral and legal aspects, are the subject of a study by a number of scholars. Among them we can distinguish the following: O. M. Bandurka, D. O. Vovk, I. I. Dakhova,P. M. Rabinovich, I. V. Ryabko, G. L. Sergienko, Yu. I. Fisun, S. V. Shevchuk, L. V. Yarmol and others. Without diminishing the role and significance of these scholars' achievements, we believe that the issue under study remains very relevant in nowadays' conditions.The purpose of the article is to address the problematic sociological and philosophical and legal aspects of the relations between the church and the state.Paper main body. At the beginning of the article is emphasized that the state and religion are those institutions that have the same important influence on a person. But the relations between the church bears not a simple nature, therefore, the authors reveal the content of church-state relations. It should be mentioned that "the state-church relations" is a concept that was formed by combining two established concepts – the state and the church. And if the term "state" is agreed by the vast majority of scholars. Regarding the term "religion", there is a number of constitutional terms that serve to define the term "religious organization." These terms are proportional to the variety of names that they have acquired over a long process of development. In the bosom of Christian religion, for example, everywhere the name "Church" is adopted. Other religious communities use names such as "religious organization, association, society".Today, the definition of the concept of the state-church relations is dominant – is a cer- tain system of ties and relations, in which various issues related to the activity of the au- thorities and the church, regulation of the legal status of the church are solved. Subse- quently, the authors disclose the content of the basic principles and fundamental models of interaction between the state and society. The ideal model is called the model of "ideal neutrality" by the authors.In Ukraine, the cooperation of the state and the church is carried out on a constitu- tional basis and based on the norms of the current legislation, in particular the Law of Ukraine "On Freedom of Conscience and Religious Organizations".The experience of Poland is interesting in the relations between the state and the church. Despite the communist past and forced atheism, Poland remains today a country with a strongly represented religious tradition, which, of course, affects the relations between the state and the church in the educational sphere. Teaching religion in schools is only with the consent of parents, and the process of teaching is controlled by the state itself, the church and public organizations.Conclusions of the research. Thus, after studying the problematic aspects of the rela- tions between the church and the state, we came to the conclusion that the state-church relations are one of the types of social relations characterized by the level of interconnec- tions of the church, associations, movements and other religious organizations with the state, the degree of their interrelation as well as universal human principles. In our opin- ion, the most perfect way of the relations between the church and the state is the model of liberal neutrality, which consists of the complete neutrality of the church, its elimination from the socio-political sphere of society and the complete separation of church and state. Although the example of Poland shows that, under modern conditions, the model of con- cordat is also relevant. Therefore, we can state that throughout the life this question will always be relevant, because the problems of relations between the state and the church are an eternal problems.
Проаналізовано складну історію католицької та греко-католицької церкви на словацьких землях та зміни, що відбулися після «оксамитової» революції та прийняття конституції. Утверджено думку стосовно доречності зважати на центрально-європейську практику становлення і розвитку взаємин між державою та релігійними об'єднаннями. Розкрито окремі підходи до розв'язання значимих проблем, котрі виникають у стосунках між державою і конфесіями у Словацькій Республіці ; Analysis of the complex history of the Catholic and GreekCatholic Church in Slovakia and the changes that occurredafter the Velvet Revolution and the adoption of the constitution.Alleged opinion regarding the appropriateness of consideringthe Central European practice establishment and developmentof relations between the state and religious groups. Uncoversome approaches to solving important problems that arise inthe relationship between the state and religions in the SlovakRepublic.Undoubtedly, the most tragic period in the history of thechurch on earth was the Slovak Communist (1945-1989) Onlyafter November 1989, when there was Velvet Revolution,changes in the suppression of churches become a part of socialand political changes. Church regained independence again,while a great opportunities to strengthen their position in theSlovak society in front of them opened up.There is a belief that a democratic society is incompatiblewith the provision of certain groups, denominational or nondenominational,privileges and benefits. Inherent HumanRights calling for the abolition of church influence on theactivities of the state and its administration to defend itsneutral legal nature. Slovak Republic, its laws and legislativebodies and public institutions, in our opinion, should retainits independent, neutral, and they can not allow any religiousdenomination to acquire a dominant position in society,causing it to operate public and social life.Based on the constitution of the republic of internationallyrecognized principles of religious freedom, UN documents,declaring freedom of religion, the parties agreed thatthe Slovak Republic recognizes and supports registeredchurches and religious organizations as independent andautonomous entities. Registered churches have the rightto form organizations with the status of legal persons. Thegovernment provides protection of their estates and libertyof their development. The activities of these entities must notcontradict the legislation of the country. ; Проанализирована сложная история католическойи греко-католической церкви в словацких землях иизменения, произошедшие после «бархатной» революции ипринятия конституции. Утверждено мнение относительноуместности учитывать центрально-европейскуюпрактику становления и развития взаимоотношениймежду государством и религиозными объединениями.Раскрыты отдельные подходы к решению значимыхпроблем, возникающих в отношениях между государствоми конфессиями в Словацкой Республике.
The essence of opposition of the Ukrainian church elite to the Russian centralism of the Synodal period (1721-1786) and analyzes its role in defending the rights and interests of the Orthodox Church are described in the article. The formation of Synod in 1721 opened in a new period in the history of the Orthodox Church in the Russian Empire, and in Ukraine in particular. The task of this institution, established on the European model, was to unify church life and to offset its local features according to the program outlined by the Spiritual Regulation at the behest of Peter I. The activities of Synod came into sharp contradiction with the privileges of the Orthodox Church in Ukraine, which it continued to enjoy from the time of its subordination to the Moscow Patriarchate. The Metropolitan of Kyiv was deprived of its decisive status, and its superiors - the title of Metropolitan and the right of free election. The restoration of these rights became the main task for the Ukrainian church elite. Under the reign of Empress Anna Ioanivna, the clergy made a major effort to restore the economic rights of the Church, undermined by the release of Hetman Danylo Apostol in 1728, which, however, were fruitless. The reign of Empress Elizabeth began a new era in the autonomous aspirations of the Ukrainian church elite. In response to the petition of Kyiv Bishop Rafail Zaborovskyi, the Metropolitanate of Kyiv was returned to its former status, and ts head - the title of Metropolitan. At the same time, the attempts to restitute the clergy property rights, as so as the restoration of the jurisdiction of the Kyiv Metropolitanate were unsuccessful. The reign of Catherine II, whose main purpose was the complete centralization in all spheres of the Russian Empire and the secularization of church property, became the most difficult and acute period of confrontation with the Russian imperial regime. The Ukrainian church elite, headed by Metropolitan of Kyiv Arsenii Mohylianskyi, tried to use the preparation of the New Code Commission to assert its rights. This has been proven by petitions to restore the status of the Kyiv Metropolitanate and clergy rights. However, the Commission did not complete its activities and the relicts of the autonomy of the Ukrainian elites were finally buried.
The purpose of the article is to objectively cover biographical data on the life and activities of the Chernihiv abbot Alipii (Oleksandr A, Yakovenko) through the prism of his affiliation with the True Orthodox Church (TOC). Research methodology is based on anthropological approach and biographical method. Scientific novelty. On the basis of the evidence collected by the author, the biography of Abbot Alipii was reconstructed in view of his involvement in the existence of the TOC on the territory of Chernihiv region. Conclusions. Abbot Alipii was one of the most influential adherents of the Orthodox faith during the coming of Soviet administration and anti-church politics. In October 1927, "for anti-Soviet agitation and propaganda," and, in fact, for not recognizing the "Declaration of the Church's loyalty to Soviet power" and actively resisting its introduction into church life, Abbot Alipii was arrested and sent to the Kharkiv GPU for four months. According to the testimony of pr. Alipii, in the Kharkiv prison, he was required to sign the Declaration. Unfortunately, the case of 1927 has not yet been found, so we can only rely on eyewitness statements and the case of 1930, which also mentions the arrest of 1927. Imprisonment strengthened pr. Alipii is convinced that the Soviet power despises not only Christian but also human moral norms, and that loyalty to such power in the form required by the Church of Sergiy Stragorodskiy is unacceptable to the conscience of the Orthodox Christian. Since then, he has become one of the convinced ideologues of the TOC in Chernihiv. In 1936, when a large trial was launched in Chernihiv and all priests and monks belonging to the CPI were arrested, Fr. Alipiy secretly moved to Chernihiv, because it was necessary to head a truly orphaned congregation. He organized a secret monastery on the Upper Liskovytsia, where he performed a divine liturgy daily in the catacomb temple. With the occupation of Ukraine by Germany in 1941 Alipius left the catacombs and went to his temple in the ...
The purpose of the article is to objectively cover biographical data on the life and activities of the Chernihiv abbot Alipii (Oleksandr A, Yakovenko) through the prism of his affiliation with the True Orthodox Church (TOC). Research methodology is based on anthropological approach and biographical method. Scientific novelty. On the basis of the evidence collected by the author, the biography of Abbot Alipii was reconstructed in view of his involvement in the existence of the TOC on the territory of Chernihiv region. Conclusions. Abbot Alipii was one of the most influential adherents of the Orthodox faith during the coming of Soviet administration and anti-church politics. In October 1927, "for anti-Soviet agitation and propaganda," and, in fact, for not recognizing the "Declaration of the Church's loyalty to Soviet power" and actively resisting its introduction into church life, Abbot Alipii was arrested and sent to the Kharkiv GPU for four months. According to the testimony of pr. Alipii, in the Kharkiv prison, he was required to sign the Declaration. Unfortunately, the case of 1927 has not yet been found, so we can only rely on eyewitness statements and the case of 1930, which also mentions the arrest of 1927. Imprisonment strengthened pr. Alipii is convinced that the Soviet power despises not only Christian but also human moral norms, and that loyalty to such power in the form required by the Church of Sergiy Stragorodskiy is unacceptable to the conscience of the Orthodox Christian. Since then, he has become one of the convinced ideologues of the TOC in Chernihiv. In 1936, when a large trial was launched in Chernihiv and all priests and monks belonging to the CPI were arrested, Fr. Alipiy secretly moved to Chernihiv, because it was necessary to head a truly orphaned congregation. He organized a secret monastery on the Upper Liskovytsia, where he performed a divine liturgy daily in the catacomb temple. With the occupation of Ukraine by Germany in 1941 Alipius left the catacombs and went to his temple in the ...
The article explores the rationale of the Romanian political community as defined by its successive constitutional layouts, since the first fundamental law of 1866, including the Communist constitutional settings, and concluding with the post-communist constitutional design. This consistency of the political community is tested by means of an analytical distinction between the Nation-State and the National State. The former is understood as the institutional underpinning of a community bearing a political project. The latter is seen as the institutional outcome of an ethnic group and the warrant of its political integrity. Such an examination of the Romanian constitutional production sheds light on the historical and unambiguous predominance of the National State, while the Nation State emerged briefly and warily in the Romanian setting in the form of the socialist nation state. By the same token, this approach questions the adequacy between democracy and this rationale of the Romanian political community. While the socialist Nation State, as it was constitutionally designed, failed to guarantee the effectiveness of popular democracy, the Romanian National State, as it was shaped by the successive constitutional texts, pre-communist and post-communist, was always unable to accommodate completely with democracy.
This article analyzes the state policy of Ukraine on regulation of social and religious relations. Determined that the church-state relationship is institutional relationships that are primarily social and political in nature. They have their context every historical day. The history of relations between the state and the Church reaches of the Roman Empire. Separation of church and state began in the Middle Ages and in the Renaissance with the development of civil societies started entry processes of secularization and secular features of social life. The theocracy; tsezaropapizm; state church; intermediate state of separation of church and state; policy of nationalization of religion and the Church are determined among the newest models of the relationship of church and state. Grounded four main types (concepts) of public policy for the regulation of relations between church and state: politics nationalization of religion and the Church; leftist-anarchist views and actions; policy of conciliation in religious matters; policy of tolerance. It is noted that the definition of a national model for each country is the individual case, which is affected by many factors external and internal influences, namely: legal principles, the views of secular and ecclesiastical authority, tradition, spiritual and moral state of society and so on. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу державної політики України щодо регулювання суспільно-релігійних відносин. Визначається, що державно-церковні відносини є між інституціональними відносинами, які переважно носять соціально-політичний характер та в кожну історичну добу мають свій контекст. Історія взаємин між державою і Церквою сягає доби Римської імперії. Відокремлення держави і церкви розпочалося в добу середньовіччя, а в епоху Відродження із становленням громадянських суспільств розпочалися процеси секуляризації і набуття світських рис суспільного життя. Серед новітніх моделей взаємин держави і церкви визначають теократію; цезаропапізм; державна Церква; проміжний стан відокремлення Церкви і держави. політика одержавлення релігії й Церкви. Обґрунтовуються чотири основні види (концепції) державної політики щодо регулювання взаємин держави і Церкви: політика одержавлення релігії й Церкви; лівацько-анархічні погляди та дії; політика примиренства в релігійному питанні; політика толерантності.Зазначено, що визначення національної моделі для кожної окремої країни є індивідуальною справою, на яку впливає чимало чинників зовнішнього та внутрішнього впливу, а саме: правові устої, погляди світської та церковної влади, традиції, духовний та моральний стан суспільства тощо. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу державної політики України щодо регулювання суспільно-релігійних відносин. Визначається, що державно-церковні відносини є між інституціональними відносинами, які переважно носять соціально-політичний характер та в кожну історичну добу мають свій контекст. Історія взаємин між державою і Церквою сягає доби Римської імперії. Відокремлення держави і церкви розпочалося в добу середньовіччя, а в епоху Відродження із становленням громадянських суспільств розпочалися процеси секуляризації і набуття світських рис суспільного життя. Серед новітніх моделей взаємин держави і церкви визначають теократію; цезаропапізм; державна Церква; проміжний стан відокремлення Церкви і держави. політика одержавлення релігії й Церкви. Обґрунтовуються чотири основні види (концепції) державної політики щодо регулювання взаємин держави і Церкви: політика одержавлення релігії й Церкви; лівацько-анархічні погляди та дії; політика примиренства в релігійному питанні; політика толерантності.Зазначено, що визначення національної моделі для кожної окремої країни є індивідуальною справою, на яку впливає чимало чинників зовнішнього та внутрішнього впливу, а саме: правові устої, погляди світської та церковної влади, традиції, духовний та моральний стан суспільства тощо.
The paper provides the ideal-typical narrative of European integration manufactured by Romanian intellectuals and the official national Church (Greek-orthodox), that could be summarized as follows: in the realm of the spirit, Europe would have survived mainly in the East, shepherded by such intellectuals as the Romanian ones and by the spiritual legacy of the Orthodox Church; in political and economic terms, European Union is monitored according to secularist and relativist guidelines by the bureaucracy in Brussels. Whatever the latter, together with their Romanian counterparts, may have realized in the course of European enlargement is of little concern for the former. Both the Church and the mainstream intellectuals are engaged now in an operation that should have defined them long before the fall of state socialism: to boost intellectual non-conformity with respect to the political dominant discourse as a way of refusing the debate by taking it seriously. And they do it by means of the same narrative device that kept them silent under communism: they tell the story of the prevalence of culture and the spiritual over everything political.
This article is following the evolution of the understanding of the concept of "property" in the Catholic Church's social doctrine, during a period of 120 years, starting with the pontificate of Leo XIII and ending with the one of Pope Benedict XVI. Being about the various understandings related to the concept of "property" in the Church's social doctrine, only the official discourse of the popes will be followed (magisterium) together with the input brought by the Second Vatican Council in interpreting and defining the concept.