Suchergebnisse

Nakon Hladnoga rata pojavila se nova sigurnosna prijetnja: zbog propalih država koje ne mogu kontrolirati vlastiti teritorij, širenje nestabilnosti postala je realna opasnost. Da bi se to spriječilo, angažirane su međunarodne organizacije radi uspostavljanja stabilnoga društva u slabim državama. Izgradnja države zahtjevniji je posao od izgradnje javnih ustanova i pretpostavlja stvaranje političkih, gospodarskih i vojnih uvjeta za održavanje trajnoga mira. Politički se analitičari ne mogu usuglasiti oko pitanja vezanoga za međunarodno sponzoriranu izgradnju države; jedni to nazivaju neokolonijalizmom, dok drugi tvrde da je proces izgradnje države nužan ne samo zbog sigurnosnih nego i humanitarnih razloga. Dva tipična primjera izgradnje države jesu Kosovo i Irak – obje su prošle rat i rušenje institucija vlasti. Na Kosovu je glavnu ulogu preuzeo UN, dok je u Iraku proces izgradnje države preuzeo SAD. U ovom se članku analizom izgradnje države u Iraku i Kosovu nastoje prikazati razlike u pristupu UN-a s jedne i SAD-a s druge strane. ; New security threat appeared after the Cold War: expanding of instability became a real danger because of ruined countries which cannot control their own territory. Developing a country is a more demanding work than developing public institutions; that requires creating political, economic and military conditions for keeping permanent peace. Political analysts cannot agree on the issue related to internationally sponsored developing of countries; some call it neocolonialism, while the others say that process of developing the country is necessary not only because of security but also because of humanitarian reasons. Two typical examples of developing the country are Kosovo and Iraq – both went through the war and destroying authorities. UN took over the main role in Kosovo, while the USA took over the process of developing the country in Iraq. In this paper analysis of developing the country in Iraq and Kosovo served for showing differences in UN approach from one side and the USA approach from the other side.

Članak donosi pregled ključnih pitanja vezanih za vanjsku politiku i teorije vanjske politike u širem kontekstu političke znanosti. Raspravljajući o izvorima i razvoju analize vanjske politike, kao i znanstvenim radovima na tu temu, autorica utvrđuje da analiza vanjske politike danas obuhvaća cijeli niz teorijskih pristupa i modela. Zajedničko im je razumijevanje da se ishodi vanjske politike ne mogu u potpunosti razumjeti ako se analiza ograniči na razinu cijelog sustava. Nadalje, rad konceptualizira vanjsku politiku kroz njezinu usporedbu s drugim tipovima policyja. Iako se u razdoblju Hladnoga rata vanjska politika poistovjećivala s vanjskom sigurnosnom politikom, autorica naglašava da je u današnjem globaliziranom svijetu sigurnosna politika tek jedna od njezinih dimenzija. Vanjska je politika proširila svoj opseg pa obuhvaća brojna druga pitanja, poput trgovine, ljudskih prava i okoliša. Sve veći broj unutarnjopolitičkih, međunarodnih i transnacionalnih pitanja, zainteresiranih aktera i doprinosa procesu stvaranja vanjske politike čini formulaciju i provedbu koherentne vanjske politike izazovnom zadaćom. ; This paper provides an overview of key issues related to foreign policy and foreign policy theories in the wider context of political science. Discussing the origins and development of foreign policy analysis (FPA), as well as scholarly work produced over time, it argues that today FPA encompasses a variety of theoretical approaches, models and tools. These share the understanding that foreign policy outputs cannot be fully explained if analysis is confined to the systemic level. Furthermore, this paper conceptualizes foreign policy by comparing it to other types of policy. Although during the Cold War period foreign policy was equated with foreign security policy, in today's world, security policy is only one dimension. Foreign policy's scope has expanded to cover other issues such as trade, human rights and the environment. The growing number of domestic, international and transnational issues, ...

The main task of the Swiss security policy up to the collapse of the bipolar system was the country's military defense. The content of its defense doctrine was elaborated on & further expanded as total defense in the non-military direction. The end of the cold war marked a departure from the classical defense doctrine & also relativized the mythological character of permanent neutrality, forcing Switzerland to redefine its security policy in the altered European security setting. The expansion of the concept of security went hand in hand with an increased interest in international peace efforts & international cooperation. In the meantime, Switzerland's instruments & activities have multiplied in both fields. In certain aspects, eg, the control of the policy of disarmament & armament, Switzerland has excelled. Concerning the new forms of threats & intimidation it has shown willingness for across-the-border cooperation, while the traditional formula security through neutrality & independence increasingly gives way to the new motto: Security through cooperation -- a shift from its time-honored foreign- & security/political course of restrictive & detached attitude towards a more intensive cooperation. Although conceptually the development of Swiss security policy & consequently its shift towards some peace policy has not been even remotely supported by a satisfactory redistribution of financial & personal resources, the Swiss military reform -- introduced in early 2004 -- is de facto a conceptual accommodation of the Swiss military force to the new plan on European security. Switzerland has become a member of the PfP although, due to its policy of neutrality, it is not planning to join the NATO. Nevertheless, Switzerland is vacillating between the EU membership & a more substantial rapprochement with the NATO, at the same time putting all its hopes into the development of global management under the direction of the United Nations & the joint security system. 2 Tables, 3 Figures, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

The policy of pressure on Croatia as an illustrative -- although not isolated -- example has not inspired empirical & theoretical studies of this phenomenon. The discussion has remained at the level of everyday political discourse, even "coffee-house politics." Due to its extreme topicality, as well as its theoretical "solvency," the author has attempted with this essay to come up with a theoretical definition of the concept of pressure & to demonstrate on the Croatian example its goals, scope, dynamics, & future prospects & outcomes. Among the existing approaches, the author has chosen the "politico-economic approach" which defines the policy of pressure as a specific form of political communication between the "center" & the "periphery" in Wallerstein's "world system." The example of Croatia serves the author as an ideal-type model of such communication through a combination of political science & sociological analysis. In his opinion, & due to certain favorable contingencies, Croatia is the nearest to the ideal type of such communication. Due to a lack of systematic empirical data, the discussion naturally remains at the theoretical-hypothetical level, & should be understood as an invitation to further discussion & as an incentive for more extensive empirical research. However, since this is a very dynamic phenomenon, the question is: is the author's argumentation still valid today as it was at the time when the essay was written? There have been two changes: (1) the war on Kosovo which proves the author's hypotheses; & (2) a certain "thaw" in the relations between the international community (particularly USA) & Croatia (it is still unclear whether this change concerns the fundamental strategic trends or is solely a "politico-meteorological" phenomenon (the alteration of colder & warmer periods). This is why the author did not deem any alterations in the text necessary; one should wait & in the meantime expose the (hypo)theses to some critical scrutiny. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

Nakon gotovo tri desetljeća upravljanja "odozgo" ili primjene različitih koncepata i strategija Zapada objedinjenih u mantri europerspektive – Zapadni Balkan je ponovno u fokusu međunarodne javnosti kao novo geopolitičko žarište. Umjesto ciljane europeizacije, svjedočimo daljnoj balkanizaciji regije koja je posljedica neuspješnog djelovanja Europske unije, kao i suprotstavljenih interesa saveznika – SAD-a, NATO-a, Velike Britanije, EU-a i Njemačke. Takva konstelacija odnosa omogućila je jačanje utjecaja niza ne-zapadnih aktera – Rusije, Turske, Kine, Irana i Saudijske Arabije, čija prisutnost već niz godina snažno oblikuje sigurnosno ozračje na Zapadnom Balkanu. Sve je očitije da je angloamerički projekt posthladnoratovskog uređenja prostora bivše Jugoslavije značajno istrošen. Naime, obećani prosperitet i stabilnost regije su izostali, a zaostavština primijenjenih zapadnih politika je krajnje siromaštvo, iznimna nezaposlenost i iseljavanje, propast javnih politika i kontinuirano gospodarsko urušavanje, kao i ponovno "aktiviranje" postojećih kriznih žarišta: Bosne i Hercegovine, Kosova i Makedonije. ; After almost three decades of governance from above or application of different concepts and strategies of the West in the mantra of euro perspective – Western Balkan is again in focus of the international public. Instead of targeted Europeanization, we are witnessing the further Balkanization of the region as a result of the unsuccessful action of the European Union, as well as the conflicting interests of allies – the US, NATO, the United Kingdom, the EU and Germany. Such a constellation of relations made it possible to strengthen the influence of several non-Western actors – Russia, Turkey, China, Iran, Saudi Arabia, whose presence has for many years strongly shaped the security atmosphere in the Western Balkans. It is increasingly evident that the Anglo-American project of post-Cold War landscaping of the former Yugoslavia has worn off significantly. Namely, the promised prosperity and stability of the region are missing, and the legacy of applied western policies is extreme poverty, extreme unemployment and emigration, the collapse of public policies and continued economic collapse, as well as the re-activation of existing crisis areas: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and Macedonia.

Nakon završetka hladnoga rata mijenja se paradigma globalne sigurnosti. Sve su manje mogućnosti međudržavnih sukoba (zanemarive, ali ne i nemoguće), dok globalnu sigurnost više ugrožavaju tzv. nedržavni akteri, kao što su razne terorističke skupine, nove prijetnje u obliku krijumčarenja ljudi, droga, oružja masovnoga uništenja itd. Na njih je sve teže reagirati s pozicije logike države, već treba reagirati zajednički, na osnovi zajedničkih kriterija, a takve kriterije nudi logika tržišta. Budući da države još uvijek igraju određenu ulogu u učvršćivanju globalne sigurnosti, bilo bi optimalno kombinirati logiku države i tržišta, što znači njihovo prožimanje. O tome svjedoče problemi koji se javljaju oko rješavanja aktualnih sigurnosnih kriza u svijetu, kao što je primjerice slučaj Ukrajine. Ako se rješenja traže samo na osnovi logike tržišta ili samo na osnovi logike države, a ne na osnovi prožimanja tih dviju logika, izgledi za očuvanje globalne stabilnosti i sigurnosti bitno se smanjuju. ; The paradigm of global security has been changed after the Cold War. There are not so many possibilities for interstate conflicts (they are negligible, but not impossible), while global security is more endangered by the so called non-state actors such as different terrorist groups, new threats in the form of smuggling people, drugs, weapon of mass destruction, etc. It becomes harder and harder to react on them from the position of the state logics, it is necessary to react on them jointly, on the basis of common criteria and such criteria are offered by the market logics. Since states still play a certain role in reinforcing global security, it should be optimal to combine the logics of the state and market which means its interfusion. The evidence for that are problems which arise in solving the current security crises in the world, such as Ukraine case. If the solutions are searched only on the basis of the market logics or only on the basis of the state logics and not on the basis of interfusion of those two, perspectives for preserving global stability and security are crucially decreased.

After the breakup of the USSR, and the several rounds of Post-Cold War enlargements of the Western integrations, once large space of newly independent and geopolitically uncontrolled European post-communist states, located between the EU, NATO and Russia, contracts geopolitically and 'wanders' strategically. The three states, Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova, located on Russia's western borders share about three thousand kilometers of borders with the EU and NATO, and about two thousand and five hundred kilometers with Russia, which implicates that they are prone to the geopolitical influences from their surroundings. This Interspace of the three states lies inside the strategic triangle comprised of: 1) Russia - geopolitically and militarily powerful state as well as a giant considering its energy reserves, which makes her relatively strong 'hard' power as well as a significant 'soft' power; 2) the EU - economic giant on the global level that is not unified enough; has domestic problems and is partially dependent on Russia when it comes to energy, a civilian power without 'hard' power that in its foreign relations relies on policies based on financial assistance, assurance, and attractiveness; 3) NATO, led by the USA - the most powerful military-political-security 'hard' power that exists today; it does not have the kind of influence on Europe and the Post-Soviet space that it had in the 90-ies. However, as a consequence of subordination of the Interspace that lasted for a couple of centuries, the common characteristics intrinsic to this space occur: ambiguous identities; deficits in the democratic practices; complicated, prolonged and incomplete transition; economic decline, demographic problems - all of which favor a strategic 'adoption' of the Interspace by the Kremlin, a former imperial master. At the same time, a relative marginalization of the Interspace is evident regarding the processes of Euro-Atlantic integration. After the unsuccessful attempts of 'pulling out' Kiev, Kishinev, and the South Caucasian Tbilisi from this Russian sphere of influence, the states positioned in the Interspace, together with Russia, comprise a regional security complex, a stabilized geopolitical 'Russosphere' that is a key part of the Kremlin's attempts for Eurasian reintegration under Russia's leadership. Adapted from the source document.

In recent German history, several events unfolded on 9 November with far-reaching consequences. Some of them, like the fall of the Berlin Wall, symbolize the end of the Cold War and of Germany divided. In addition to political implications, the fall of the Berlin Wall, or the events that preceded and followed it, also caused dilemmas on whether it was a (peaceful) revolution, (just) a turning point, or a refolution – pressure from below and reforms from above. The paper analyses events prior to and following the fall of the Berlin Wall, as well as the terms used for them in basic programs of the parties represented in the 19th electoral term of the Bundestag and the curricula of different school subjects in German states. It is concluded these parties use different terms for the events of 1989/90 on the territory of the former GDR, in accordance with their ideological positions, and that the events are inconsistently described in the curricula. The character of events was a revolutionary one, as they thoroughly changed the social and political relations in the GDR in a very short time. Despite this, the phrase "peaceful revolution" is still not present in the German language as a widespread, general term, but the rather vague "turning point" or "reversal" is more common. ; Devetoga studenog u novijoj njemačkoj povijesti odigrali su se događaji koji su imali dalekosežne posljedice za Njemačku, a neki od njih, poput pada Berlinskoga zida, simbol su završetka hladnog rata i podjele Njemačke. Osim političkih implikacija, pad Berlinskoga zida, odnosno događaji koji su mu prethodili i uslijedili, uzrokovali su i nedoumice radi li se o (miroljubivoj) revoluciji, (samo) o preokretu ili pak o refoluciji – pritisku odozdo i reformama odozgo? U radu se analiziraju događaji uoči i nakon pada Berlinskoga zida, njihovi nazivi u temeljnim programima stranaka zastupljenih u 19. sazivu Bundestaga te u kurikulima nastavnih predmeta u njemačkim pokrajinama. Zaključuje se da stranke različito nazivaju zbivanja 1989./90. godine na području bivšeg DDR-a, i to s obzirom na svoje ideološke pozicije te da se ta zbivanja vrlo neujednačeno opisuju i u kurikulima nastavnih predmeta. Ti su događaji imali revolucionarni karakter, budući da su u vrlo kratkom roku potpuno promijenjeni društveni i politički odnosi na području DDR-a, ali usprkos tome sintagma miroljubiva revolucija ipak nije ušla u raširenu opću jezičnu uporabu u njemačkom jeziku, već se uvriježio sadržajno neodređeniji pojam preokreta, tj. obrata.

Globalizacija i povećana međunarodna međuovisnost pridonose tomu da se ponovno povećava interes utjecaja strukture međunarodnog sustava na međunarodne odnose. Međunarodni sustav od kraja Hladnog rata neprestano proživljava promjene. One se najviše odlikuju u političkim i sigurnosnim novitetima. U takvim je uvjetima struktura sustava postala glavnom odrednicom ponašanja država koje se, promatrajući ih kroz perspektivu strukturalnog realizma ili neorealizma, ponašaju isključivo u skladu s vlastitim interesima, u uvjetima anarhičnog sustava. S obzirom na geopolitički položaj te veličinu Hrvatskoj je izrazito bitno čvrsto članstvo unutar NATO-saveza i Europske Unije. Kontekst razvoja sigurnosti i obrane time postaje više usmjeren na činjenicu da se zemlje članice saveza obvezuju pomagati jedna drugoj u slučaju pojave ugroze, te se time jača stabilnost nacionalne sigurnosti potrebne da se omoguće dugoročni mir i stabilnost u zemlji, ali i u susjedstvu. Kao središnji i konstantan fenomen u proučavanju međunarodnih odnosa, savezi nastaju jer su vlade svih razvijenih država svjesne da su dio jednog većeg entiteta u međunarodnoj politici u kojoj, prema postavkama neorealističke škole među-narodnih odnosa, postoje prijetnje koje su uzroci stvaranja saveza. ; Globalisation and increased international interdependence have contributed to the fact that once again the interest of the impact on the structure of the international system to international relations is increased. The international system, since the end of the Cold War, is constantly going through changes. They are the most distinguished in political and security innovations. In such circumstances, the structure of the system has become the main determinant of behaviour of states that, looking through the perspective of structural realism or neorealism, act solely pursuing their own interest, in terms of an anarchic system. Given the geopolitical position and size of the country, it is extremely important for Croatia to have a firm membership within the NATO and the European Union. The context of development of security and defence thus becomes more focused on the fact that the member states of the alliance commit to assist each other in case of threats, so the stability of national security needed to enable long-term peace and stability in the country, but also the neighbourhood, is strengthened. As a central and constant phenomenon in the study of international relations, alliances are formed because the governments of all developed countries are aware that they are part of a larger entity in international politics, in which, according to the neorealist school of international relations, there are threats that cause creating alliances.

Posljednjih je godina teorijska literatura o međunarodnim odnosima znatno napredovala u proširivanju i preciziranju tipologije revizionističkih država – država koje teže preraspodjeli moći u međunarodnom sistemu i/ili promjeni normativnog poretka. Istovremeno je malo pozornosti posvećeno pojmu status quo države, kojim se označava država koja teži zadržavanju moći i očuvanju postojećeg stanja. Status quo država uglavnom se svodi na status quo predrasudu koja se odnosi na države koje imaju averziju prema riskiranju u vanjskopolitičkim odlukama i ne sudjeluju aktivno u oblikovanju međunarodne politike ili pak na države koje nastoje egzistencijalno preživjeti u anarhičnom sustavu. Literatura pritom previđa ono bitno u opreci kategorija: sukob revizionističke i status quo države. Naime, otvoreno suparništvo s revizionističkom državom i agresivno pružanje otpora promjeni redovito se označava kao još jedan vid revizionizma. U ovom se radu pokazuje da kategorija status quo države nije slučajno u "mrtvom kutu" teorije međunarodnih odnosa. Razlog je tomu što uvjet njezine mogućnosti – konsenzualni međunarodnopravni poredak – u suvremenim okolnostima nije prisutan. Povijesno iskustvo pokazuje da u određenim, veoma rijetkim uvjetima konsenzualnoga međunarodnopravnog poretka države s agresivnim motivima i nerijetko ofenzivnim sredstvima mogu biti status quo države. Pokazat će se da su u moderno doba samo dva razmjerno kratkotrajna međunarodna poretka činila status quo državu mogućom: europski vestfalski sustav ravnoteže snaga u 18. stoljeću i hladnoratovski detant u drugoj polovici 20. stoljeća. ; In recent years, the International Relations theoretical literature has made significant progress in expanding and refining the typology of revisionist states – states that seek to redistribute power in the international system and/or change the normative order. At the same time, little attention is paid to the notion of the status quo state, which denotes a state that strives to retain power and preserve the status quo. The category of status quo states is mainly reduced to either status quo bias referring to the states that have an aversion to risk in foreign policy decisions and do not actively participate in international politics or to the states that seek to survive in the anarchic system. At the same time, the literature overlooks the key aspect of the opposing categories: the conflict between the revisionist state and the status quo state. Namely, open rivalry with the revisionist state and aggressive resistance to change is regularly labeled as another form of revisionism. This paper shows that the category of the status quo state is not accidentally in the IR theoretical "blind spot". The reason for this is that the condition of its possibility – a consensual international legal order – is not present in modern circumstances. Historical experience shows that in certain and very rare conditions of a consensual international legal order, states with aggressive motives and often offensive means can be categorized as status quo states. It will be shown that in the modern age only two relatively short-lived international orders made the status quo possible: the European Westphalian system of balance of powers in the 18th century and the Cold War détente in the second half of the 20th century.

Odlukom Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva da napusti Europsku uniju, kao i usporavanjem procesa proširenja Europske unije na zemlje Zapadnog Balkana i Tursku, pojavila se nova fraza u europskom političkom rječniku: Europa izvan Europske unije. Ta fraza, koju promoviraju tvorci britanske vanjske politike, vraća na dnevni red raspravu o europskom identitetu. U ovom članku analiziraju se kompleksni i različiti odgovori na pitanja kao što su tko je, što je, kad je i gdje je Europa, gdje je njezina granica i tko su Drugi u odnosu na nju. Pitanju identiteta Europe pristupa se iz konstruktivističke perspektive, kroz analizu definiranja Sebstva i Drugosti. Iako je Europa nakon Hladnog rata proklamirala kao svoj cilj ujedinjenje i emancipaciju od Drugih, ona je ostala vezana uz Sjedinjene Američke Države kroz koncept euroatlantizma, a u nekim aspektima i uz Rusiju kroz ideju o Euroaziji. U suvremenim okolnostima Europska je unija sve udaljenija od ideala o jednoj i ujedinjenoj Europi. Umjesto toga, ona više liči na lȕk, sa svojim jezgrom, unutarnjom i izvanjskoj periferijom, kao i s vanjskim akterima koji su polupovezani s Europom zbog povijesnih i strateških razloga. Zbog toga se postavlja pitanje je li Europu uopće moguće definirati kao cjelinu u odnosu na njezine susjede i na druge zainteresirane aktere (Rusiju, SAD i Tursku) ili je njezin identitet određen upravo nemogućnošću takvoga jednoznačnog definiranja. ; Following the decision of the United Kingdom to leave the European Union and in the light of the slowing down of the EU enlargement in the Western Balkans and Turkey, a new phrase emerged in the European political vocabulary – Europe outside the European Union. This phrase, promoted by British foreign policy designers, brings the issue of the European identity back on the agenda. Who, what, when and where is Europe, and who are the Others in relation to Europe? In this article, we analyse the complex and mutually divergent replies to the question of the European identity by using a constructivist approach, based on the definitions of the European Self and Other. Despite proclaiming an ambition to unite and emancipate itself from the Others, Europe remained connected to the United States after the Cold War through the concept of Euro Atlanticism. The competing concept of Eurasia – marking a link between Europe and Russia – is also becoming popular in the areas of European inner and external peripheries. Contemporary Europe is far from being "united in diversities" – it looks more like an onion instead with its core countries, internal and external peripheries and influential external stakeholders that are semi-detached to it for historical and strategic reasons. The author therefore puts forward a question of whether it is at all possible to define Europe as the Other to its neighbours and other external stakeholders such as Russia, the US and Turkey. Would it not be more appropriate to define Europe through a permanent notion of being in-between its own Others, rather than through its own clearly marked and defined Self?

Rad se bavi analizom reakcija Ujedinjenih naroda na zločin terorizma u obliku inkriminacije terorizma u nizu konvencija prihvaćenih u krilu te organizacije, no još više u obliku moralnih, ali i pravnih sankcija sadržanih u političkim osudama neobvezujućih rezolucija Opće skupštine, posebice tijekom hladnog rata, kao i u obvezujućim sankcijskim rezolucijama Vijeća sigurnosti počevši od 90-ih godina prošlog stoljeća. Pritom rad upućuje na specifičan razvojni proces koji počinje sankcijama prema državama odgovornima za tzv. "državni terorizam", a u posljednjih 15-ak godina sankcije su se gotovo potpuno usmjerile prema terorističkim organizacijama kao nedržavnim akterima te su razvojem međunarodnoga kaznenog pravosuđa otvorile prostor i individualnoj međunarodnoj kaznenoj odgovornosti za taj zločin. ; This paper analyzes the United Nations' reactions to the international crime of terrorism. It focuses on counter-terrorism international conventions adopted within the UN, as well as on moral and political sanctions contained in non-binding resolutions of the General Assembly during the period of the so-called ˝Cold war˝. However, the main focus of this research is on the analysis of legally binding resolutions adopted by the Security Council starting from the 1990s. The analysis of the development of the Security Council's resolutions adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter indicates that these resolutions, initially addressed to states responsible for the so- called ˝state terrorism˝, gradually became directed exclusively towards terrorist organizations as non-state actors. In this context, the ˝ISIL (Da'esh) and Al-Qaida Sanctions List˝ of the Security Council is being continuously expanded with names of individuals as well as of other non-state ˝entities and other groups˝ affected by these sanctions. Unfortunately, compared to the beginnig of 2015, when only 70 ˝entities and other groups˝ were listed, in March 2017 their number increased to over 360. These ˝entities and other groups˝, which originate from Tunisia, Mali, Albania, Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Bangladesh, the Comoros, Pakistan, Indonesia, Somalia, Kenya, Tanzania, Arabian Peninsula, Libya, Sudan, Egypt, the Caucasus region, Uzbekistan, and even Bosnia and Herzegovina, differ in various ways. Some of the above mentioned ˝entities˝ aim at overthrowing the government of their country, just like ˝classical˝ insurgents as temporary subjects of international law. Other non-state actors' activities are directed towards establishing a new state (for example, Ansar Eddine, Mouvement national de libération de l'Azawad – MNLA in Mali, Sudan People's Liberation Movement – SPLM in South Sudan). International crimes committed by these organizations are not only the object of the resolutions of the Security Council, but they are also in the focus of interest of the International Criminal Court (the ICC). Although the international crime of terrorism is not covered by the jurisdiction of the ICC under the Rome Statute, certain international crimes committed by terrorists or under the auspices of terrorist organizations share some common features with crimes against humanity, which fall under the jurisdiction of the ICC. Thus, the ICC indirectly contributes to the sanctioning for the crime of terrorism. Further evolution of the international criminal justice, both through the jurisprudence of the ICC and other ad hoc international and ˝hybrid˝ courts, will most certainly contribute to the development of international criminal liability of individuals for the crime of terrorism.

Gdje su izvori i koji su razlozi procesa povijesnog revizionizma koji se od devedesetih sve jače i češće pojavljuje u raznim europskih zemljama i koje bi mogle biti njegove posljedice na odnose između zemalja članica Europske unije? Kako spriječiti sukob oko interpretacije povijesti koji utječe na samu srž pojma europske konfederacije? Članak pokušava dati odgovor na ta pitanja polazeći od analize razloga krize antifašizma, kao i drugih političkih i kulturnih faktora koji su ukorijenjeni u događajima iz devedesetih te s kraja Hladnog rata i rušenja komunističkih režima u srednjoj i istočnoj Europi. Konkretno istraživanje odnosi se na slučaj Italije, gdje se "bitka sjećanja" i revizionizma vodi oko tzv. fojbi, istarskih kraških jama u kojima je stradalo nekoliko stotina Talijana za vrijeme ustanka u jesen 1943. godine. Tijekom zadnjih dvadeset godina taj povijesni događaj, o kojem skoro nitko ništa nije znao i koji je imao marginalnu ulogu u širem kontekstu talijanskog sudjelovanja u Drugom svjetskom ratu, postao je povijesni mit sa svojim službenim "danom sjećanja", uzdignutim na razinu Dana sjećanja na Holokaust. Budući da je 2007. godine upravo oko sjećanja na fojbe došlo do diplomatskog sukoba između predsjednikâ Italije i Hrvatske, Giorgia Napolitana i Stjepana Mesića, sukoba koji je kasnije riješen potpisivanjem sporazuma o povijesnom pomirenju između Italije, Hrvatske i Slovenije u Trstu 2010. godine, fojbe su predstavljale izvrstan primjer analize "rata" na području interpretacije povijesti koji se nedavno pojavio u više krajeva Europe i koji ugrožava međunarodne odnose, ali i stanja unutar pojedinih država. ; Where are the sources and what are the reasons for the process of historical revisionism that emerged in many European countries in the beginning of the nineties? Is it possible to avoid conflicts around different interpretations of history that affect the core of the concept of European integration? The article is focused on the crisis of antifascist interpretation of the past in Italy, which is rooted in the events of the nineties. In particular, two events and processes have shaken the dominant discourses: the end of the Cold war and the collapse of communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe. The focus of the research is on the Italian case, where the war of memories mainly revolved around the so-called foibe, the Istrian carsic caves in which hundreds of Italians perished in the Autumn of 1943. In the span of twenty years a historic event that only a few knew about and which played a marginal role in the bigger picture of the Italian engagement in WWII has been transformed into a historic myth with its official "Remembrance day" and put at the same level of importance as the memory of the Shoah. The new official politics of remembering the victims of the foibe has triggered a diplomatic crisis between Italy and Croatia, which has later been solved with the signing of a memorandum on historic reconciliation in Trieste in 2010 (jointly with Slovenia). The foibe case is here placed into a wider context of revisionism in interpretation of history of the Second World War and of immediate post-War events, which is currently happening in many parts of Europe – not only former Eastern Europe – and which may complicate bilateral relations between various countries, but also wider international relations.

Hibridno ratovanje ne predstavlja nov i revolucionaran pristup u ostvarivanju političkih ciljeva. Navedeno je temeljna pretpostavka ove doktorske disertacije koja je potvrĎena kroz znanstveno istraţivanje i komparativnu analizu tri studije slučaja. Pokušaj stvaranja Velike Srbije, zbog činjenice da se relativno nedavno odvijao na teritoriju Republike Hrvatske, najrelevantniji je slučaj kada govorimo o aktualnim vanjskopolitičkim i obrambenim izazovima Republike Hrvatske. Izraelsko-libanonski rat iz 2006. godine smatra se oglednim primjerkom hibridnog rata izmeĎu drţavnog i nedrţavnog aktera. Rat Rusije i Ukrajine i aneksija Krima najrecentniji je primjer hibridnog rata izmeĎu dva drţavna aktera, i katalizator koji je aktualizirao pojam hibridnog rata, pokrenuo meĎunarodnu zajednicu i NATO savez da preispitaju svoj pristup suvremenom ratovanju. Ova disertacija temelji na se razmatranju ratova s vojnopolitičkog stajališta, a kombiniranjem tri teorijska okvira odabrano je 16 čimbenika koji karakteriziraju hibridnog aktera. Teorijskom analizom sve tri studije slučaja potvrĎeno je da hibridnom ratu prethodi period političkih, ideoloških ili sličnih neslaganja izmeĎu suprotstavljenih strana, tijekom kojeg hibridni akter nastoji širiti vlastiti narativ i otvoreno ili prikriveno provodi aktivnosti koje će mu dati prednost u ratu. Provedbom istraţivanja u tri rata testirana je prisutnost svakog pojedinog čimbenika hibridnog modela, a komparacijom rezultata utvrĎeno je da su odreĎeni čimbenici bili, u većoj ili manjoj mjeri, prisutni u sva tri rata. Unatoč činjenici da slučajevi pripadaju različitom geopolitičkom kontekstu, da su se odvijali u različitom vremenskom razdoblju i na različitoj zemljopisnoj lokaciji, prisutnost čimbenika u sva tri rata potvrĎuju pretpostavku da hibridni rat nije ništa novo. ; Hybrid warfare does not represent a new and revolutionary approach to the realization of political goals. This is the central hypothesis of this doctoral dissertation which has been tested by scientific research and comparative analysis of three post Cold War, geographically and chronically dispersed case studies. The first case study encompasses the initial attempt to create a Greater Serbia at the territorial expense of the Republic of Croatia which occurred in the early 1990's within the context of Yugoslavia's dissolution. The second case study details the Israeli - Hezbollah war of 2006 which is considered by many to be a textbook example of a state versus non-state actor conflict. Finally, the third case study analyzes the ongoing war between Russia and Ukraine (including the Russian annexation of Crimea) which has popularized the term "hybrid warfare" and acted as a catalyst in initiating NATO re-examination of its approach to contemporary security threats. This dissertation analyzes the manifestation of hybrid war from a military and political perspective, and to characterize hybrid actors, it makes use of sixteen individual factors derived from three established theoretical frameworks. Theoretical analysis of the three case studies suggests that in all three cases open warfare was preceded by a period of political, ideological or other conflict between the opposing parties. In all instances, the hybrid actor made use of this period to promulgate its narrative, while at the same time covertly or overtly undertaking activities designed to ensure an advantage upon the onset of violence. The presence of each individual factor of the combined theoretical framework was determined through research, and a comparison of the results proves that certain characteristics are present, in varying degree, in all three conflicts. Despite occurring in different geopolitical circumstances, in different chronological periods, and in different geographical locations, the presence of hybrid factors in all three conflicts confirms the initial hypothesis that hybrid warfare is not a new phenomenon.

U istraživanjima kasnosrednjovjekovnoga dvora knezova Iločkih pronađena je raznovrsna antička materijalna ostavština koja obogaćuje dosadašnje skromne spoznaje o Cucciumu i limesu u hrvatskome Podunavlju. U iskopavanjima 2002. godine otkriven je paljevinski grob s drvenom arhitekturom u kojem su se nalazili prilozi dvojakoga podrijetla. Autohtono podrijetlo u latenskoj kulturi mlađega željeznoga doba pokazuju lonci zaobljenoga tijela izrađeni rukom i zdjela S-profilacije. Sjevernoitalskoga podrijetla su zdjelica tankih stijenki, keramička svjetiljka, staklena posuda te ostali prilozi koji zajedno s Klaudijevim novcem datiraju grob u sredinu 1. st. Na osnovi nalaza posuda izrađenih u latenskim tradicijama pretpostavlja se kako je u grobu bila pokopana osoba starosjedilačkoga podrijetla, dok importirani prilozi svjedoče o ranoj romanizaciji južne Panonije i dunavskoga limesa. O postojanju složenoga pogrebnoga rituala svjedoče izdvojeni ostaci kultiviranih biljaka domaćega i uvoznoga podrijetla koje su bile položene u lonce. ; The high Danube bank near Ilok, which is situated on the western slopes of Fruška gora, was continuously settled in all prehistoric periods, and after that - as the finds analyzed herein indicate - in the Roman time, but Ilok experienced its peak in the Late Middle Ages, in the period of Nikola and his son Lovro. The beginning of excavations in Ilok's upper town is particularly significant for reveal of the topography of Roman Ilok, which remained almost completely unknown due to a small number of finds. Data about the Roman settlement of Ilok (Cuccium) are preserved in several Itineraries, with different forms for the settlement's name. Thus Notitia Dignitatum mentions two cavalry units, Cuneus equitum Promotorum and Equites Sagittarii, in Cuccium of the 4th century. The excavations of the Institute of Archaeology in Zagreb began in 2001 in the extension of the eastern wing of Odescalchi Castle, to be continued in 2002 towards the west to encompass the lawn in front of the castle (Fig. 1). In preloess layer SJ 224 (10YR 4/3) in the southern part of the excavated area, filling SJ 229 was isolated. This filling is the first in a number of preserved fillings of the larger prehistoric pit SJ 306 which by finds was dated to the beginning of the Early Iron Age. In prehistoric filling SJ 229 another younger rectangular filling SJ 230 (5Y 4/3) was identified, whose western edge was damaged by recent burial in lime pit SJ 216, whereas the southern part lies outside the margin of the excavated area. Filling SJ 230 is part of the Early Roman grave SJ 273. Along the southern profile of the dig in filling SJ 230 a smaller burial SJ 270 and filling SJ 269, which caused no major damage to the grave (Fig. 5), were identified. The bottom of the grave with finds remained preserved, and the lack of incinerated human remains is possibly due to the fact that they are situated in the southern part of the grave, which has not yet been excavated, even though it is highly possible that they were destroyed in an earlier intervention in the grave filling. All grave goods were found in the eastern part of the grave (Fig. 2, Fig. 4). In the middle of the grave, close to the top of SJ 230, a hollow shafted iron axe (Pl. 2, 7) was found, which on account of its position compared to other finds is supposed to have entered the grave by digging through the older prehistoric strata, thus not belonging to the grave goods. On the bottom of the grave, filling SJ 268 (2.5Y 5/6) was isolated which belongs to the thin layer of preserved wooden architecture (Fig. 2-3), on whose remains in the north-eastern corner of the grave two hand-made pots with a rounded body and a flat rim and bottom (Pl. 1, 1-2) were found, as well as fragments of a wheel-made bowl with an S profile (Pl. 2, 1). In the corner of the grave, fragments of a dark-grey bowl with thin walls (Pl. 2, 6) and a play-token of dark blue glass paste (Pl. 2, 1) were found. A part of the bowl was also in a pot laid slightly more to the south (Pl. 1, 2). Around both pots numerous seeds were identified, which is why the complete content of the filling around the vessels and their filling is flotated. In the eastern part of the grave there were fragments of a glass vessel, probably a funnel or a glass (Pl. 2, 4). Fragments of a ceramic lamp (Pl. 2, 5), a bronze earring (Pl. 1, 3), a fragment of a bronze needle (Pl. 1, 5) and an iron rivet (Pl. 2, 8) were found in the south-eastern excavated part of the grave. Also in that part of the grave a bronze artefact, which probably represents a vessel's handle fastening system (Pl. 1, 4), and Claudius coin (Pl. 1, 6) were found. Beneath the remains of planks, filling SJ 272 (5Y 5/4) was isolated, which contained no grave goods. The excavated part of grave SJ 273 is rectangular-shaped with rounded corners with dimensions of 2.12 m (W-E) and 1.88 m (N-S up to the dig profile). The results of research indicate that all the grave goods were lain on the bottom of a wooden case, the existence of which is proved not only by SJ 268, but also by four uncovered post holes, one in each corner (SJ 277 and SJ 295), and two more in the middle of the western and eastern side of the grave respectively (SJ 275 and SJ 293). Although the southern part of the grave was not excavated, it can be assumed that post holes were in the south-eastern and southwestern corner of the grave. All the holes are quadrangular, and in the bottom part they become octagonal to make post driving easier. The results of floatation of part of the filling around the ceramic vessels laying in the north-eastern part of the grave and the filling of pots indicated the existence of a complex funeral custom which is reflected in the presence of a relatively large number of isolated cultivated plants. Archaeobotanical analysis showed that among grave goods there were cereals (barley, millet, and different types of wheat), leguminous plants (lentil and vetch) as well as a large number of "fruit" objects (melon/cucumber, fig, apple/pear cherry/sour cherry/sloe, plum, elder and vine grape). The fig and probably the melon were imported to the Ilok since they are cultivated in warmer (sub)Mediterranean areas, whereas the other sorts were probably cultivated in the surroundings of Ilok. All of the cereals and vetch are carbonized, i.e. they were intentionally or unintentionally burned. Apparently they were laid onto a funeral pile. The remaining "fruit" finds were calcified, i.e. they were laid into the grave fresh or dried, probably when laying the human remains and other grave goods. With the exception of the fig, which had to be dried due to long transport from the Mediterranean region, the remaining fruits could have been laid fresh. Apples, pears, plums, sour berries and elder berries as well as vine grapes and melons ripen at the same time of the year, i.e. in the early autumn, which suggests that the burial took place in that season. Still one has to keep in mind that "fruit" objects could have been kept in dried state for a relatively long time. The remains of a Roman grave were found in the excavations of 2002, indicating the existence of a cemetery, which had been unknown until now. The grave contained a cremation burial, with grave goods that were laid on the bottom in the north-eastern corner and along the eastern side of the wooden case, rectangular in shape, which was probably made of oak wood (Fig. 4). The answers to questions on the chronological position, ethnic determination and the origin of the finds shall be given after an analysis of the grave goods, which can be divided in two groups, the first represented by three ceramic vessels made following the tradition of the La Tène culture, and the other group of finds which are northern Italic imports and which, along with the coin, make dating of the grave possible. These finds consist of a ceramic bowl with thin walls, a glass vessel, a ceramic lamp, a bronze earring and a glass paste play-token. The same origin can be assumed concerning the finds that were preserved only in fragments such as a bronze handle fastening system of a vessel and a needle. On the basis of their shape and technological characteristics, the two hand-made pots with rounded bodies and the wheel-made, S-profiled bowl are connected with the tradition of the La Tène culture. The dark grey to dark brown pots with an admixture of quartz and chuff in abundance, have a rounded body, a flat rim beneath which there is a horizontal groove and a flat bottom (Pl. 1, 1-2). These are situla form pots, for which there are numerous parallels in the Late La Tène Scordiscs settlements in eastern Slavonia and Syrmia, found also in Early Roman strata and graves. Of similar origin is also the S-profiled, wheel-made bowl with a rich admixture of quartz (Pl. 2, 1) that was also found in the north-eastern corner of the grave. The hand-made pots with rounded bodies and the S-profiled bowl represent the Late La Tène heritage of the Scordiscs and testify to the presence of an autochthonous population in the Early Roman sites of the 1st century, whose traditions are the strongest in the shapes, techniques and methods of decorating coarse pottery. As indicated by the finds from the settlement layers in Vinkovci, Osijek and Srijemska Mitrovica, the local craftsmen continued the production of recognizable shapes, thus satisfying the needs of the indigenous population. Those forms were decorated by familiar motifs by applying combed or broom-shaped ornaments and by polishing. Ceramic ware with autochthonous features was preserved until the period of the Flavians, suggesting the existence of indigenous peregrine communities which preserved the achievements of their own material culture up until the end of the 1st century, but due to intensified romanization in the 2nd century this autochthonous trait The second and larger group of finds from the grave testifying to the romanization of the indigenous population of Cuccium. This group consists of Early Roman import artefacts, which arrived at Limes by the well-known Sava valley trade route from the northern Italic region. The dark grey bowl with thin walls and two horizontal ribs (Pl. 2, 6), the ceramic lamp with a voluted nose and a rosette ornament (Pl. 2, 5), and a glass vessel, most probably a funnel or a glass (Pl. 2, 4) represent imported grave goods which are not only chronologically sensitive but also point to the direction of the cultural and economic effects of the Roman conquest of the Drava, Sava and Danube interfluve. Ceramic ware with thin walls appeared in the eastern Alps and the middle Danube in the Tiberian period along with Padanian sigillata at the time of the first military conquests. Different shapes and ornamentation methods were identified, of which bowls decorated in barbotine technique are the largest in number. Typical of southern Pannonia is intensive import in the Claudius-Flavius period, when the peak of production was achieved. With the Flavian period, the production in the local workshops of Sirmium, Emona and on Gomolava began, in which shapes, ornaments and facture of the imported specimens were imitated. At the end of the 1st century the quality and the number of vessels with thin walls declined, but their production continued until the middle of the 2nd century. The ceramic lamp with reddish-brown coating and volute nose, two grooves on its shoulder and a rosette ornament (Pl. 2, 5) is also of northern Italic origin; its fragments were found at the eastern margin of the grave. The lamp find, along with other imports, suggests the acceptance of Roman lifestyle traditions and funeral customs. The described lamp belongs to the Iványi I type, which encompasses specimens with volute triangle-shaped nose, a relief figure in the middle concentric grooves on the rim. According to D. Iványi's classification, the lamp from Ilok belongs to the third type, its basic feature being a broader voluted nose dated to about the middle and the last quarter of the 1st century or to the 2nd century. According to Loeschcke's classification of ceramic lamps with an angular nose and volutes, the Ilok find corresponds to type I, variation b, characterized by a somewhat narrower top of the nose than with lamps having volutes, whereas the shoulder profile with two grooves is of type IIb. The angular ceramic lamps with volutes of the Iványi I, or Loeschcke I type, from Pannonian sites, represent a northern Italic import from the beginning of the 1st century, when they arrived along with the Arentino and northern Italic sigillata of the Augustan and Tiberian periods. The finds of voluted lamps, as well as of ceramic ware with thin walls, in military camps on the Danube (Zemun, Novi Banovci, Surduk) prove that they were imported to satisfied the needs of the army, but also for the higher social class of the autochthonous population, as indicated by the richly cremation grave from Ilok. Production in local Pannonian workshops began in the second half of the 1st century, as finds of moulds in Sirmium, Mursa and Poetovio suggest. Their occurrence in south Pannonian sites can be followed also in the 2nd century, up to the beginning of the 3rd. The smaller vessel, probably a funnel or a glass, made of greenish glass with a horizontally inverted rim (Pl. 2, 4), the fragments of which were found along the eastern margin of the grave, also suggests northern Italic origin. Just like the voluted lamp and the bowl with thin walls, the vessel came to the Danube limes through Aquileia, which in the 1st-2nd centuries was an important production center, but at the same time it was a commercial port for goods coming from other production centers, from where it was imported into the eastern Alpine and Danube regions. In the north-eastern corner of the grave there was also a play-token made of dark blue glass paste (Pl. 2, 1), which is supposed to have served for playing and which was dated to the 1st century. In the grave, a greenish glass bead was found as well (Pl. 2, 3). Metal grave goods and coin were preserved (Fig. 4) in the south-eastern excavated part of the grave, on the remains of poorly preserved wooden planks. The little bronze74 ring with an irregular rectangular cross-section has its one terminal looped, whereas its other terminal is missing (Pl. 1, 3). Its description corresponds with the type of Roman bronze earrings in the shape of wired annulets with different cross sections, with looped or clipped terminals. Simple earrings in the form of a wired ring that used to close by inserting the small hook through the loop were documented in a longer period, and they differ according to the shape of the pendant hanging from the ring, whose shape remained almost unchanged. The fragment of a bronze needle (Pl. 1, 5) was probably part of a bronze fibula. In the immediate vicinity of the earring there was another object, the function of which is not sufficiently clear. It might have been a handle fastening system of a bronze vessel (Pl. 1, 4) consisting of a leaned ring with an oval outline and a round cross-section, beneath which there is trifoliate sheet metal with rectangular terminals and a rivet hole in the upper part. The ring is separated from the bottom part by a rib, on which there are two horizontal grooves. In the immediate vicinity, a smaller iron rivet (Pl. 2, 8) was found with a short spike with a rectangular cross-section that might have served for fastening a handle. Apart from the described finds, another import in the grave are also the remains of the fig and the melon, found along with other archaeobotanical samples in the north-eastern part of the grave and in the fillings of both pots. The figs could not be cultivated in the southern Pannonian area due to inclement climatic conditions. Since figs could not have been kept fresh for a long time, it was not possible to transport the fruits across larger distances, therefore probably the figs arrived to Cuccium dried. The figs, along with the remaining ceramic and glass finds, were imported for the needs of the settled Italic, but also indigenous population, who were not unfamiliar with Italic goods. The largest part of archaeobotanical artefacts accounts for wine grape seeds. The question of the origin and cultivation of wine among the Illyrians with the mentioned antique sources was thoroughly analysed by M. Zaninović. The Pannonian production of small quantities of wine and the bad quality of its production is mentioned by Dion Cassius (49.36.2), which is also confirmed by Strabo's quote (VII.5.10) that the regions above Dalmatia are mountainous and cold and that vineyards can seldom be found there. The finds of amphorae dated in the beginning of the 1st century, which came along with the wine across Aquileia, testify to imports of wine to Sirmium, which was supported by settled Italics and by the indigenous population. Wine cultivation in Pannonia was intensified in the second half of the 3rd century, in the period of Probus, when soldiers planted selected grapes on the slopes of Fruška gora (Almus Mons). The discovery of grape seeds in pots in the grave in Ilok prove the earlier existence of vineyards on the western slopes of Fruška gora already in the 1st century, although it is possible that the tradition of wine cultivation in the Ilok region is considerably older. The laying of different kinds of cereals and fruits combined with ceramic and glass vessels of twofold origin into the grave suggests the existence of a complex funeral rite, which is still inadequately understood in the southern Pannonian territory in the Early Roman period. Numerous parallels to all described finds from the grave in Ilok were documented in the Danube region, which enable the dating of the grave in the middle of the 1st century. This is also confirmed by the find of Claudius coin (Pl. 1, 6). Although the grave has not been completely excavated, the grave goods and remains of grave architecture enriched the existing understanding of the process of romanization of the Croatian Danube region, testifying to the relation of the indigenous population towards the newly arrived achievements of the Roman culture. Of particular importance for the ethnic determination of the burial are three ceramic vessels from the northeastern corner of the grave, two hand-made pots with a rounded body (Pl. 1, 1-2) and the S-profiled, wheel-made bowl (Pl. 2, 1). The described vessels can be compared with the material heritage of the La Tène culture, which in the middle Danube is connected with the Scordiscs. In the described shapes, the continuation of pottery traditions of the indigenous mixed Celtic-Pannonian population is visible, which in the 1st century formed an important ethnic component of the southern part of Roman Pannonia. The second group of finds that suggests northern Italic origin points to the direction of the new ethnic, cultural and economic influences on the eastern part of the Sava-Drava-Danube interfluve in the process of early romanization. Numerous parallels with Early Roman cremation burials from Syrmia, in which ceramic finds produced following La Tène traditions were found, indicate a strong tradition of the autochthonous population up until the end of the 1st century. This means that the mixed Celtic-Pannonian population living in the territory of the middle Danube played an important role in the process of early romanization and formed a constituent part of the ethnic corps of the newly conquered part of southern Pannonia. The indigenous population in larger centers that emerged from Late La Tène protourbane centers, was exposed to more intensive and rapid romanization by the settling Italic population and veterans and common imports, which was accompanied by the achievements of the Roman way of life. Rural Late La Tène communities long held the features of their own material culture, accepting only some of the achievements of the newly founded Roman provincial culture. In the grave in Ilok, imported objects suggesting northern Italic origin were found as well, and they came to the middle Danube by a trade route that was in function earlier – along the Sava River, where in the 1st century BC certain goods were transported for the Scordiscs. This is shown by numerous finds of bronze vessels of northern Italic origin, which in the sites of La Tène culture in eastern Slavonia occur in graves and in the most important fortified settlements such as Dalj, Sotin, Vinkovci and Orolik. The import of bronze vessels took place from Aquileia through Nauportus and Emona, from where along the Sava over Segestica it came to the middle Danube. Strabo (4.6.10; 5.1.8; 7.5.2) described this important prehistoric communication, and the described trade route is also supported by finds of coins from Appolonia and Dyrrhachion, as well as of Roman Republican coins. The use of the well-known trade route, along the Sava towards the East, continued also in the Early Roman period, when Aquileia was the most significant center of the export of pottery with thin walls, terra sigillatae and glass vessels on the markets of Pannonia and Noricum. It can be claimed with certainty that Tiberius' conquest of the eastern part of the Interfluve came running across the Sava valley. The understanding of events after the Roman conquest of eastern Slavonia and western Syrmia is weak due to a lack of site excavations, on which the process of romanization that had started could be followed. Although there were significant military bases of the Danube Limes in the described territory, as well as larger civic settlements in its hinterland, such as Mursa and Cibalae, the material heritage of the first decades of the 1st century is little known. What all the Roman centers in the territory of eastern Slavonia and western Syrmia have in common is that they were erected either in the most significant Late La Tène centers, or in their vicinity. In all mentioned sites, on the Limes as well as in its hinterland, in the Early Roman layers dated to the 1st century, shapes that suggest the continuity of the Late La Tène material heritage prevail. In the first line, the early Roman import was directed to significant Late La Tène Scordisc settlements, where along with ceramic forms made in autochthonous traditions a northern Italic import of the Late Augustan and Tiberian periods occurred. Within the study of imported ceramic vessels, the presence of auxiliary military units, the arrival of merchants and settlements of Italics already in the early 1st century were identified. On the sites along the Limes, northern Italic imports from the Late Augustan and Tiberian periods was not rich in numbers. In the Julian-Claudian period, only auxiliary military units controlling the border existed along the Danube in mobile camps. Imports became more intense only in the Flavian period, when the military units came to the Danube and erected permanent fortresses. This also intensified the romanization of the indigenous population, which was also advanced by the recruitment of the autochthonous population to auxiliary units. Military units were always followed by merchants who satisfied their needs, but also the needs of settled Italics, as well as the upper class of the indigenous population, to whom those goods were not unknown, with imported goods. The Roman merchants were familiar with the circumstances on the market of the Drava-Sava-Danube interfluve and they were the advance contingent of the Roman conquest. The quote of Velleius Paterculus (II.110) that at the beginning of the rebellion in Pannonia and Dalmatia many merchants were killed testifies to the early presence of Roman merchants in this interfluve zone. If one would try to closer determine the ethnicity of the grave found in Ilok, one should look for the answer in Roman antiquity sources dealing with the ethnic structure of the eastern part of the Sava-Drava-Danube interfluve in the pre-Roman period and immediately after the conquest. The middle Danube in the Late Iron Age was populated by the Scordiscs, and after the conquest Roman sources mention some new communities. Thus, in the territory of the Croatian Danube area the Cornacates are mentioned, which Pliny the Elder mentions in his alphabetic index of the communities settled in Pannonia (N.H. III. 148). Since on that occasion communities from the territory of Transdanubia are mentioned as well, which were definitely conquered as late as in the Claudius period, the information on the Cornacates, to whom Cuccium is assigned, corresponds with the time to which the grave from Ilok is dated. The Cornacates as a peregrine community of Celtic-Pannonian origin were settled in the territory along the Danube in the surroundings of Vukovar up to Ilok. The western border towards neighbors - the Breuci - must have been around Vukovar and Negoslavci, where two military diplomas were found, issued to veterans of Breuci origin. The second possibility is that the Cornacates were only the citizens of the settlement Cornacum. Evidence supporting this statement is also found in Pliny's statement (N.H. III. 148) that Sirmium was an oppidum and a community of the Sirmienses and Amantinis, where under the Sirmienses exclusively the citizens of the settlement, which was the center of the Amantinian community, are meant. The final answer to the question whether the Cornacates lived in the territory of Ilok will be found only by an epigraphic find. The results of excavations of the castle of the Ilok in 2001 and 2002 extended the present-day understanding of the topography of Cuccium, and the discovery of the Early Roman cremation grave gave an insight into the process of early romanization of the Limes in the territory of the Croatian Danube region. The Roman settlement laid more to the west than the late medieval palace of the Ilok princes, whereas graves were situated along the roads that led from the settlement, grave sites being indicated by finds of Late Antiquity sarcophagi and brick tombs to the south of today's Ilok. A grave was found to the west of the settlement, on the site of the present Ilok fortress, suggesting the existence of an Early Roman cemetery, where the indigenous population was buried. The finds of two hand-made pots with a rounded body and the wheel-made S-profiled bowl testify to this, indicating a strong tradition of the La Tène culture. The shape of the grave with the remains of a wooden cast has up to the present not been identified at the known Late La Tène Scordisc graves, therefore the question of its origin remains open. The second group of grave goods of northern Italic origin, represented by the bowl with thin walls, the lamp with the volute nose, the glass vessel and other metal and glass finds, points to the romanization of the encountered indigenous population, at the same time, based on the coin finds, dating the grave in the time of Claudius, in the middle of the 1st century. The discovery of the remains of different cultivated plants, out of which some show traces of incineration in and around both pots, testifies to the existence of a complex funeral rite in which, same as in the finds, the traditions of the newly arrived Roman culture intermingle with the material heritage of the autochthonous mixed Celtic-Pannonian population. It is highly conceivable that future research in Ilok shall expand the scarce understanding of the process of romanization and life along the limes in the territory of the Croatian Danube region.