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International audience ; The concept of economic war remains very vague; it covers a multiplicity of economic policies. The political values and the need of national security are essential determinants of the international economic relations. Then, policy of power is the heart of the international relations and laissez-faire was and is only an exception. However, in the international order, the liberalization of the exchanges and the policies of deregulation tended to limit the possibilities of protectionism and public interventionism. At the same time, on the geo-economics area, national firms reinforce the economic and technological leadership of a country on the main industries and services of the future. The hegemony of a dominant power is often necessary for the creation and the maintenance of free trade. The exacerbation of international competition opens new possibilities of States actions, on the level of the market regulation, notably in helping the aid of national companies in their conquest of the international markets. L ; e concept de guerre économique reste très vague ; il couvre une multiplicité de politiques économiques.Les valeurs politiques et le besoin de sécurité nationale sont des déterminants essentiels des relations économiques internationales. Ensuite, la politique de puissance est au coeur des relations internationales et le laisser-faire était et n'est qu'une exception. Cependant, dans l'ordre international, la libéralisation des échanges et les politiques de déréglementation ont eu tendance à limiter les possibilités de protectionnisme et d'interventionnisme public. En même temps, sur le plan géo-économique, les entreprises nationales renforcent le leadership économique et technologique d'un pays sur les principales industries et services du futur. L'hégémonie d'une puissance dominante est souvent nécessaire à la création et au maintien du libre-échange. L'exacerbation de la concurrence internationale ouvre de nouvelles possibilités d'actions des Etats, au niveau de la régulation des ...

International audience ; The concept of economic war remains very vague; it covers a multiplicity of economic policies. The political values and the need of national security are essential determinants of the international economic relations. Then, policy of power is the heart of the international relations and laissez-faire was and is only an exception. However, in the international order, the liberalization of the exchanges and the policies of deregulation tended to limit the possibilities of protectionism and public interventionism. At the same time, on the geo-economics area, national firms reinforce the economic and technological leadership of a country on the main industries and services of the future. The hegemony of a dominant power is often necessary for the creation and the maintenance of free trade. The exacerbation of international competition opens new possibilities of States actions, on the level of the market regulation, notably in helping the aid of national companies in their conquest of the international markets. L ; e concept de guerre économique reste très vague ; il couvre une multiplicité de politiques économiques.Les valeurs politiques et le besoin de sécurité nationale sont des déterminants essentiels des relations économiques internationales. Ensuite, la politique de puissance est au coeur des relations internationales et le laisser-faire était et n'est qu'une exception. Cependant, dans l'ordre international, la libéralisation des échanges et les politiques de déréglementation ont eu tendance à limiter les possibilités de protectionnisme et d'interventionnisme public. En même temps, sur le plan géo-économique, les entreprises nationales renforcent le leadership économique et technologique d'un pays sur les principales industries et services du futur. L'hégémonie d'une puissance dominante est souvent nécessaire à la création et au maintien du libre-échange. L'exacerbation de la concurrence internationale ouvre de nouvelles possibilités d'actions des Etats, au niveau de la régulation des ...

International audience ; The concept of economic war remains very vague; it covers a multiplicity of economic policies. The political values and the need of national security are essential determinants of the international economic relations. Then, policy of power is the heart of the international relations and laissez-faire was and is only an exception. However, in the international order, the liberalization of the exchanges and the policies of deregulation tended to limit the possibilities of protectionism and public interventionism. At the same time, on the geo-economics area, national firms reinforce the economic and technological leadership of a country on the main industries and services of the future. The hegemony of a dominant power is often necessary for the creation and the maintenance of free trade. The exacerbation of international competition opens new possibilities of States actions, on the level of the market regulation, notably in helping the aid of national companies in their conquest of the international markets. L ; e concept de guerre économique reste très vague ; il couvre une multiplicité de politiques économiques.Les valeurs politiques et le besoin de sécurité nationale sont des déterminants essentiels des relations économiques internationales. Ensuite, la politique de puissance est au coeur des relations internationales et le laisser-faire était et n'est qu'une exception. Cependant, dans l'ordre international, la libéralisation des échanges et les politiques de déréglementation ont eu tendance à limiter les possibilités de protectionnisme et d'interventionnisme public. En même temps, sur le plan géo-économique, les entreprises nationales renforcent le leadership économique et technologique d'un pays sur les principales industries et services du futur. L'hégémonie d'une puissance dominante est souvent nécessaire à la création et au maintien du libre-échange. L'exacerbation de la concurrence internationale ouvre de nouvelles possibilités d'actions des Etats, au niveau de la régulation des ...

The administrative competitions, which occupy a particular place in our country, at the very heart of the French 'social contract' and politics, entered a period of low-noise trial and then an open trial, calling for and justifying the recent reforms of the competitions, which were not yet completed. But the great resilience is the plasticity of the 'institutional form', which is proven to be long-lasting, even if there are threats to the future of the competition. ; International audience Administrative entrance examinations, which hold a special place in France and are central to the French social and political contract, are now being questioned. This began quietly but has developed into an open trial, calling for and justifying recent exam reforms. However, as an institution, the competitive exam has proved very resilient and flexible in withstanding threats to its future. ; The administrative competitions, which occupy a particular place in our country, at the very heart of the French 'social contract' and politics, entered a period of low-noise trial and then an open trial, calling for and justifying the recent reforms of the competitions, which were not yet completed. But the great resilience is the plasticity of the 'institutional form', which is proven to be long-lasting, even if there are threats to the future of the competition. ; Les concours administratifs, qui occupent une place particulière dans notre pays, au cœur même du « contrat social » et politique français, sont entrés dans une période de mise en examen d'abord à bas bruit, puis de procès ouvert, appelant et justifiant les réformes récentes des concours, encore inachevées. Mais grandes sont la résilience comme la plasticité de la « forme institutionnelle » concours, dont la pérennité est avérée, même si des menaces existent sur l'avenir du concours.

The tax competition between States arises from the high level of tension between the different countries.Indeed, as States do not have the same budgetary needs, an intense rivalry grew between the tax systems.Their main goal is to attract the largest number of economic actors. The tax competition between Statesis a battle between countries for competitiveness. This phenomenon is a part of a global economy and isgaining increasingly in strength for over a decade. As a result of this, tax benefits are provided fortaxpayers because the tax competition between States leads to a race to the bottom.However, in order to reduce the amount of tax, some economic operators cheat and breach the nationaltax regimes. And so, the harmful tax competition is born. The European Union (EU), the Organisationfor Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the States fight the latter fact.It is important to devise solutions that minimise harmful tax competition and remove the in-built biastowards taxation of less mobile basis, especially because the context is changing due to the health crisisand the development of the digital economy. Even though the tax harmonisation fails, somecoordination measures could be used to regulate the tax competition between States. Loyalty is the keyterm.The quest for a loyal tax competition between States is not a matter of government finances at least inbalance. It's a major challenge to the durability of tax and social systems of each country.Although the concept of the tax competition between States is based on economic doctrines, thisapproach is now obsolete. The law approach is essential to apprehend this notion, particularly to frame,control and punish it. ; La concurrence fiscale étatique naît du climat de tension régnant entre les différents pays. En effet, les Etats n'ontpas les mêmes besoins budgétaires, ce qui engendre une bataille entre les systèmes fiscaux afin d'attirer le plusgrand nombre d'agents économiques. La concurrence fiscale étatique apparaît donc comme une compétition ...

The tax competition between States arises from the high level of tension between the different countries.Indeed, as States do not have the same budgetary needs, an intense rivalry grew between the tax systems.Their main goal is to attract the largest number of economic actors. The tax competition between Statesis a battle between countries for competitiveness. This phenomenon is a part of a global economy and isgaining increasingly in strength for over a decade. As a result of this, tax benefits are provided fortaxpayers because the tax competition between States leads to a race to the bottom.However, in order to reduce the amount of tax, some economic operators cheat and breach the nationaltax regimes. And so, the harmful tax competition is born. The European Union (EU), the Organisationfor Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the States fight the latter fact.It is important to devise solutions that minimise harmful tax competition and remove the in-built biastowards taxation of less mobile basis, especially because the context is changing due to the health crisisand the development of the digital economy. Even though the tax harmonisation fails, somecoordination measures could be used to regulate the tax competition between States. Loyalty is the keyterm.The quest for a loyal tax competition between States is not a matter of government finances at least inbalance. It's a major challenge to the durability of tax and social systems of each country.Although the concept of the tax competition between States is based on economic doctrines, thisapproach is now obsolete. The law approach is essential to apprehend this notion, particularly to frame,control and punish it. ; La concurrence fiscale étatique naît du climat de tension régnant entre les différents pays. En effet, les Etats n'ontpas les mêmes besoins budgétaires, ce qui engendre une bataille entre les systèmes fiscaux afin d'attirer le plusgrand nombre d'agents économiques. La concurrence fiscale étatique apparaît donc comme une compétition ...

Political discourse is imbued with an obsession for economic growth. The main determinant of long-term growth in endogenous growth theory is innovation, but the institutional environment of economic activity is also an important explanatory factor. In particular, within this environment, competition plays a major, though controversial, role. The purpose of this thesis is to study some aspects of growth, of its determinants and of policies that seek to promote it. Two aspects in particular will be studied, innovation and competition. The first part focuses on two types of policies aimed at encouraging innovation. The first policy is direct government support, studied through an analysis of the impact of the Research Tax Credit (Chapter 1). The second policy considered is the legal framework for innovation (Chapter 2). The theoretical model presented intends to take into account new practices in intellectual property law. The second part deals with the institutional environment in general, and in particular competition. It starts with an international comparison of the level of competition between France and several European countries in various sectors, using an econometric method based on growth equations (Chapter 3). Two sectors are then analyzed in detail : the food industry (Chapter 4), where the balance of power has been tipped in favour of large retailers, and accomodation and food services activities (Chapter 5). ; L'obsession pour la croissance économique domine le discours politique. Le déterminant principal de la croissance de long terme avancé par les théories de croissance endogène est l'innovation, mais l'environnement institutionnel de l'activité économique est également un élément primordial d'explication du rythme de la croissance, et en particulier, au sein de cet environnement, la concurrence, dont le rôle est très discuté. L'objet de cette thèse est d'étudier certaines dimensions de la croissance, de ses déterminants et des politiques qui cherchent à la favoriser, en particulier l'innovation et ...

This article examines the problems posed by the difficult coexistence between external trade and competition policies in the context of GATT and its successor, the World Trade Organisation (WTO). It shows that these problems, if traditional, arise in new, particularly serious, taries as a result of the implementation by States of anti-competitive trade policies. This article reviews the current proposals to address these difficulties and offers a more limited but realistic approach. ; Cet article examine les problèmes posés par la coexistence, difficile, entre les politiques du commerce extérieur et de la concurrence, dans le contexte du GATT et de son héritière, l'Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC). Elle montre que ces problèmes, s'ils sont traditionnels, se posent en des ternies nouveaux, particulièrement graves, à cause de la mise en œuvre, parles États, de politiques commerciales à visée anticoncurrentielle. Cet article passe en revue les propositions actuelles pour résoudre ces difficultés, et offre une approche plus limitée, mais plus réaliste.

Cet article étudie la question de savoir si, et dans quelle mesure, les entreprises instrumentalisent le droit de la concurrence pour parasiter les efforts de leurs concurrents. Nous aboutissons à la conclusion selon laquelle les tentatives de parasitisme fondée sur l'article 101 TFUE n'ont que peu de chances d'aboutir. En sens inverse, l'article 102 TFEU offre des perspectives plus prometteuses aux passagers clandestins. ; This paper explore whether, and to what extent, firms can instrumentalize the competition rules to free ride on others' efforts. We come to the conclusion that attempts to free ride through Article 101 TFEU allegations are likely to fail. In contrast, Article 102 TFEU offers a more promising legal avenue to wanna-be free riders.

The opportunities opened up by artificial intelligence, in particular on its economic and military side, have joined the international ambitions of some countries and precipitated the emergence of a new competition. Sino-American antagonism is now structured around this repertoire of techniques, following separate strategies: a leading model, based on a techno-partidary complex, on the Chinese side, against the American neoliberal model, which establishes the primacy and autonomy of action of major digital firms. ; International audience ; The opportunities opened up by artificial intelligence, in particular on its economic and military side, have joined the international ambitions of some countries and precipitated the emergence of a new competition. Sino-American antagonism is now structured around this repertoire of techniques, following separate strategies: a leading model, based on a techno-partidary complex, on the Chinese side, against the American neoliberal model, which establishes the primacy and autonomy of action of major digital firms. ; Les perspectives ouvertes par l'intelligence artificielle, en particulier sur son versant économique et militaire, ont rejoint les ambitions internationales de certains pays et précipité la naissance d'une nouvelle compétition. L'antagonisme sino-américain se structure désormais autour de ce répertoire de techniques, suivant des stratégies distinctes : un modèle dirigiste, fondé sur un complexe techno-partidaire, côté chinois, face au modèle néolibéral américain, qui institue la primauté et l'autonomie d'action des grandes firmes numériques.

In this article, the author carries out a double examination of the competitive relationships in the light of the evolution of ongoing conflicts and also of the initiatives envisaged in order to anticipate them. By means of a retrospective analysis, it is possible to highlight a number of trends on the part of the institutions: reaffirmation of the requirement of freedom of competition by the Court of Justice of the European Union (Case C-179/16) and the Competition Authority (Decision No 17-D-25 of 20 December 2017). The requirement of fair competition could also be reaffirmed in cases concerning the transfer of documents containing confidential information (Com., 13 September 2017) and relating to the copying of a competing product (Com. 25 September 2017). According to the author, a number of improvements can be envisaged concerning, first, the functioning of competition in the medicinal products and medical biology sector (in particular as regards the distribution chain of the medicinal product and the fixing of prices). As regards the very common practice of mergers in the pharmaceutical sector, the role of the institutions is crucial with the Commission of the European Union on the one hand and the Competition Authority on the other. ; International audience In this article, the author carries out a double examination of competition relations linked to the evolution of ongoing conflicts but also with regard to the initiatives envisaged in order to anticipate them. Through a retrospective analysis, the institutions highlight several trends: reaffirmation of the requirement of freedom of competition by the European Union Court of Justice on the one hand (Case C-179/16) and the Competition Authority on the other hand (Decision No 17-D-25 of 20 December 2017). Also, the requirement of fair competition could be reaffirmed in cases concerning the transfer of documents containing confidential information (Com., 13 September 2017) and concerning the copying of a competing product (Com. 25 September 2017). ...

In the framework of the growth and the internationalisation of the financial flows since the beginning of the twentieth century, Tax havens leading positions in the economic and financial environment have become so much important, that many political actors of the well developed countries have tried to assess this phenomenon through the international tax competition studies. Going further in the tax optimisation and tax planning process of the offshore sphere of activity, we can consider that far from being isolated in the sovereignty of a few countries, the offshore financial model is far integrated in the worldwide economic system, which can explain the difficulty and the different means used by the political authority to manage and stop the offshore mechanism through a by territory approach. ; Dans le cadre de l'internationalisation puis de la mondialisation de la sphère économique et financière, les paradis fiscaux se sont développés tout au long du XXe siècle. Emergent à l'abri de la cage de l'Etat-Nation, ce phénomène de déconnexion de la sphère résidente de la sphère d'activité économique effective, a donné lieu à l'émergence de centres offshore, de manière embryonnaire durant la première moitié du XXe siècle, puis à une échelle industrielle sur l'ensemble des secteurs de l'activité économique à partir des années 1950. Les observateurs et les acteurs politiques des pays industrialisés se sont progressivement saisi du sujet dans le cadre de l'appréhension des effets dommageables de la concurrence fiscale internationale. Les difficultés rencontrées dans la lutte engagée à différentes échelles contre ces territoires traduisent l'ambiguïté des relations qu'entretiennent les grands pays industrialisés avec la sphère offshore.

In the framework of the growth and the internationalisation of the financial flows since the beginning of the twentieth century, Tax havens leading positions in the economic and financial environment have become so much important, that many political actors of the well developed countries have tried to assess this phenomenon through the international tax competition studies. Going further in the tax optimisation and tax planning process of the offshore sphere of activity, we can consider that far from being isolated in the sovereignty of a few countries, the offshore financial model is far integrated in the worldwide economic system, which can explain the difficulty and the different means used by the political authority to manage and stop the offshore mechanism through a by territory approach. ; Dans le cadre de l'internationalisation puis de la mondialisation de la sphère économique et financière, les paradis fiscaux se sont développés tout au long du XXe siècle. Emergent à l'abri de la cage de l'Etat-Nation, ce phénomène de déconnexion de la sphère résidente de la sphère d'activité économique effective, a donné lieu à l'émergence de centres offshore, de manière embryonnaire durant la première moitié du XXe siècle, puis à une échelle industrielle sur l'ensemble des secteurs de l'activité économique à partir des années 1950. Les observateurs et les acteurs politiques des pays industrialisés se sont progressivement saisi du sujet dans le cadre de l'appréhension des effets dommageables de la concurrence fiscale internationale. Les difficultés rencontrées dans la lutte engagée à différentes échelles contre ces territoires traduisent l'ambiguïté des relations qu'entretiennent les grands pays industrialisés avec la sphère offshore.

In a context where both academic institutions and government consider academic excellence as crucial, this thesis aims at contributing to the study of the determinants of scientific productivity of professors. Using an original database of French academic economists involved in the "Prime d'Excellence Scientifique" tournament, the four proposed contributions show the importance of considering two dimensions often ignored so far: first, collective externalities, and the multidimensional nature of professors' activities.The first chapter investigates the determinants of success in a large competition among French academic economists, the "Prime d'Excellence Scientifique (PES)". We are particularly interested in the dynamic aspects of this repeated tournament initiated by the French academic system in 2009 to select the best productive researchers for promotion. The econometric estimation of the transition probabilities using sequential-response models allows for identification of changes in weightings assigned to each criterion. Our results confirm the importance of peer-reviewed publications and identify discouraging factors in this dynamic tournament. We also find that past success influences the promotion of professors.The second chapter focuses on the most decisive factor in the award of the "Prime d'Excellence Scientifique": the scientific production. It shows that the scientific environment can explain both the path dependency in individual scientific productivity and the high inequality and skewness of individual productivity distributions. The results of quantile regressions show the existence of two separated regimes of scientific production, namely the regime of specialists and the regime of generalists. Our results also show that life-cycle effects are not only significant for the evaluation of individual productivity scores but also for the stock of knowledge accumulated in economics departments.Taking into account the potential interactions between teaching and research activities highlighted in the ...

Paru in Issue 53 of the International Critic magazine, "Change in International Organisations" under the responsibility of Olivier Nay and Franck Petiteville. The changes experienced by the UN are numerous, complex and multifaceted, as well as the erratic deepening of international cooperation. The growth, diversification and competition of the multiple state and non-state actors involved in its activities trigger the introduction of new arrangements and the emergence of new practices. However, these varied changes are more progressive and iterative than may upset international power ratios. While it is a policy framework with varying effectiveness, the UN functions mainly as a forum for exchange and debate due to the differences and tensions inherent in a universal, decentralised and multifunctional institution. However, it contributes to a slow process of international integration of states and societies. ; Paru dans le numéro 53 de la revue Critique internationale, "Le changement dans les organisations internationales" sous la responsabilité d' Olivier Nay et Franck Petiteville. Les changements vécus par l'ONU sont nombreux, complexes et multiformes, à l'instar de l'approfondissement erratique de la coopération internationale. La croissance, la diversification et la compétition des multiples acteurs, étatiques et non étatiques, impliqués dans ses activités suscitent la mise en place de nouveaux dispositifs et l'émergence de nouvelles pratiques. Ces changements variés se révèlent toutefois plus progressifs et itératifs que susceptibles de bouleverser les rapports de force internationaux. Si elle constitue un cadre d'action politique à l'efficacité variable, l'ONU fonctionne surtout comme un forum d'échanges et de débats en raison des divergences et des tensions inhérentes à une institution universelle, décentralisée et multifonctionnelle. Elle n'en contribue pas moins à un lent processus d'intégration des États et des sociétés à l'échelle internationale.