Suchergebnisse

The 2007 Indonesian investment law granted national treatment for foreign investors, establishing a transparent 'negative list' for out-of-bonds investment sectors, and has been considired as a reformative regulation in Indonesia's economic strategy. However, decentralized systems give autonomy to local governments to manage their projects and infrastructure themselves. This leads into increasiig investment burdens through their opaque measures that are creating perceptions of risk for foreign investors. As a result, lack of legal certainty, inconsistent regulations and judiciary system would hamter investments. This article argues that law 25/2007 should be supported by a comprehensive investment policy to attract more foreign investors into Indonesia. A key element in establishing a competitive region is a free and open investment regime, This article addresses policy impediment to private investment in Indonesia as well as in the ASEAN region. Indonesia and ASEAN should have non-discriminatory treatment extended to foreign investors including ASEAN-based inveitors, as the establishment of ASEAN Economic community (AEC) will cornmence in 2015. Legal certainty of international business transaction by private investors is fostering investments by both direct investment and indirect investment (portfolio). Parties to investment agreements include individuals, small, medium and large multinational corporations, and countries. In this centralized global atmosphere, the Indonesian agovemment has to provide guarantees to leverage private investments.

Abstract: The issues related to political dowry are interminable. This interminability is the result of an indication of political dowry every time a general election or local election is held. Based on that background, this article describes the political dowry's detailed problems. In the beginning, the writer describes the definition of political dowry and its differences from political cost, the reasons for the restrictions, and the law enforcement on political dowry. It ended with some efforts to prevent political dowry.It is found that the definition of political dowry is different from political cost. The regulations restrict the practice of political dowry, but not for the political cost. The political dowry is restricted by law because it is against the national law's interest, which is the interest to have qualified and fair general elections and local elections. Heretofore, there is no legal punishment for the practice of political dowry due to the difficulty to prove the practice. There are some efforts to prevent the practice of political dowry: First, giving intensive supervision from The General Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu) and its subdivisions; Second, revising the regulations in the Law of the Local elections for nominating the candidates; Third, revising the regulations in the law of political parties for nominating the candidates of the president and local government; Fourth, assigning the time limitation for the political parties to accept the political cost; and Fifth, enhancing the legal awareness of all parties involving in the practice of general elections or local elections.

In order to carry out the crime prevention and control policy, there are two ways thatcan be carried out, namely the use of penal facilities or criminal (legal) sanctions,and the use of other facilities (nonpenal). Thus the use of criminal (legal) sanctions isone of the policies in criminal politics, which in this case is not a means that occupiesa strategic position and causes many problems. Moreover, if it is associated with theuse of criminal sanctions to achieve the purpose of prevention as one of the premise ofabolitionist understanding. As a means of law enforcement policy in order to controlcrime, the use of criminal (legal) sanctions is not an absolute. Even if it will be used,then the problem is the policy of its use must be rational by paying attention to thehumanistic approach and social interests that contain certain values that need to beprotected. As a criminal policy, the extreme attitude to eliminate criminal (legal)sanctions is not a policy step. Because what needs to be done in policies to controland overcome crime is an integrated approach between penal and non-formalpolicies. This non-formal activity occupies a key and strategic position that must beintensified and streamlined in controlling and overcoming crime, not eliminatingcriminal law.

This study aims to investigate the position of the DGT's Civil Servant Investigator in relation to their duty to enforce taxation criminal. The law enforcement of taxation criminal in Indonesia is involving several institution like Civil Servant Investigator (Directorate General of Taxes Institution), Police Investigator (Indonesian Police Institution), and Attorney Investigator (Attorney Institution). This involving, which lately leads to the position and authority problem of each institution. This study will be focused on the position of civil servant investigator of Directorate General of Tax and its relation with other party like Supervisory Coordinator which occupied by police investigator, and also other investigator from another institution. The method which is used in this study is normative juridical approach with analytical descriptive specification. Based on that method, then the researcher will compare between the position of DGT's Civil Servant Investigator 'in legislation' and 'in its practice' through library study and field research. The researcher carry out this research based on the researcher's consideration about the importance of state income from the taxation sector, so that the unlawful act that detrimental from the taxpayer and any related party of it can be eradicated immediately. The results shows that the position of the DGT Civil Servant Investigator in the framework of eradicating taxation criminal was emphasized as the primary investigator. This position is based on Law No. 16 of 2009 as lex specialis derogat legi generalis against Law No. 8 of 1981. Based on this position, there some friction that occurs between the DGT Civil Servant Investigator and other officer from another institution. For example, the DGT Civil Servant Investigator of the West Sumatra-Jambi Regional Office, which was designated as a suspect by the Police investigator, and the Mobile 8 tax restitution was handled by the Attorney Investigator. One of the factors that causing the friction is the difference in ...

The issue of political dowry, relatively, becomes a sustainable warning of problems in every general election in Indonesia. Such as the issue of Sandiaga Uno, who provided political dowry in the 2019 presidential election. The allegation was started by the Deputy of General-secretary of the Party of Democrat, Andi Arief, who stated that Sandiaga Uno had provided 500 billion rupiahs to PAN and PKS respectively so that those two parties would support him to nominate as the Candidate of Vice President for Prabowo Subianto. Political dowry has been a serious issue and almost constantly becomes an interesting topic to be reported and studied in every general election. Although it is popular, the issue of political dowry is a case that is relatively difficult to prove its truth (court decisions). In fact, explicitly, political dowry has been regulated in Article 228 on Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning the General Election (Election Law). However, it does not expressly provide a deterrent effect to the political dowry actors. This reality becomes the basis of encouragement in conducting this research. The theory used in this research is legal politics and law enforcement. While the method used is normative legal research with a statutory, conceptual, and comparative approach. The output of this paper is that the handling of political dowry cases in the presidential election needs a serious concern. And then, the regulation on sanctions, which still be administrative in nature, against the actors of political dowry in the Election Law is considered to be inappropriate. So that criminal policy is needed to strengthen the law enforcement and strict legal instruments against criminal acts of political dowry in the future election (ius constituendum).

Small Medium Entreprises (SMEs) and Cooperative have not received a proper law protection in facing trade liberation of ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) and economic globalized world. In 2015 AEC has been established that would bring a huge change in Southeast Asia regionS and definitely will have a wide impact to business people in Indonesia. SMEs and Cooperative contribute to more than 90 percent of total Indonesian national economy. However, they are weak on investment and information technology and management skill as well as competition law among ASEAN Member States. Economic policies do not give a sufficient protection to SMEs and Cooperative. This article tries to seek solutions for SMEs problems especially their legal structure in order to enhance their competitiveness. This article argues that the government can provide legal protection by reforming SMEs economic sectors similar to the AEC's priority sectors by which the Indonesian' SMEs would become world class corporate.

Selain memiliki dimensi sosial ekonomi, konflik agraria di Bongkoran, Kabupaten Banyuwangi, Provinsi Jawa Timur, Indonesia, juga memiliki dimensi hukum. Terdapat dualisme hukum yang konfliktual dalam hal penguasaan tanah dan klaim penggunaan. Satu pihak, pemerintah, dan korporasi mengandalkan hukum negara yang legalistik-positivistik, sedangkan masyarakat lokal mengandalkan hukum rakyat yaitu hukum informal yang sudah ada, hidup, dan berkembang dalam masyarakat komunal secara turun-temurun. Penelitian ini berfokus pada bagaimana perspektif sosiologis hukum menganalisis konflik hukum yang terjadi dalam konflik agraria Bongkoran, khususnya antara hukum negara dan hukum rakyat. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan perspektif sosiologi hukum. Subjek penelitian adalah petani/masyarakat Bongkoran, Penasehat Hukum Masyarakat, Pemerintah (Pemerintah Daerah, Badan Pertanahan Nasional, dan Kepolisian), dan unsur korporasi (PT Wongsorejo). Informan dipilih dengan menggunakan teknik purposive sampling, berdasarkan pertimbangan tertentu yang dapat dikenali terlebih dahulu yaitu mengenali dan memahami masalah yang diteliti. Pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui observasi, wawancara mendalam, dan dokumentasi. Data yang terkumpul dianalisis secara kualitatif dengan mengacu pada perspektif yang telah disajikan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa penyelesaian konflik agraria di Bongkoran memerlukan implementasi hukum yang lebih berkeadilan bagi masyarakat lokal. Implementasi hukum tidak hanya berdasarkan pasal-pasal yang rigid dalam undang-undang, tetapi perlu memperhatikan konteks sosial budaya dan historis dari masyarakat. Dominasi hukum negara atas hukum rakyat dalam konflik agraria mengakibatkan praktik penundukan hukum negara ke hukum rakyat, baik secara persuasif maupun represif. Oleh karena itu, untuk meminimalisir ketegangan dan konflik antara hukum negara dan hukum rakyat dalam konflik agraria, diperlukan pemahaman baru tentang hubungan kedua hukum tersebut. Keberadaan dan penegakan hukum rakyat dijadikan sebagai elemen yang saling melengkapi dalam aspek normatif yang belum diatur dalam hukum negara. ; Apart from having a socio-economic dimension, agrarian conflicts in Bongkoran, Banyuwangi Regency, East Java Province, Indonesia, also have a legal dimension. There is a dualism of law that is conflictual in terms of land tenure and use claims. One party, the government, and corporations rely on legalistic-positivistic state laws, while local people rely on folk law, namely informal laws that have existed, lived, and developed in communal society for generations. This research focuses on how the sociological perspective of law analyzes the legal conflicts that occur in Bongkoran agrarian conflict, particularly between state law and folk law. This research used a qualitative method with a legal sociology perspective. The research subjects were farmers/people of Bongkoran, Community Legal Advisors (CLA), Government (Local Government, National Land Agency, and Police), and corporate elements (PT Wongsorejo). Informants were selected using a purposive sampling technique, based on certain considerations that can be recognized beforehand, namely recognizing and understanding the problem under this research. Data collection was conducted through observation, in-depth interviews, and documentation. The collected data were analyzed qualitatively by referring to the perspectives that have been presented. The results indicated that the resolution of agrarian conflicts in Bongkoran requires the implementation of laws that are more just for local communities. The implementation of the laws is not only based on rigid articles in the law, but it needs attention to the socio-cultural and historical context of the community. The dominance of state law over folk law in agrarian conflicts results in the practice of subjugation of state law to folk law, both persuasively and repressively. Therefore, to minimize the tension and conflict between state law and folk law in agrarian conflicts, it is necessary to have a new understanding of the relationship between the two laws. The existence and enforcement of folk law are used as a complementary element in normative aspects that have not been regulated in state law.

Development of Indonesian national law should not leave attention to development of legal plurality as its source. Focus of this study is to see the influence of Indonesian social factors on the development of Islamic law and how Islamic law can be integratively transformed into the National Law. By qualitative method and socio-legal approach and constructivism paradigm, this study bases on theories of social change influeces on Islamic law law without leaving methodology of usul fiqh and the sources of Islamic law. Islamic law has broad opportunity and experiences to be integratively transformed into national law within Indonesia's own character. Transformation can be done in the whole structure of Islamic law including its values of philosophy, principles and norms, and can be performed in all areas, both private and public Law, written law by political power and unwritten law with cultural approach. However, Islamic law as one of the Indonesia living laws and the sources of National law, still today is viewed in dichotomy to the National law and only transformed in limited norms. There are many obstacles to be transformed into national law integratively and widely, though Islamic law has wide space of interpretation and intellectualism that can adapt to different contexts and National law.

. ; Constituye un gran error olvidar que los profesionales del derecho no pueden ser simples aplicadores de códigos normativos, sino que a partir de una serie de declaraciones de principios deben ser intérpretes de la ley, siempre en clave constirucionalista. Nadie es aséptica por naluraleza ante un conflicto social. No interesa que el poder judicial sea débil, vulnerable e ineficaz, para así criticarlo cada vez que se discrepe de sus decisiones. Al poder político le gustan mucho más los juristas que se limitan a aplicar de forma literal y neutra la ley. El objetivo primordial del derecho es decidir lo que es justo. La administración de justicia tiene que ser honesta, servida por personas con una sólida formación jurídica; pero, al mismo tiempo, dotadas también de una inseparable formación complementaria en campos tan próximos al derecho como son la ética, la criminología, la educación psicosocial. El lenguaje jurídico debe ser también vehículo de comprensión de la ley. ; We make a great mistake when we forget that law professionals cannot be merely appliers of legal codes, but that they must interpret the law, always from the constitucionalist standpoint. Nobody is aseptic by nature in the face of a social conflict. Legal powers cannot be weak, vulnerable and inefficatious, and we must be able to criticise them when we do not agree with their decisions. Political power prefers jurists who merely apply the law literally and neutrally. The main objective of the law is to decibe what is fair. The administration of justice must be honest, served by people with solid legal training. Hoewer, they must also be endowed with an inseparable complementary training in areas close to law such as ethics, criminology.

This study aims to explain the political party authority in withdrawing support for the regional head candidate in elections, as well as providing an understanding of sanctions that targeted political parties who withdrawn or revoked their political stance by applicable regulations. This study using a legal perspective on the authority of political parties in withdrawing support and Authority Theory, Democracy Theory, Rule of Law Theory, Decision Making Theory, and Sanction Theory as supported theories. The formulation of all arguments, facts, and theoretical frameworks in this study uses empirical normative legal research methods. Data obtained and collected through books, journals, theses, and recent dissertations, interviews, and articles related to the problem. The research method in this study combines elements of normative and empirical law and data. This research is qualitative research used in library observation. This research concludes that the authority of political parties regarding the withdrawal of support for a prospective regional head candidate pair explained in three stages or processes, including the first stage is before registering candidates to the KPU, the second stage is the stage after registering with KPU, and last is the stage after the determination of a prospective pair of candidates by the KPU. Among the existing stages, there is a full space for political parties to participate and room for the KPU to organize regional head elections. So concerning the withdrawal of support, political parties are not allowed arbitrarily to withdraw or vice versa regarding their support for prospective pairs of candidates. Referring to the applicable regulations, the forms of sanctions that can be given to political parties that withdraw or revoke a candidate pair are criminal sanctions and administrative sanctions. Where administrative sanctions are considered to be less firm against political parties, in contrast to criminal sanctions (ultimum remedium) or as a last resort that is much firmer but ...

El present article és un informe que recull l'estat de les presons i la situació legal a Mèxic i que apunta possibles millores a implementar en aquest àmbit. Per abordar el tema penitenciari a Mèxic, s'inicia l'informe puntualitzant la normativitat específica amb la qual es compta, assenyalant tres articles fonamentals de la Constitució Política dels Estats Units Mexicans i l'existència de la Llei Nacional d'Execució Penal, que actualment impacta en tota la República Mexicana. ; This article presents an overview of the state of the prisons and the legal situation in Mexico and suggests a number of possible improvements that might be implemented in this area. In addressing the issue of the prison system in Mexico, the report begins by outlining the specific regulations currently in force, detailing three fundamental articles of the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States and the existence of the National Law of Criminal Enforcement, which applies throughout the Mexican Republic. ; El presente artículo es un informe que recoge el estado de las cárceles y la situación legal en México y que apunta posibles mejoras a implementar en este ámbito. Para abordar el tema penitenciario en México, se inicia el informe puntualizando la normatividad específica con la que se cuenta, señalando tres artículos fundamentales de la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos y la existencia de la Ley Nacional de Ejecución Penal, que actualmente impacta en toda la República Mexicana

since 2007 ASEAN has moved towards an ASEAN Economic community(AEC) as an economi integration of member states based on four economic pillars. One of AEC economic pillar the single market and Production base, means,the region as a whole must become a single market and production base to produce and commercialize good and services anywhere in ASEAN. The establishment of AEC is offering opprtunities in the from of a huge market of US$ 2.6 Trillion and over 622 million people. Of this number, around 40 per cent or 245 million people live in Indonesia. Numerous officials and othes have their doubts and worried that Indonesia will mainly be the market for the AEC and Indonesia's progress in developing its human capital will be negatively impected compettition from other ASEAN nations. The crucial futher step of the AEC is to implement the free movement of skilled labors as one of five core principles of single market and production base pillar, as it will boost economic integration in the region levels. In practice however, progress towords freer mobility has been slow and uneven. In practice however, progress towards freer mobility has been slow and uneven, due to rigid national immigration policies, inequalities in professional education and licensing regimes, public ambivalence toward the AEC, and the vast income gap that many countries fear will contribute to brain drain. This article examines impediment of free movement of skilled labors as a result of weak political and public support to drive the process forward as well as the myriad policy and procedural obstacles of free movement of skilled labor of selected categories of professions associated mainly with trade in service and invesment, this article also reviews the AMSs' policies in these areas