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"The author intends to present legal socialization - the concept of the sociology of law - which describes attitudes to norms, law and law enforcement institutions. For law to be effective, any individual in a given community needs to internalize a number of values and attitudes. The attitude to law will influence its application; its effectiveness will depend on the perspective adopted by the legal norm addressees who could either accept binding regulations or ignore them. An adequate legal policy helps construe legal norms in a manner to prevent costs of interventions which need to be taken when law is not convergent with social expectations." (author's abstract)

The paper aims to clarify the sense of contemporary fascism, particularly from the example of the Brazilian Bonsolarism, defining it as an anti-systemic, anti-institucional, anti-juridical and infralegal perspective with a personalist, devoted, voluntarist, spontaneous and militant character which starts from inside judiciary and in terms of subversion of the relation among law, politics and moral, and that, by means of politicization and partisanship of law, branches to the political system, serving as instrument to the fratricide political war among parties, from there linking to civil society in the form of constitution of a digital-social mass-militia of acclamation oriented to an anti-systemic posture. In this dynamic, the fascism has two constitutive and streamlining cores: on one side, it subverts the correlation of human rights and law, delegitimizing and truly destroying the ontogenetic primacy, the separation, the differentiation, the self-referentiality and the overposition of law in relation to politics and moral, as the subsidiarity of them regarding law; on other, it leads to the deconstruction from inside to judiciary and political system of the highly institutionalist, legalist, technical, formal and depersonalized perspective which is proper to them, eliminating the centrality of the judiciary and, them, delegitimizing its regulator role regarding to political system and to the social dialectics, normalizing the totalizing regression caused by political-moral colonization of the democratic law. By reconstructing the pluralist and universalist democracy's meta-normative and generative basis as a public system of law, that is, the co-originality of universality of human rights, pluralism and law, the condition of ontogenetic primacy, independence, self-subsistence and overposition of law in relation to politics and moral, as the subsidiarity of these regarding to law, we will point to the renewal of this systemic, systematic, procedural, mediated, instancial, progressive and publicized perspective of the public system of law, in the interrelation, separation and overposition of judiciary and political system, demarcated by a strong ideal of methodological-procedural-axiological institutionality, legality, technicality, formality and depersonalization, which eradicates the politicization and partisanship of law and, by devolving the complete integrality to law-judiciary, confines the democracy's political system and civil society to their true limits which are its structural basis: the human rights, the legal process and the public system of law, with the necessity of full translation of politics and moral to law, delimitating the pluralist and universalist democracy as a public system of law oriented to the production of universality in/as/by legality.

This article is generically dedicated to the legal effects of the acts practiced by young people, both minors and those of legal age, under the influence of drugs. In Part I, our attention is called to the legal-civil consequences of these acts. Thus, we shall begin with a brief preliminary note on the concept of civil law. Having noted this, we will examine the main topic to speak of the legally existing mechanisms (within the scope of civil law) to protect those people, and for this purpose, we distinguish between minors and adults (or equated to adults, which is the case of minors who are emancipated by marriage): the minor regime, in the first case, and possibly, the regime of incapacitation (an incapacity that is not generic and permanent), or even accidental incapacity (not permanent or transitory), caused by the consumption of alcohol or drugs, in the case of adulthood (or equated with adulthood). In the second part, initially, we give a general presentation of criminal law, with this part divided into two large sections: the sale and consumption of narcotics and the legal treatment given to minors. From a general standpoint, when an analysis of the agent's guilt cannot be made, the law considers him to be unimputable. From an internal standpoint, we shall analyze the most relevant legal aspects of the Decree-Law referring to traffic and to drugs. One particular aspect of this regime lies in the fact that in Macau, drug consumption is considered to be a crime (article 28), unlike in European countries, like Portugal, since 2000. We shall also take into account other legislation in Macau in which drugs play a crucial role, as is the case of the misdemeanor established in article 68 of the Highway Code, which consists, among other items, in driving under the influence of alcohol or narcotics (note that this Code was recently altered by the Highway Traffic Law, which entered into effect in October 2007). Next, we will analyze the regime applied to minors from a concrete perspective of criminal law. ; Este ...

This work aims to discuss the principle of legality in criminal law, principle qualified as a fundamental human right. The criminal legality is a natural guarantee of citizens, having basic character in any state that pretends itself democratic, reflecting main feature of the legal systems based on justice and rationality. As it is clear that the principle of legality seems to be a constitutional guarantee of individual, its analysis is essential for understanding a principled view of the criminal law. To do so, it perquires about the character of legality, reflects on the intimate relationship between legality and democratic state, peers up about the historical origin and content of the clause of legality, reasons about the consequences of this postulate, formulates ideas about the criminalization warrants, develops arguments about controversial issues involving the legality of criminal and, finally, some finishing touches are made on the subject.

General Introduction -- 1. Status of Religious Communities -- 2. Relations between the State and Islam -- 3. State Support for Islamic Religious Communities -- 4. Islamic Community -- 5. Muslims in Integration Law -- 6. Mosques and Prayer Houses -- 7. Burialand Cemeteries -- 8. Education and Schools -- 9. Further and Higher (Tertiary) Education -- 10. Islamic Chaplaincy in Public Institutions -- 11. Employment and Social Law -- 12. Islamic Slaughter and Food Regulation -- 13. Islamic Dress -- 14. Criminal Law -- 15. Concluding Remarks -- Bibliography -- Index.

Rozdział prezentuje teoretyczna analizę relacji zachodzącej między prawem a kontrolą społeczną przedstawiając w jaki sposób prawo jako narzędzie kontroli społecznej określa nastawienia wobec prawa.

Status of religious communities -- Relations between the State and Islam -- State support for Islamic religious communities -- Muslims in integration law -- Mosques and prayer houses -- Burial and cemeteries -- Education and schools -- Further and higher (tertiary) education -- Islamic chaplaincy in public institutions -- Employment and social law -- Islamic slaughter and food regulation -- Islamic goods and services -- Islamic dress -- Criminal law -- Family law.

ABSTRACTObjective: the purpose of this article is to analyze the harmonization between the blank criminal rule and the theory of the objective imputation of the functionalism of Claus Roxin amid the pandemic of COVID-19, addressing the criteria of objective imputation, by emphasizing the creation of an unallowed risk, the realization of the risk in the result and the result included in the scope of the type. Methodology: the research undertaken uses the deductive method, via a qualitative approach to produce in-depth information on the topic; as to the nature, it is an applied research, because it aims to generate knowledge about the blank criminal rule for the practical application, directed to the solution of specific questions; as for the objectives, it is a descriptive research; and, according to the procedure, it is a bibliographic search, by reviewing national and foreign books and journals, and documentary, due to the revision of legislative texts aiming to extract the due deepening of the understanding of the blank criminal norm and its form of application. Results: two theses can be invoked to justify the harmony between the blank criminal rule and the objective imputation. First, through the idea that the complementary norm is an essential part of the type, being a true element of the objective type; the complementary norm can not only be used, but must also be used to carry out the objective imputation judgment. Second, in the full criminal incriminating rules it is common to analyze the exceeding of the limits of the permitted risk, the realization of the risk in the result and the result included in the scope of the type through the analysis of extra-criminal laws and infra-legal rules, such as: the principle of trust, the notion of prudent man and technical safety standards.Contributions: The research delves into a current topic, when discussing the applicability of the blank criminal rule in view of infractions committed in this exceptional environment, clarifying that, due to its dual political-criminal utility, it is an effective instrument for the protection of public health in the scenario caused by the pandemic of COVID-19.Keywords: Objective imputation; Blank criminal law; Preventive health measure; Covid-19. RESUMOObjetivo: o presente artigo tem a finalidade de analisar a harmonização entre a norma penal em branco e a teoria da imputação objetiva do funcionalismo Roxiniano em meio à pandemia do Corona vírus 19, abordando-se os critérios de imputação objetiva, mediante a ênfase na criação de um risco não permitido, a realização do risco no resultado e o resultado incluído no alcance do tipo. Metodologia: a investigação empreendida utiliza o método dedutivo, por intermédio de uma abordagem qualitativa, para produzir informações aprofundadas sobre o tema; quanto à natureza, trata-se de uma pesquisa aplicada, pois objetiva gerar conhecimentos sobre a norma penal em branco para a aplicação prática, dirigidos à solução de questões específicas; quanto aos objetivos, trata-se de uma pesquisa descritiva; e conforme o procedimento, é uma pesquisa bibliográfica, mediante a revisão de obras e artigos científicos de autores nacionais estrangeiros, e documental, devido à revisão de textos legislativos visando extrair o devido aprofundamento da compreensão da norma penal em branco e sua forma de aplicação.Resultados: pode-se invocar duas teses para justificar a harmonia entre a norma penal em branco e a imputação objetiva. Primeiramente, por meio da ideia de que a norma complementadora é uma parte essencial do tipo, sendo um verdadeiro elemento do tipo objetivo; a norma complementadora não só pode, como também deve ser utilizada para a realização do juízo de imputação objetiva. Em segundo lugar, na normas penais incriminadoras completas é comum analisar a ultrapassagem dos limites do risco permitido, a realização do risco no resultado e o resultado incluído no alcance do tipo por meio da análise de normas extrapenais legais e infralegais, tais como: o princípio da confiança, a noção de homem prudente e as normas técnicas de segurança.Contribuições: A pesquisa aprofunda-se em um tema da atualidade, ao debater a aplicabilidade da norma penal em branco ante as infrações cometidas neste ambiente excepcional, esclarecendo que, em razão de sua dupla utilidade político-criminal, é um instrumento efetivo para a proteção da saúde pública no cenário provocado pela pandemia da COVID-19.Palavras-Chave: Imputação objetiva; Norma penal em branco; Medida sanitária preventive; Covid-19.

The prestige of law is one of the most crucial issues addressed in the sociology of law. The awareness of the degree of acceptance of the law by its addressees is a fundamental factor in the introduction of possible changes in the legal system.The notion of "prestige of law" was introduced to empirical sociology by Adam Podgórecki in the research he conducted in Poland in 1964.A new perspective in the study was to go beyond classical socio-demographic variables and put an emphasis on personality variables. It was also one of the first such studies internationally. In the fifty years that have passed since A. Podgórecki's research, similar studies, even using exactly the same questions, have been repeated many times in both nation-wide and local studies. It should be assumed that the changes taking place in Poland and in the consciousness of its citizens during that time, such as the change of the system, increasing civil rights and freedoms, Poland's accession to international organizations, etc., might be reflected in the increasing level of the prestige of law. But did it happen? Unfortunately not. The analysis of empirical research devoted to the prestige of law in the following article, especially after the political transformation that took place in 1989, but also nowadays, is an attempt to explain the reasons for its persistently low level. ; Prestiż prawa to jedno z najważniejszych zagadnień podejmowanych w socjologii prawa. Wiedza na temat stopnia akceptacji prawa przez jego adresatów jest czynnikiem podstawowym dla wprowadzenia ewentualnych zmian w porządku prawnym. Pojęcie prestiżu prawa zostało wprowadzone do socjologii empirycznej przez Adama Podgóreckiego w badaniach pod tym tytułem, które przeprowadził w Polsce w 1964 r. Nowym ujęciem w przeprowadzonych badaniach było wyjście poza klasyczne zmienne socjodemograficzne i położenie nacisku na zmienne osobowościowe. Było to też jedno z pierwszych takich badań w skali międzynarodowej. W ciągu pięćdziesięciu lat, które minęły od badań A. Podgóreckiego, podobne badania, nawet przy użyciu dokładnie tak samo sformułowanych pytań, powtarzane były wiele razy, zarówno w badaniach ogólnokrajowych, jak i lokalnych. Należy założyć, że zmiany zachodzące w Polsce i w świadomości jej obywateli przez ten czas, takie jak zmiana ustroju, zwiększenie praw i swobód obywatelskich, wstąpienie Polski do organizacji międzynarodowych itp., mogą mieć odzwierciedlenie w zwiększającym się poziomie prestiżu prawa. Czy jednak tak się stało? Niestety nie. Przeprowadzona w niniejszym artykule analiza badań empirycznych poświęconych prestiżowi prawa, zwłaszcza po transformacji ustrojowej, jaka miała miejsce w 1989 r., ale również w czasach obecnych, stanowi próbę wyjaśnienia przyczyn stale utrzymującego się jego niskiego poziomu.