Suchergebnisse

Razvoj človeških virov je bistvenega pomena pri doseganju uspeha za katero koli vrsto organizacije: profitne, javne ali civilne. Stanje civilne družbe je odvisno od okolja, tj. habitata, v katerem deluje. Cilj magistrske naloge je raziskati zavzetost zaposlenih v civilni družbi na Hrvaškem. V vsaki državi je sektor civilne družbe različen in se sooča s posebnimi izzivi. Sektor civilne družbe na Hrvaškem je še vedno v zgodnjih fazah razvoja in je pogosto povezan s podhranjenostjo s človeškimi viri. Mnoge civilnodružbene organizacije na Hrvaškem v celoti temeljijo na prostovoljnem delu. V nalogi smo se osredotočili na hrvaške civilno-družbene organizacije, ki imajo zaposlene. Teza je bila izbrana na podlagi vse več literature, ki se ukvarja z zavzetostjo zaposlenih v kontekstu razvoja civilne družbe. Izbran raziskovalni pristop je kombinacija kvantitativne (anketa) in kvalitativne (delno strukturiran intervju) metode. Intervjuji so bili uporabljeni kot dopolnitev k opravljenim anketam. Ključne ugotovitve kažejo, da so ne glede na finančno nestabilnost in nagnjenost k izgorelosti zaposleni v civilnodružbenih organizacijah na Hrvaškem relativno visoko zavzeti. ; The development of human resources is paramount in achieving success for any type of an organization: profit, public or the civil one. The state of the civil society is dependent on the surrounding context i.e. habitat in which it is operating. This paper aims to zoom into EE in the civil society in Croatia. The civil society sector is different in every country and it is facing unique challenges. In Croatia, the civil society is in its early phase of development, and is characterized by being under-capacitated, especially regarding its human resources. Many CSOs (in Croatia) are completely based on voluntary work. In this paper we have focused on Croatian CSOs that have employees. The thesis has been chosen based on the growing amount of literature on the topic of EE in context to the developing civil society. The research methods that have been used are a combination of the qualitative (the survey) and the quantitative (the semi-structured interviews) method. The interviews have been used as an addition to the surveys rendered. The main findings indicate that the employees in the civil society in Croatia, in spite of the financial instability and the burnout connected to their working environment, demonstrate relatively high engagement.

Globalizirani svet, v katerem živimo danes, je zaznamovan z gospodarsko odvisnostjo, ki jo lahko merimo z medsebojnim sodelovanjem držav. Zaradi tega je tudi gospodarstvo z leti prevzelo osrednjo vlogo pri diplomatskem delovanju. Razlika med tradicionalno in moderno diplomacijo je vse manjša. Gospodarska diplomacija je postopoma postala osrednja aktivnost diplomacije in mednarodnih odnosov. Analizirana in obdelana je bila na teoretičnem področju, kjer jo lahko razumemo kot sredstvo zunanje politike. To velja tudi za Republiko Hrvaško, ki je država z zelo dolgo zgodovino diplomacije. Že v času Dubrovniške republike je oblast prepoznala pomen mednarodnega sodelovanja za doseganje medsebojnih koristi. Tudi danes, v globaliziranem svetu, lahko prepoznamo pomen gospodarske odvisnosti in s tem tudi intenziviranja gospodarskih odnosov med državami. Da bi gospodarsko dobro sodelovala z ostalimi državami, je tudi Hrvaška razvila model gospodarske diplomacije, s katerim lahko zaščiti svojo gospodarsko rast in razvoj ter se pozicionira v mednarodnem okolju. Veliko vlogo pri tem ima Hrvaška gospodarska zbornica, ki je odprla svoja Predstavništva v različnih delih sveta. Cilj tega delovanja je promocija hrvaških podjetnikov ter privabljanje tujih naložb in s tem tudi večanje ugleda države v mednarodni areni. Hrvaška gospodarska zbornica ima velik vpliv na hrvaško gospodarstvo zaradi delovanja v tretjih državah, kjer sodeluje pri organizaciji sejmov in celotni promociji države. Tako delovanje Hrvaške gospodarske zbornice predstavlja most med državo in gospodarstvom in je zaradi aktivne udeležbe na mednarodnih trgih njeno delovanje velikega pomena za hrvaško zunanjo politiko in (gospodarsko) diplomacijo. ; The globalized world we live in today is marked by economic dependance, which can be measured by the mutual cooperation of countries. As a result, the economy has also taken on a central role in diplomatic action over the years. The gap between traditional and modern diplomacy is getting weaker, since they often overlap. Economic diplomacy has gradually become a central activity of diplomacy and international relations. Economic diplomacy has been analyzed in the theoretical field, is understood as means of foreign policy. This also applies to the Republic of Croatia, a country with a long history of diplomacy. The authorities in the times of the Republic of Dubrovnik already recognized the importance of economic dependance and thus the intensification of economic relations between countries. In order to cooperate economically with other countries, Croatia has also developed a model of economic diplomacy with which it can protect its economic growth and development, while also positioning itself in the international environment. The Croatian Chamber of Commerce plays an important role with opening different Representative Offices all over the world. The aim of these operations is to promote Croatian enterpreneurs and attract foreign investment. The Croatian Chamber of Commerce has a great influence on the Croatian economy, especially because of its operations in third countries. Thus, operations of the Croatian Chamber of Commerce represent a bridge between the state and the economy, and due to its active participation in international markets, its operations are important for Croatian foreign policy and (economic) diplomacy.

Evropska unija je gospodarska in politična povezava 28. evropskih držav, ki svojim članicam omogoča ekonomsko sodelovanje, enotni trg in skupno institucionalno okolje. Nemčija je ena od ustanoviteljic te povezave, Slovenija spada med mlajše članice, Hrvaška pa se je Evropski uniji pridružila komaj leta 2013. Kljub nekaterim skupnim točkam pa obstaja med njimi mnogo razlik. Nemško gospodarstvo je razvitejše od slovenskega in hrvaškega, saj je bruto domači proizvod na prebivalca po pariteti kupne moči za leto 2012 v Nemčiji bil višji od evropskega povprečja za 23 %, v Sloveniji je bil za 18 % nižji od povprečja EU-28, hrvaški pa je zaostajal za evropskim povprečjem za kar 39 %. V tej raziskavi smo želeli ugotoviti, ali se omenjeni razvojni razkorak med Slovenijo in Nemčijo ter Hrvaško kaže skozi razmerja ravni cen storitev. V ta namen smo v tem delu primerjali cene 101 storitve med Slovenijo, Nemčijo in Hrvaško, ki smo jih razdelili v 10 skupin. Na podlagi izračunov smo prišli do naslednjih zaključkov: • Cene storitev so bile v Sloveniji v marcu in aprilu 2012 v povprečju za 30 % nižje kot v Nemčiji. Slovenski potrošnik je v povprečju za opazovano skupino storitev plačal le 70 % zneska, ki ga je plačal nemški potrošnik. • Primerjava cen storitev med Slovenijo in Hrvaško pokaže, da so bile v enakem opazovanem obdobju cene storitev v povprečju za 20 % višje kot na Hrvaškem. • Relativno najcenejša skupina storitev, ko primerjamo Slovenijo z Nemčijo, so obrtne storitve in popravila, relativno najdražja skupina storitev, ko primerjamo Slovenijo s Hrvaško, pa so komunalne storitve. • Obstaja večja stopnja podobnosti cen preučevanega vzorca storitev med Slovenijo in Hrvaško, kot pa med Slovenijo in Nemčijo. ; The European Union is an economic and political union of 28 European countries, which enables its members economic cooperation, single market and common institutional environment. Germany is one of the founders of the Union, Slovenia belongs to its younger members and Croatia joined to the European Union in the year 2013. Despite some common points, there are many differences among these member countries. German economy is more developed than Slovenian and Croatian, as the GDP per capita in PPS for the year 2012 in Germany was 23 % higher from the European average, in Slovenia it was 18 % lower than the average of the EU-28, and Croatia stayed behind the European average by 39 %. In this study, we wanted to determine whether the above mentioned development gap among Slovenia, Germany and Croatia shows through all levels of service prices. With this purpose this thesis compares the prices of 101 services in Slovenia, Germany and Croatia, which were divided into 10 groups. On the basis of calculations we came to the following conclusions: • In March and April 2012 in Slovenia the prices of services were 30 % lower on average than in Germany, thus the aggregate price level was 0.7. This means that the Slovenian consumer paid only 70 % of the amount for the same service as the German consumer did. • The comparison of prices between Slovenia and Croatia shows, that in the same observing period the prices in Slovenia were on average 20 % higher than in Croatia. • Comparing Slovenia and Germany the relatively cheapest group of services were the handcraft services and the services of repairs, the relatively most expensive group of services, when comparing Slovenia and Croatia are the utility services. • The level of price similarity of the observed groups of services is higher when comparing Slovenia and Croatia as in comparing Slovenia and Germany.

V izbranem obdobju 2003–2012 smo s pomočjo nekaterih glavnih ekonomskih kazalnikov uspeli preučiti gospodarske razmere Slovenije in Hrvaške ter ugotovili, da se je po letu 2008 z začetkom finančne in gospodarske krize gospodarska aktivnost začela zmanjševati ter s tem vplivala na poslabšanje vseh ekonomskih kazalnikov. Stopnje gospodarske rasti so tako v letu 2012 bile negativne v obeh državah, prav tako se je v obeh državah zmanjšal pokazatelj gospodarske razvitosti, BDP na prebivalca po pariteti kupne moči, ki je v Sloveniji leta 2012 znašal 84 % povprečja EU-28, na Hrvaškem pa le 62 % evropskega povprečja. Po uradnih statističnih podatkih je nacionalna raven cen v letu 2012 v Sloveniji dosegla 82,9 % povprečja EU-28, medtem ko je na Hrvaškem dosegla 69,9 % evropskega povprečja. V empiričnem delu smo analizirali ravni cen 578 artiklov blaga in 91 storitev, najprej na nacionalni ravni med Slovenijo in Hrvaško, nato pa še med posameznima paroma mest Ljubljana-Zagreb in Maribor-Varaždin. Ugotovili smo naslednje:Raven cen opazovanega vzorca blaga in storitev je v Sloveniji za 13 % višja v primerjavi s Hrvaško. Raven cen opazovanega vzorca blaga in storitev je v Ljubljani za 15 % višja v primerjavi z Zagrebom. Raven cen opazovanega vzorca blaga in storitev je v Mariboru za 12 % višja v primerjavi z Varaždinom. Med Slovenijo in Hrvaško ter med posameznima paroma mest Ljubljana-Zagreb in Maribor-Varaždin obstaja sorazmerno visoka stopnja podobnosti drobnoprodajnih cen. Relativna kupna moč slovenskih plač je v primerjavi s hrvaškimi višja za dobro petino. ; Between the selected period 2003–2012 we were able to examine economic conditions of Slovenia and Croatia with the help of some of the major economic indicators and found out that after 2008 with the beginning of the financial and economic crisis, economic activity began to decline, thereby affecting the deterioration of economic indicators. In 2012 the economic growth rates were negative in both countries, as well as the indicator of economic development has been reduced. GDP per capita in purchasing power parity in Slovenia has reached 84 % of the EU-28 average and Croatia only 62 % of the European average. According to the official statistical data, the national price level in 2012 in Slovenia reached 82,9 % of the EU-28 average, while in Croatia it has reached 69,9 % of the European average. In the empirical part, we have analyzed the price levels of 578 goods and 91 services, at first on the national level between Slovenia and Croatia, and then by individual pairs of cities Ljubljana-Zagreb in Maribor-Varaždin. We have found out the following: The price level of the observed sample of goods and services is 13 % higher in Slovenia as compared to Croatia. The price level of the observed sample of goods and services is 15 % higher in Ljubljana as compared to Zagreb. The price level of the observed sample of goods and services is 12 % higher in Maribor as compared to Varaždin. Between Slovenia and Croatia, and between pairs of cities Ljubljana-Zagreb in Maribor-Varaždin, there is a relatively high degree of retail price similarity. Slovenian relative purchasing power of wages is higher by about one fifth in comparison with the Croatian.

V članku, ki temelji na analizi posebne študije, ki jo je leta 1916 pripravilo avstro-ogrsko poveljstvo jugozahodne fronte, so predstavljeni pogledi visokega vojaškega poveljstva na politično dogajanje na Hrvaškem v času prve svetovne vojne. Skladno z vsebino omenjene študije bo tudi v pričujočem članku posebna pozornost posvečena italijanskemu iredentizmu in južnoslovanskim težnjam na otokih Kvarnerja, kot tudi delovanju Jugoslovanskega odbora. V sklopu avstro-ogrskega vojnega absolutizma je poveljstvo, ki je nastalo ob vstopu Kraljevine Italije v vojno, ob vodenju vojne proti novemu nasprotniku pridobilo tudi obsežna politična pooblastila. Slednja so vojaškim organom omogočila nadzor nad v očeh oblasti nevernimi in cesarju ter državi nezvestimi skupinami in posamezniki. ; The outbreak of the First World War Apart presented Austria-Hungary not only with military questions but also with major political issues. The very existence of the state now crucially rested on the attitude of civilian population, with any possible unrest in the rear threatening the stability of the entire country. In this regard, the onset of the war ushered in the period of the so-called "war absolutism", with which the state boosted its surveillance of what it considered "dangerous" individuals and groups. The state surveillance apparatus incorporated numerous state and provincial bodies, including military structures. This article aims to analyze a special study that the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front issued in 1916, with a particular focus on analyzing the political attitude among the Italian and Croatian population of Istria, and the activities of the Southern Slav Committee. The said command also prepared similar studies evaluating the disposition of the Slovenian and Italian inhabitants of Southern Tyrol. The study of the developments in Istria is titled Staatsfeindliche Bewegungen in Fiume und Kroatien sowie auf den Inseln im Quarnero (Anti-State Movements in Rijeka, Croatia, and the Kvarner Islands). In the first part, the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front analyzed local irredentism and provided a detailed description of organizations and individuals at the heart of the movement. Surveillance of irredentist cells grew in its importance especially after the Kingdom of Italy declared war on Austria-Hungary in May 1915. The empire and its army began to perceive irredentism as a serious threat, deeming that organized resistance, diversion operations, and political disobedience in the rear might aggravate the military situation on the front. The second part of the study, more interesting from the Croatian point of view, centers on activities of the Southern Slav Committee and the Southern Slav movement on Krk Island. Regarding the latter, it is especially noteworthy that the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front declared Anton Mahnič, Bishop of Krk, as its central figure. Although most views presented are based on the analysis of various newspaper articles and individual reports, the booklet offers an interesting insight into the dimensions of state surveillance both at home and abroad. More specifically, an association of the Southern Slav emigration, the Southern Slav Committee was regarded by the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front and the state leadership as a dangerous organization embodying, through its desire to unify the Austro-Hungarian Southern Slavs with the Kingdom of Serbia, a destabilizing force undermining the Habsburg unity. Accordingly, the study focused more closely on the prominent members of the Southern Slav Committee, such as its president Ante Trumbić, as well as Franjo Supilo, and Bogumil Vošnjak. Although the study clearly established that many data contained therein were of questionable credibility, its authors nevertheless maintained that this did not diminish its significance or the significance of the views regarding all "dangerous" individuals and associations within and beyond the state borders. The study presented in the article offers an extremely interesting insight into the dimensions of the Austro-Hungarian state and military surveillance during the First World War. Such examples not only further substantiate the existing knowledge about "war absolutism" but above all testify to the diligence with which the state addressed the threat of war by exerting surveillance of all "dangerous" structures. In the event of an unrest, the state and the army could use detailed inventories, many also listing names, to persecute and imprison individuals and associations. Moreover, in light of the events that unfolded towards the end of the First World War, both in relation to the Southern Slav integrations and Italian territorial aspirations in Istria and the Bay of Kvarner, it is safe to conclude that the study conducted by the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front accurately evaluated individual "dangerous" cells, which in late October and early November 1918 played a notable role in the destruction of the Habsburg state and the creation of new political entities.

The war in Ukraine is the biggest, bloodiest and longest war in Europe since 1945. Its initial stage holds similarities with several other armed conflicts and wars in the last 50 years on Cyprus and in the territories of the former Soviet Union and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). Among the cases in exYugoslavia, greatest similarity is seen with the war in Croatia (1991–1995). This conflict stemmed from two almost simultaneous breakdowns of multinational 'socialist federations' and their communist regimes that were similar in structure. The dissimilarity of the second stage of the war in Ukraine and the war in Croatia is primarily due to the processes of NATO and EU enlargement coupled with the USA's policy of using NATO enlargement and Ukraine as tools to harm and weaken Russia. The conflict about Ukraine and the promise of NATO membership given to it has become an indirect war between Russia and the US-led West, where Ukraine is the West's proxy and the main victim of the war. Like what occurred in Croatia in August 1995 and in Azerbaijan in September 2023, the final outcome of the war in Ukraine will be decided on the battlefield, not around a diplomatic table. Still, it will be very different from that in Croatia. Responsibility for the war in Ukraine and its consequences must be shared between the two direct belligerents, the co-responsible USA, and other NATO members. Keywords: Ukraine, Russia, Croatia, USA, NATO, internal war, interstate war

The paper gives an analysis of the system for implementing the regional policy in the Republic of Croatia. Proceeding from increasingly large development disparities in the Republic of Croatia, the paper evaluates the level of readiness of the territorial administrative system for conducting regional policy efficiently. Particular emphasis is being placed on the analysis of the three elements that are in a positive correlation with the efficient conduct of regional policy. They are: a legislation framework of regional policy, institutional structure with a special emphasis on the mechanisms of horizontal & vertical coordination, & the system of local & regional self-government. All three variables include relevant limitations that influence the efforts for additional improvement of the overall capacity for conducting regional policy & for stimulating the development of the country. The author analyses & justifies the need for adoption of a special regional development system act. He points to some basic issues that should be solved; he maintains an attitude that an institutional framework should be created & emphasizes the need for reform of local & regional self-government that should be transformed from a retarding element into a generator of development. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

Knjiga zajema izvirne znanstvene članke domačih in tujih avtorjev, ki obravnavajo prazgodovinsko problematiko jugovzhodnoalpskega prostora in sosednjih pokrajin. V njih so predstavljeni rezultati novih odkritij in raziskovanj v posameznih regijah in specifičnih okoljih ter analize posameznih najdišč ali najdb. Članki so razvrščeni po kronološkem principu in tematsko, osvetljujejo pa poselitvene slike na makro in mikro ravni (Šavel; Velušček/Čufar; Mele; Mlekuž/Črešnar; Mason), grobne kontekste (Ložnjak Dizdar; Gutjahr; Kmet'ová/Stegmann-Rajtár; Križ; Teržan; Dizdar/Potrebica; Cestnik; Belak) in podatke v arhivskih virih (Grahek; Božič) ali pa posebne najdbe (Hellmuth; Mihovilič; Turk; Gleirscher; Kerman, Preložnik, Tecco Hvala; Pavlin) in objekte (Svoljšak, Guštin). Prinašajo nova spoznanja o kulturnih stikih in povezavah, družbeni strukturi, obrtnih dejavnostih in središčih, grobnih ritualih in čaščenjih v bronasti in železni dobi.

Engl. Zsfassung u.d.T.: The bloodsucking taxes : economy of Northwestern Istria in modern age in the light of Venetian fiscal policy

Obstaja veliko študij, ki se ukvarjajo s primerjalnim vrednotenjem e-uprave. Razlog za tako popularnost primerjalnega vrednotenja je interes različnih držav za boljši vpogled v trenutno specifično fazo razvoja e-uprave na nacionalni ravni. Ta vpogled hkrati razkriva pozitivne in negativne plati razvoja v primerjavi z drugimi državami ter tiste vidike, ki jih je treba izboljšati. Namen naše študije, ki vsebuje analizo razvitosti e-uprave v Sloveniji, Avstriji, Hrvaški, Danski in Estoniji v letih 2014, 2015 in 2016, je ugotoviti, ali v izbranih državah obstaja povezanost med stopnjo razvitosti e-uprave in drugimi izbranimi dejavniki razvitosti države (višina bruto domačega proizvoda, stopnja izobrazbe in stopnja interakcije z javnimi organi). Za opisovanje ključnih pojmov e-uprave in kazalnikov razvitosti smo uporabili metodo deskripcije, s komparativno in statistično metodo pa smo primerjali izmerjene vrednosti izbranih kazalnikov. Ugotovitve analize ne nakazujejo povezanosti med višino BDP in stopnjo razvitosti euprave. Pri nižji in srednji stopnji izobrazbe obstaja negativna povezanost, kar pomeni, da manjši kot so deleži prebivalstva z nižjo oziroma srednjo izobrazbo, bolj se povečuje stopnja razvitosti e-uprave. Delež prebivalstva z visoko izobrazbo pa je pozitivno povezan s stopnjo razvitosti e-uprave. Močna pozitivna povezanost je prav tako prisotna med stopnjo interakcije z javno upravo in stopnjo razvoja e-uprave. Izjema je le Slovenija, kjer se stopnja interakcije z javnimi organi znižuje s povečevanjem stopnje razvitosti e-uprave. S primerjalno analizo smo pridobili boljši vpogled v stanje e-uprave v izbranih državah ter s tem prispevali k boljšemu razumevanju obravnavanega področja in k identifikaciji povezanosti razvitosti e-uprave z drugimi kazalniki razvoja države. ; There are many studies dealing with comparative evaluation of e-government. The reason for such popularity of comparative evaluation is the interest of different countries for a better insight into the current, specific phase of e-government development at the national level. At the same time, this insight reveals positive and negative aspects of development in comparison with other countries and emphasizes those aspects that need to be improved. The purpose of our study, which includes the analysis of the development of e-government in Slovenia, Austria, Croatia, Denmark and Estonia in 2014, 2015 and 2016, is to determine whether a correlation between the level of development of egovernment and other selected factors of the country's development (amount of gross domestic product, level of education, level of interaction with public authorities) exists in selected countries. In order to describe the key concepts of e-government and development indicators, a descriptive method was used, and with the comparative and statistical method we compared the measured value of the selected indicators. The findings of the analysis do not indicate the correlation between the level of GDP and the level of development of e-government. At the lower and middle level of education, there is a negative correlation, which means that smaller the proportions of the population with lower and secondary education are, higher is the level of development of e-government. The proportion of the population with higher education positively correlates with the level of e-government development. A strong positive correlation is also present between the level of interaction with public authorities and the level of egovernment development. The only exception is Slovenia, where the level of interaction with public authorities is decreasing by increasing the level of e-government development. With our comparative analysis we gained a better insight into the condition of egovernment in selected countries and thus contributed to a better understanding of the area as well as identified the connection between the development of e-government and other indicators of the country's development.

V obsežni raziskavi smo identificirali ključne sektorje gospodarstev držav EU. Sektorske multiplikatorje smo lahko izračunali za 16 držav članic EU(Avstrijo, Belgijo, Češko, Nemčijo, Dansko, Finsko, Francijo, Veliko Britanijo, Grčijo, Irsko, Italijo, Litvo, Nizozemsko, Poljsko, Portugalsko in Slovenijo). Medtem ko ni bilo možno izračunati sektorskih multiplikatorjev za 12 držav članic EU(Bolgarijo, Ciper, Estonijo, Hrvaško, Latvijo, Luksemburg, Madžarsko, Malto, Romunijo, Slovaško, Španijo in Švedsko), ker matrike niso imele definiranega inverza. V analizi smo ugotovili, da so najbolj odporni na krizo sektorji, ki so v daljšem obdobju v opazovanem gospodarstvu imeli največji vpliv na povezanost za nazaj in povezanost za naprej. V obdobju od leta 2001 do 2011 smo analizirali ključne sektorje v opazovanih 16 državah članicah EU. Ugotavljali smo podobnosti in razlike v spreminjanju medsektorskih povezav in s tem strukture gospodarstva v državah članicah Evropske unije. Identificirali smo tiste sektorje, ki so najbolj pripomogli , da so opazovane države članice Evropske unije čim prej okrevale po gospodarski in finančni krizi. ; In a large study, we identified key sectors of the economies of the EU. Sectoral multipliers, we can calculate the 16 EU Member States (Austria, Belgium, Czech Republic, Germany, Denmark, Finland, France, Great Britain, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Lithuania, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal and Slovenia). While it was not possible to calculate the sectoral multipliers for the 12 EU Member States (Bulgaria, Cyprus, Estonia, Croatia, Latvia, Luxembourg, Hungary, Malta, Romania, Slovakia, Spain and Sweden), whereas the matrix did not have defined inverses. In the analysis, we found that the most resistant to the crisis sectors over a long period of observation economy had the greatest impact on the integration of back and forward integration. In the period from 2001 to 2011 were analyzed for key sectors in the observed 16 EU Member States. We seek to determine similarities and differences in changing cross-cutting links and the structure of the economy in the Member States of the European Union. We have identified those sectors that have most contributed to the observed Member States of the European Union as soon as possible to recover from the economic and financial crisis.

Magistrsko delo obravnava vpliv migracij na vzpon podpore ekstremističnim političnim strankam v EU. Toksična kombinacija evroskepticizma, dolgega obdobja gospodarske stagnacije in najhujše migrantske krize od konca druge svetovne vojne je vodila do povečanja nestrpnosti državljanov EU do migrantov, percepcije ogroženosti lastne države in EU, s tem pa tudi do raztezanja vzpona desnih ekstremističnih političnih strank po celotni celini. Raziskovalni cilj predstavlja analiza povezanosti njihovega vzpona v EU s predpostavljenim najmočnejšim pojasnjevalnim dejavnikom, tj. stopnja liberalizacije oziroma odprtosti migracijske politike posameznih držav, od česar je odvisno število sprejetih migrantov. Pri tem sem uporabila metode analize primarnih in sekundarnih virov, vključujoč uradne statistike, ter javnomnenjske in mednarodne primerjalne raziskave prepričanj in delovanja posameznikov. Na njihovi podlagi potrjujem porast migrantskega staleža in desnih ekstremističnih tendenc v EU ter hkrati tudi obstoj korelacije. Z izjemo Malte, Portugalske, Romunije, Slovenije, Hrvaške, Španije ter Irske, v katerih desne ekstremistične politične stranke niso prepoznane. Vpliv migracij na volilne rezultate se zaradi individualnih nacionalnih značilnosti posameznih držav članic EU izraža različno, zato posledično zavračam možnost predpostavljenih jasnih linearnih vzporednic. ; The master thesis addresses the issue of migration's impact on the rise of support for extremist political parties in the EU. The toxic combination of Euroscepticism, the long period of economic stagnation and the worst migrant crisis since the end of the Second World War has led to an increase of EU citizens' intolerance against migrants, the perception of the threat to their own country and the EU, as well as the extension of the rise of right-wing extremist political parties throughout the continent. The research objective is to analyse the correlation of their rise in the EU with the presumed strongest explanatory factor, i.e. the degree of liberalization or openness of the migration policy in individual countries, on which depends the number of migrants accepted. In doing so, methods of analysing primary and secondary sources, including official statistics, opinion polls and international comparative research on the beliefs and actions of individuals, were used. On their basis, I confirm the growth of the migrant stock and the right extremist tendencies in the EU, and at the same time the existence of a correlation. With the exception of Malta, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia, Croatia, Spain and Ireland, where the right-wing extremist political parties are not recognized. The impact of migration on election results is reflected differently due to individual national characteristics of EU Member States, consequently I reject the possibility of assuming clear linear parallels.