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"February 1996." ; Shipping list no.: 96-0171-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; At head of title: 104th Congress, 2d session. Committee print. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Hat das inhaltslose Lernen der (Schlüssel-)Kompetenzen das Erkennen und Analysieren gesellschaftspolitischer Umstände verdrängt? Machen sich Bildungsinstitutionen noch öffentlich Gedanken über das eigene und gesellschaftliche Selbstverständnis oder wird Bildung be- und vertriebslogisch be- und gehandelt und werden damit Reflexion, Verstehen, Erkenntnis, eigenes Denken zum Luxus? Der vorliegende Beitrag plädiert für die Bejahung einer Pluralität, die mehr ist als eine bunte harmonische Blase und argumentiert für eine Bildung als dialogischen Prozess, der Zugeneigtheit und Verstörung ermöglicht. Was es braucht, ist ein Öffentlichkeit-Lernen als politische Öffentlichkeit. Denn Menschen, so ein Fazit, werden genau genommen erst zu BürgerInnen durch ihr Eintreten in den öffentlichen Raum, in dem sich für sie die Möglichkeit eröffnet, unterschiedliche Positionen einzunehmen und sich von diesen aus zu artikulieren. Merkmal von politischer Öffentlichkeit ist die Vielfalt der verschiedenen Perspektiven, das, was besprech- und hörbar wird. (DIPF/Orig.) ; Has the contentless learning of (key) competences suppressed the recognition and analysis of socio-political circumstances? Do educational institutions still publicly speculate on how they see themselves and how society sees them or is education treated and dealt with according to the logic of operations and sales, thereby turning reflection, understanding, knowledge and thinking for oneself into a luxury? This article advocates the affirmation of a plurality that is more than a colourful, harmonious bubble and argues for education as a dialogical process that enables sympathy and irritation. What is needed is public sphere learning as a political public sphere. One conclusion is that people do not become citizens until they enter into a public space in which the opportunity arises for them to assume different positions from which they can express themselves. A characteristic of the public sphere is the diversity of different perspectives, that which is able to be discussed and heard. (DIPF/Orig.)

This article examines the idea of democracy that can be inferred from the distinction established by Mead, in his psychology and social philosophy, between "I" and "me" as constitutive stages of the "self". The main contention is that democracy, far from being for Mead a mode of organization based merely in the egalitarian recognizance of rights, lies on the contrary in the acknowledgement of the peculiar and superior condition of the individual, i.e., in the most comprehensive development and expression of "I" as the stage of the self that embodies the idea of freedom and its self-realization. This conception of democracy is in turn wholly determined by Mead's theory of the adoption of roles. Thus, the meaning of democracy amounts basically to an ideal of communication that renders possible all modes of practical and symbolic interaction. ; El presente artículo examina la idea de la democracia que se desprende de la distinción establecida por Mead, en su psicología y filosofía social, entre el "yo" y el "mí" como fases constitutivas del "sí mismo" (self). La tesis de fondo es la idea de que la democracia, lejos de ser para Mead, una forma de organización basada meramente en el reconocimiento igualitario de derechos reside, por el contrario, en el reconocimiento de la peculiaridad y superioridad del individuo, es decir, en el más amplio desarrollo y expresión del "yo", como fase del sí mismo que encarna el ideal de libertad y autorrealización. Esta concepción de la democracia se halla, a su vez, enteramente determinada por la propia teoría de la adopción de roles de Mead, con lo que la democracia viene a significar, en el fondo, un ideal de comunicación, posibilitador de toda forma de interacción práctica y simbólica.

The Federal Government of Nigeria in 2005 amended some sections of the Trade Union Act referred to as "The Principal Act" 1996 to form the new Trade Union (Amendment) Act 2005. The main objective of the new Act was the entrenchment of democracy in Nigeria public service by giving workers the freedom to choose which union to belong and opportunity to form more central union organizations, thereby encouraging industrial democracy. It is on this note that this study examined the political underlying motive in enacting the new Act in relation to industrial democracy in Nigeria Public Service, the weaknesses and strength of the Act were examined. The study relied on the secondary method of data collection. The study concluded that the enactment of the Trade Union (Amendment) Act 2005 was politically motivated to give the government the much-needed space to implement certain policies and decisions that are comfortable for the government. The study then recommended that the governmentshould embark on nation-wide consultation with stakeholders to develop valid amendments in Trade Union Acts for the betterment of all and not for the exploitation of the masses.
Keywords: Trade Union Amendment Act, industrial democracy and Public service.

La Constitución de 1999 plantea, por primera vez, el diseño de una democracia participativa, separándose así de lo que había sido una constante en la historia constitucional republicana de Venezuela: la democracia representativa. Este modelo de democracia participativa se basa en la premisa de que, para que se democratice la gestión pública la participación ciudadana debe equilibrar el poder. Mediante el estudio del esquema constitucional de la democracia participativa, se inicia el trabajo con una breve disquisición teórica sobre el sentido y alcance de esta propuesta, para proceder al análisis de los Consejos Comunales, como instancias -consagradas en la ley que los crea- vinculadas directamente con la concreción de los principios rectores de la democracia participativa, con la idea de identificar si el diseño normativo de esta ley viabiliza el constructo constitucional planteado en la Carta Magna de 1999. Se concluye que la concentración de poder, la superposición de funciones y la ambigüedad de las normativas no viabilizan la incorporación de la sociedad organizada para el fortalecimiento y democratización de la gestión pública. ; For the first time, the 1999 Constitution proposes the design of participatory democracy, breaking apart from what had been a constant feature in Venezuela's republican constitutional history: representative democracy. This participatory democracy model is based on the premise that in order to democratize public management citizen participation must balance power. The paper begins with a brief theoretical disgression about the meaning and scope of this proposal by studying the participatory democracy's constitutional scheme. Proceeding to analyze Communal Councils as instances -established in the law that creates them- directly linked to the completion of the governing principles of participatory democracy to identify if the ruling design of this bill makes viable the constitutional construct proposed in the 1999 Magna Carta. It concludes by stating that power concentration, functions superposition and rules ambiguity do not make viable the inclusion of organized society to strengthen and democratize public management. ; 35-51 ; moralese@hotmail.com

Democracy is experiencing a conflictive time in Latin America, expressed in decreasing levels of political legitimacy and an increase in the discontent and malaise of citizens. In this framework, we analysed the local political culture through dimensions of political alienation and emotional social climate as means for describing political well-being. In addition, we studied the role of political culture variables in predicting the social climate, emphasising its ideological component. Finally, we addressed the relationship between the perception of the social climate and democratic legitimacy. We conducted a survey-based quantitative study. We took a quoted population sample of 450 people (59.1% women, M age = 33.7 years). Our results evidenced high levels of political cynicism and perception of anomie, low levels of political confidence, integration and social and political participation and a negative balance of social climate, being compatible with a political culture characterized by alienation. In addition, the variables relative to political alienation were significant predictors of the social climate perception and, in addition, voter choice and ideological dimensions intervened. Finally, social climate differentially predicted general and specific attitudes towards democracy and the current political system. ; La democracia atraviesa un periodo de alta conflictividad en Latinoamérica, reflejado en niveles decrecientes de legitimidad política y un incremento del descontento y malestar de la ciudadanía. En este marco, se analizaron las características de la cultura política local a través de la alienación política y el clima socioemocional como formas de describir el bienestar-malestar político. Además, se estudió el rol de variables de la cultura política en la predicción del clima socioemocional, enfatizando en su componente ideológico. Finalmente, se abordó la relación entre la percepción del clima social y la legitimidad democrática. Se condujo un estudio cuantitativo por encuestas sobre una muestra ...

Responsibility and solidarity in the labor struggle: their present limits and their possible extension (by M. Nettlau.)--German social democracy & E. Bernstein. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Responsibility and solidarity in the labor struggle: their present limits and their possible extension (by M. Nettlau.)--German social democracy & E. Bernstein. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Caption title: Issues of the campaign in New-York : presidential interference boldly rebuked and denounced : the canal policy vindicated. Speech of the Honorable James E. Cooley, before the democracy of Syracuse, in mass meeting assembled. FAU copy edges trimmed to 21 cm. ; Florida Atlantic University Libraries' Marvin and Sybil Weiner Spirit of America Collection, Pamphlets: Speeches B16F26 ; Florida Atlantic Digital Library Collections

Erschienen zu Beginn des Jahres 2016 unternimmt "Democracy in Poland" eine Evaluation der polnischen Demokratie im Hinblick auf die vier im Untertitel genannten Aspekte und beruht auf quantitativen Daten für den Zeitraum von 1989 bis 2011. Das Buch will damit einen Beitrag zur politikwissenschaftlichen Forschungskontroverse über messbare Qualitätskriterien für das gute Funktionieren demokratischer politischer Systeme leisten. [1]