Suchergebnisse

The collapse of the traditional social ties, the advance of the mass media & the advent of political marketing have altered the structure & the direction of electoral campaigns. Present-day media-mediated electoral campaigns are hotly debated. On one side are those who claim that campaigns simplify political reality, manipulate voters, encourage voting apathy & in the long run contribute to democratic deficit. On the other side are those who claim that campaigns had to adapt to the new communication environment, that only the attractive, media-honed campaigns can attract voters' attention & that the majority of campaigns on the whole are a positive influence on electoral participation & voters' familiarity with political processes. This paper is an attempt to present the arguments of both sides & to answer how & to what extent electoral campaigns affect the democratic process. References. Adapted from the source document.

The international community, with the implementation of a well-thought out strategy, has established in Bosnia & Herzegovina a pluralist & independent media sphere that has enabled the public discourse with objective information-providing & promotion of a plethora of different opinions. Such pluralist media scene contributes to the full freedom of expression, promotes the culture of dialogue & civil society, & represents a corrective to the state & the political structures. The article analyzes the media scene in Bosnia & Herzegovina since the 1980s (the then socialist BiH) until now. In stages, the plurality of the media in Bosnia & Herzegovina before the war, during the war, & after the signing of the Dayton Accord is analyzed. The author also lists the statistical data which serve for the quantitative analysis of the development of the media in BiH & as the measure of the diversity of its media scene. 12 Tables, 22 References. Adapted from the source document.

Using critical theory of media and technology as a theoretical framework, we describe the dialectical interrelation between (media) technology and democratic changes, where new media technology only paved the way to organization and exchange of information during 'Arab Spring', but was not its cause. 'Arab Spring' as the case in point proved a negative correlation between the level of communication technology (new media) and the intensity of protests, according to which a higher level of accessibility to new media led to a lower level of protests. Also, we observe an uneven impact of new media on democratic changes, i.e. internet social networks had a secondary role in creating media news, compared to satellite TV which at an early stage of 'Arab Spring' enabled the actors of online civil society to have an impact on state politics to a large extent. Arab new media cannot yet lead to democratic changes nor explain their causes, but merely alter patterns of mobilization and organization of social and political events. Adapted from the source document.

The media communication of risks is firmly rooted in the "transfer" paradigm of communication. Also, the preliminary research has confirmed the conclusions of the relevant studies that there is a need for adopting an ethics protocol on the communication of risks so that the public is able to reach a consensus on what constitutes acceptable risks through a democratic process of negotiation. The article includes the results of an analysis of the articles on hazardous waste from Croatian papers in the first half of 2004, since all Croatian counties should decide on their waste dump location by the end of the year. Furthermore, the contract with Slovenia regarding the nuclear plant Krsko obliges Croatia to keep its part of the bargain regarding the disposal of medium- & low-radioactive waste. The choice of the waste dump locations has turned into a political issue par excellence & the responsibility is occasionally shifted to the public. Research has shown that the media (for many citizens the sole source of information about the risks hazardous waste dumps entail) do not provide the information that would enable the public to make an informed decision on this issue. 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

Procjenjuje se da u Europi oko 10 % odraslih osoba (75 milijuna) ima početni stupanj kronične bubrežne bolesti. Kod velikog broja pacijenata bubrežna bolest otkrije se tek u uznapredovalom stupnju, često praćenom komplikacijama i drugim bolestima koje uvelike umanjuju kvalitetu pacijentova života te povećavaju smrtnost i troškove liječenja. Učestalost primjene pojedinih metoda nadomjesnog bubrežnog liječenja razlikuje se između europskih država, no sveobuhvatni podaci o učinku tih metoda manjkavi su ili nedostupni. Projekt EU-a EDITH ima za cilj istražiti čimbenike koji utječu na odabir metoda nadomjesnog bubrežnog liječenja u državama Europske unije (EU) te analizirati ishode liječenja i troškove za svaku od pojedinih metoda, kako bi se mogao usporediti njihov učinak na pacijente i zdravstvene sustave. Praćenje zdravstvenog stanja primatelja presatka i ishoda transplantacije kao najučinkovitije metode nadomjesnog bubrežnog liječenja planira se provesti uspostavom nacionalnih i zajedničkog Europskog registra. Za pouzdanu procjenu rizika povezanog s darovanjem bubrega potrebno je dugoročno i sveobuhvatno praćenje zdravstvenog stanja (živih) darovatelja bubrežnog presatka kroz jedinstveni registar na (nacionalnoj) i europskoj razini. Sveobuhvatna analiza i usporedba učinka pojedinih metoda nadomjesnog bubrežnog liječenja, u pogledu uspješnosti odnosno ishoda, kao i troškova liječenja, preduvjet su za kreiranje učinkovitih strategija i održivih javno-zdravstvenih politika na nacionalnoj i/ili razini EU-a. Očekuje se da će rezultati ovog projekta dati snažan poticaj široj stručnoj zajednici, nadležnim tijelima i pacijentima za zajedničko djelovanje u cilju unapređenja preventivnih mjera te ujednačavanja dostupnosti optimalnih modaliteta liječenja bubrežnih pacijenata na razini EU-a. ; In Europe, early stages of chronic kidney disease (CKD) are present in nearly 10% of adult persons (75 million). In most of the patients, however, CKD is discovered at an advanced stage, often leading to complications and comorbidity ...

Cilj ovog rada je identificirati učinke poreznih promjena nastalih tijekom financijske krize na dohodovne nejednakosti među zemljama članicama Europske unije. Naime, nedavna je financijska i fiskalna kriza promijenila trendove u oporezivanju u najvećem broju zemalja članica Europske unije. Zemlje članice bile su različito pogođene krizom, prije svega, zbog različitosti povezanih uz makroekonomske neravnoteže prisutne u ekonomiji. Stoga su se među njima razlikovale i politike koje su se provodile uvjetovane upravo makroekonomskim i fiskalnim uvjetima. Rad uključuje teoretsku podlogu, komparativni prikaz postojećih razlika između poreznih sustava zemalja članica Europske unije te analizu prednosti i nedostataka različitih poreznih oblika. Kako bi se što preciznije definirale te razlike, testirane su reforme provedene u tri temeljna porezna oblika (koji opterećuju rad, kapital i potrošnju) kao i socijalni doprinosi korištenjem panel analize s fiksnim i varijabilnim efektom kroz vremensku seriju koja obuhvaća razdoblje od 2000. do 2011. godine. Porezi imaju značajan redistributivni učinak što svakako utječe na dohodovne nejednakosti, a uvelike ovisi i o vrsti poreznog oblika u primjeni. Većina je zemalja pokušala konsolidirati svoje javne financije i poboljšati porezne sustave kako bi potakla rast. U radu je postavljena hipoteza kako implementacija određenih fiskalnih mjera utječe na smanjenje nejednakosti te su pruženi dokazi kako socijalni doprinosi i porezi koji opterećuju rad utječu na statistički značajno poboljšanje dohodovnih nejednakosti među zemljama članicama Europsku unije. Iz navedenog se izvodi zaključak kako porezna politika, osobito izbor odgovarajućeg poreznog oblika, smanjuje dohodovne nejednakosti u Europskoj uniji u promatranom razdoblju. ; The aim of this paper is to identify the effects of tax changes that occurred during the financial crisis on income inequality across European Union member states. Namely, the recent financial and fiscal crises have changed taxation trends in a large number of the European Union member states. The member states have been differently affected by the crisis primarily depending on the different degree of macroeconomic imbalances ascendant in the economy. Therefore, policy responses varied among them and were strongly connected with macroeconomic and fiscal conditions. The paper includes a theoretical background, comparison of present differences among the taxation systems of the European Union member states, and an analysis of the advantages and disadvantages of different types of taxes. In order to precisely define those differences, the influence of reforms taken in three major tax forms (labour, capital and consumption) was tested, as well as social security contributions using fixed and random effect panel models over the sample period from 2000- 2011.Taxes have a significant redistributive impact and this development affects income inequalities and depends on the type of tax implemented. Most member states have tried to consolidate their public finances and improve their tax systems in a more growth-friendly way. This paper presents a hypothesis that the implementation of selected fiscal measures influences inequality reduction and demonstrates that the overall social contributions and labour taxes lead to statistically significant improvements in income inequalities among EU member states. We conclude that tax policy, specifically the choice of taxes implemented, reduces income inequalities in the EU in the observed period.

The media communication of risks is firmly rooted in the "transfer" paradigm of communication. Also, the preliminary research has confirmed the conclusions of the relevant studies that there is a need for adopting an ethics protocol on the communication of risks so that the public is able to reach a consensus on what constitutes acceptable risks through a democratic process of negotiation. The article includes the results of an analysis of the articles on hazardous waste from Croatian papers in the first half of 2004, since all Croatian counties should decide on their waste dump location by the end of the year. Furthermore, the contract with Slovenia regarding the nuclear plant Krsko obliges Croatia to keep its part of the bargain regarding the disposal of medium- & low-radioactive waste. The choice of the waste dump locations has turned into a political issue par excellence & the responsibility is occasionally shifted to the public. Research has shown that the media (for many citizens the sole source of information about the risks hazardous waste dumps entail) do not provide the information that would enable the public to make an informed decision on this issue. 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

Almost seventy years ago German philosophers Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno predicted the immense influence of capitalism and commercialization on media systems and media content. Today commodification and the hunger for fun, spectacle, shock and emotions have become an intrinsic part of media offer and consumption. The central place belongs to television and the transformation of the news industry into packages of high-emotional stories, very often in sequels. Spectacle, strong emotional bond and empathetic members of audience are important elements of what media expert Brian A. Monahan calls public drama - a new hybrid form of television news. The American mainstream media transformed the terrorist attack on the USA on the 11th of September 2001 into '9/11' - a series of dramatic and emotional stories which imposed certain frames of understanding of what happened - and which were built into the cultural memory. In the first few hours after the attack the core of the 9/11 narrative was born: moral shock, a strong emotional bond with the victims of the attacks, transformation of rescuers into heroes, a feeling of love and togetherness among Americans, along with worldwide compassion. Emphasis was put on emotions, fear and a sort of spectacle of crisis, with little discussion about responsibility and critical evaluation of the reasons behind the attacks. Focus on human tragedies, fear and panic are immersed in a wider story about terrorist attacks which is a big threat to America. The power of television and its pictures to form and impose frames of understanding events is huge, along with the long-term consequences this can have on the audience, but politics as well. Adapted from the source document.

With the production of their own media material, the ethnic minorities assume responsibility for opposing the predominant media discourses of the majority culture, and fight for their own distinctiveness and (self)representation within the Croatian media sphere. The ethnic-minority media serve not only the purpose of preserving the socio-cultural values and special features of the minority identity, but also of providing information both to a particular community on the intra-ethnic level and to the majority of the Croatian society regarding the situation, the needs and the rights of the minorities themselves. Thus they represent and convey their interests to the general public. This paper aims to investigate how ethnic minorities are represented in the media and to what extent the ethnic-minority media are represented in the media arena of the Republic of Croatia. The author focuses especially on the city of Zagreb and the minorities which have organized ethnic-minority Councils there. An introductory discussion on the role and influence of the media is followed by an overview of the analysis of ways of reporting on ethnic minorities in the mainstream media of the majority, based on the results of research carried out so far. Furthermore, the paper includes a discussion on the minority media, comprising a tabular outline of print media and digital media (from the Internet domain) of the ethnic-minority communities in the Republic of Croatia. Finally, the author provides an analysis of such a state of affairs regarding the media, and some concluding remarks. Adapted from the source document.

With the production of their own media material, the ethnic minorities assume responsibility for opposing the predominant media discourses of the majority culture, and fight for their own distinctiveness and (self)representation within the Croatian media sphere. The ethnic-minority media serve not only the purpose of preserving the socio-cultural values and special features of the minority identity, but also of providing information both to a particular community on the intra-ethnic level and to the majority of the Croatian society regarding the situation, the needs and the rights of the minorities themselves. Thus they represent and convey their interests to the general public. This paper aims to investigate how ethnic minorities are represented in the media and to what extent the ethnic-minority media are represented in the media arena of the Republic of Croatia. The author focuses especially on the city of Zagreb and the minorities which have organized ethnic-minority Councils there. An introductory discussion on the role and influence of the media is followed by an overview of the analysis of ways of reporting on ethnic minorities in the mainstream media of the majority, based on the results of research carried out so far. Furthermore, the paper includes a discussion on the minority media, comprising a tabular outline of print media and digital media (from the Internet domain) of the ethnic-minority communities in the Republic of Croatia. Finally, the author provides an analysis of such a state of affairs regarding the media, and some concluding remarks. Adapted from the source document.