Suchergebnisse

High-flying illusions on the part of the proponents and grim predictions on the part of the sceptics have characterised the controversy around Brexit. The article assesses five key issues at stake for post-Brexit relationships between Britain, the EU, and Africa: market access, foreign direct investment (FDI), aid, security, and the nature of the partnership. The analysis focuses on those sub-Saharan African countries that belong to the Commonwealth, as the British government's vision of a "Global Britain" relies heavily on its reinforced cooperation with Commonwealth nations. The review of potential developments in these different policy fields shows that the expectations of Brexiteers and African politicians alike concerning an enhanced, partnership-like post-Brexit Commonwealth relationship are largely unfounded. Although the post-Brexit United Kingdom will increase African countries' choices regarding preferred trading partners, it remains questionable whether London could offer something new that other global players with increasing interest in Africa, such as China, do not already have on their agenda.

International audience ; La translatio poétique, c'est-à-dire la traduction ou l'adaptation d'un texte-source (en vers ou en prose) dans une forme versifiée, est un mode de composition important dans la première moitié du XVe siècle anglais, dans le cadre plus large du développement de l'anglais écrit. Les auteurs de ces textes, au contenu didactique, encyclopédique ou politique – tels Thomas Hoccleve, John Lydgate et bien d'autres – sont parfaitement conscients de leur contribution à la formation d'une tradition poétique en anglais, et plus précisément d'une « poétisation du savoir ». Cet article tente de montrer que le choix de la versification doit être resitué dans le contexte troublé de la période, marqué notamment par l'usurpation de la dynastie des Lancastre, la présence de la seule hérésie anglaise de la fin du Moyen Âge, l'énergie lollarde, ou encore les remous liés à la guerre de Cent ans. ; Poetic translatio, that is translation or adaptation of a source-text (in verse or in prose) in verse, is an important mode of composition in the first half of the English fifteenth-century, in the larger context of development of English writings. Authors of these texts, with a didactic, encyclopedic or political content – such as Thomas Hoccleve, John Lydgate and many others – are conscious of their contribution to the formation of an English poetic tradition. This paper intends to show that the choice of verse must be situated in the troubled political context of the period, especially because of the Lancaster usurpation, the Lollard heresy or the Hundred Years' War.

International audience ; La translatio poétique, c'est-à-dire la traduction ou l'adaptation d'un texte-source (en vers ou en prose) dans une forme versifiée, est un mode de composition important dans la première moitié du XVe siècle anglais, dans le cadre plus large du développement de l'anglais écrit. Les auteurs de ces textes, au contenu didactique, encyclopédique ou politique – tels Thomas Hoccleve, John Lydgate et bien d'autres – sont parfaitement conscients de leur contribution à la formation d'une tradition poétique en anglais, et plus précisément d'une « poétisation du savoir ». Cet article tente de montrer que le choix de la versification doit être resitué dans le contexte troublé de la période, marqué notamment par l'usurpation de la dynastie des Lancastre, la présence de la seule hérésie anglaise de la fin du Moyen Âge, l'énergie lollarde, ou encore les remous liés à la guerre de Cent ans. ; Poetic translatio, that is translation or adaptation of a source-text (in verse or in prose) in verse, is an important mode of composition in the first half of the English fifteenth-century, in the larger context of development of English writings. Authors of these texts, with a didactic, encyclopedic or political content – such as Thomas Hoccleve, John Lydgate and many others – are conscious of their contribution to the formation of an English poetic tradition. This paper intends to show that the choice of verse must be situated in the troubled political context of the period, especially because of the Lancaster usurpation, the Lollard heresy or the Hundred Years' War.

Depuis le XIX ème siècle en Grande-Bretagne, les structures de gouvernement local ont été progressivement réformées pour répondre aux enjeux démocratiques, économiques, sociaux et territoriaux des aires urbaines. Dans les années 1970, les conseils de comtés métropolitains ont fait leur apparition dans les plus grandes agglomérations anglaises mais ont été supprimés dès les années 1980. Les années 1990 et 2000 ont vu l'émergence de structures de développement économique et d'aménagement du territoire à une échelle régionale supraurbaine. Depuis le milieu des années 2000, cependant, la ville-région monte de nouveau en puissance et, depuis 2010, de nouvelles structures appelées « autorités combinées » ont émergé à cette échelle dans un certain nombre de grandes agglomérations. Le développement des villes-régions est également lié à des initiatives de l'Etat visant à réduire les disparités de développement régional, notamment avec le dispositif de Northern Powerhouse . Ce papier analyse l'histoire du développement des villes et des régions en Angleterre et examine le développement actuel des institutions et initiatives des villes-régions.

Cet article retrace, au niveau régional, la trajectoire de croissance des Grammar schools en Angleterre entre 1270 et 1700. Il met en évidence l'existence de deux « révolutions éducatives ». La première eut lieu entre l'épisode de la Peste Noire et les années 1530, et peut être attribuée aux conditions favorables, en matière d'éducation, créées par le modèle de mariage européen (EMP). La seconde révolution remonte à la seconde moitié du dix-septième siècle. Singulièrement, cette phase d'expansion rapide de l'éducation fut concentrée dans les comtés du nord-ouest de l'Angleterre, qui, à cette période, connurent une phase d'urbanisation et de commercialisation rapide et qui formèrent, au dix-huitième siècle, le cœur de la Révolution Industrielle. De plus, cette même zone géographique a connu un déclin, en matière de formation de capital humain, pendant la Révolution Industrielle.

This article examines how being "free" interacts with different constellations of ideas, in particular those associated with being a "man" in the specific context of thirteenth and fourteenth century England. It argues that manhood carried powerful emotional, rhetorical and hence political charges which were the consequence of both the Latin inheritance and its various adaptations in the course of the Middle Ages. It considers how these charges overlapped with those associated with being free. It examines a variety of reasons why these issues became particularly important in the thirteenth and fourteenth century, before analysing them in detail in the case of a particular mid thirteenth century political crisis in which issues of manhood, freedom and nation interacted in a new way. ; Este artículo examina cómo ser "libre" ("free") interactúa con diferentes constelaciones de ideas, en particular las asociadas con ser un "hombre", en el contexto específico de la Inglaterra de los siglos XIII y XIV. Se argumenta que la virilidad conlleva potentes cargas emocionales, retóricas y, por tanto, políticas, que eran consecuencia tanto de la herencia latina como de sus diversas adaptaciones en el transcurso de la Edad Media. El artículo evalúa cómo estas implicaciones se superponían a las asociadas a ser libre. Asimismo, se examinan una serie de razones por las que estos temas se volvieron particularmente importantes en los siglos XIII y XIV, antes de analizarlos en detalle en el caso de una crisis política particular de mediados del siglo XIII, en la que los temas de la virilidad, la libertad y la nación interactuaron de forma novedosa.

Julián Besteiro was one of the most relevant socialist politicians and intellectuals of the first third of the twentieth century in the History of Spain. The partial failure of the general strike that took place against the backdrop of the Spanish Crisis of 1917, the decadence of the Second International, the arising of the Komintern, the formation of the Communist Party of Spain in 1921 and a brief stay in London, ended up modifying Julian Besteiro´s thinking as well as the way he understood socialism. Right after his death in 1925, Pablo Iglesias was succeeded by Besteiro who became the leader of the Spanish Socialist Workers´ Party and of a declining faction within the Party whose understanding of the socialist doctrine was akin to the English Fabian Society´s principles. This article aims to shed light upon the configuration of Besteiro´s particular way of rethinking socialism and the influence of his trip to England in 1924 in the formation of a current of thought that has often been called as besteirismo. ; Julián Besteiro fue uno de los intelectuales y políticos socialistas más relevantes de la Historia de España durante el primer tercio del siglo XX. El fracaso parcial de la huelga de 1917, la decadencia de la II Internacional, la aparición de la Komintern, la escisión del Partido Socialista en 1921 y una breve estancia en Londres acabarían por modificar definitivamente su pensamiento y su forma de concebir el socialismo. Tras el fallecimiento de Pablo Iglesias en 1925, Besteiro se convertiría en su sucesor, pasando a liderar una cada vez más minoritaria facción que apostaba por un modelo de socialismo que ha sido a menudo calificado como "gradualista" o de "signo fabiano". Este artículo pretende arrojar luz acerca de la configuración de este giro en el pensamiento de Besteiro, así como el papel que su estancia en Inglaterra tuvo en la configuración de lo que tradicionalmente se ha denominado como besteirismo.

Gumersindo de Azcárate (León, 1840— Madrid, 1917) was one the most influential Law professor and politician in Contemporary Spain. He was an active member of the so-call krausist movement that played a major role in Spanish culture and politics after the revolution of 1868. From both, journals and University he defended the liberal and democratic principles that lead to his ideal: a rule of law. In that context he supported the new constitution of 1869, regarded by Azcárate for the rest of his life as the best one in Spanish modern history. When the Restoration took place in 1874 and a constitutional Monarchy inspired in French doctinaires' political theory was set up, Azcárate criticised it proposing to look over the Constitution of England as a model. According to his interpretation of English constitutional system, the principle of self-government or the sovereignty of society was the key principle for building a true democratic parliamentary government based on the free association of individuals, a decentralized administration, an independent judicial power and public opinion as the very source, guide and limit of all the powers of the State. From 1886 up to 1916 Azcárate became Member of the Parliament as representative of the republican party and was actively involve in the Intitute for Social Reforms (1903) that tried to improve the condition of the working classes. ; Gumersindo de Azcárate (León, 1840— Madrid, 1917) fue uno de los más influyentes catedráticos de derecho y políticos de la España contemporánea. Fue un miembro activo del denominado movimiento krausista que desempeñó un importante papel en la cultura y política española tras la revolución de 1868. Desde diferentes revistas y desde la propia Universidad defendió los principios liberales y democráticos que conducían al establecimiento de su ideal: Estado de derecho. En ese contexto apoyó la nueva constitución de 1869, que Azcárate considerará siempre un referente y el mejor código fundamental de la España moderna. Con la Restauración en 1874 ...

Cet article développe une histoire comparative des projets de drainage initiés par les États français et britannique entre les xviie et xviiie siècles. Il analyse aussi bien les représentations des zones humides, les moyens légaux mis en œuvre, que les mouvements sociaux au sein de ces espaces. Il montre que, jusqu'à la fin du xviie siècle, les projets de drainage mobilisent un ensemble de pratiques coloniales mues par une idéologie mercantiliste. Les résistances comme les échecs rencontrés ont, par la suite, conduit les deux monarchies à délaisser cette approche descendante au cours du xviiie siècle. La politique anglaise s'est toutefois libéralisée en mobilisant des acteurs locaux de manière plus précoce qu'en France où la logique coloniale a été poursuivie jusque dans les années 1760. --- This article explores the comparative history of state-driven drainage projects in early modern France and England. Analysing the representation of wetlands, the legal means by which drainage was achieved, and the movements of populations to newly drained areas, it shows that drainage projects embodied a set of colonial practices driven by a mercantilist ideology until the end of the seventeenth century. The experience of resistance and failure led both the French and English monarchies to pursue less top-down and colonial-style drainage projects in the eighteenth century, when their drainage policies diverged. England's drainage policy became more localised and liberalised earlier, while in France the colonial logic continued until the 1760s.

Issu of the CECP Colloquium on 'The concept of constitution in the Third Republic doctrine' National Hearing How can it be explained that England of the 16th century, which is deeply marked in its political, economic and social structures by Catholicism, suddenly defeated in favour of the establishment of a national church? More schismatic than heretic, caused by the frustration of a King of the Renaissance and facilitated by the differences and excesses of the traditional clergy, the henrician reform can only be understood in the light of the central role played by the parliamentary institution. Henry VIII, aware that the House of Commons is quick to express the growing fatigue experienced by industrial and professional classes in the face of religious toys, does not hesitate to encourage, in order to better frame it, the rise of Parliament. It is with the support of the latter that the transition from an individual to the general, from an application for annulment of marriage to an assault against all the pretifical prerogatives, is made. It then gradually appears to be a useful instrument which could help to maintain or even strengthen the royal prerogative. Therefore, while the central position of the Parliament in the English institutions will only really be ensured with the 1689 Bill of Rights, the Reform Parliament is a first, ambivalent but early step in this direction. ; In order to pressurise the pope in Rome into granting Henry VIII's divorce from Catherine of Aragon, the King summoned what would be latter known as the Reformation Parliament. Sitting from 1529 to 1536, it fundamentally changed the nature of Parliament and of English government, Henry VIII becoming conscious that he could best effect his will through the assent of Parliament in statute. Under the direction and impetus of the King, it passed laws which transferred religious authority from the Pope to the English Crown, affecting not only religious practice and doctrine – in a more schismatic than protestant way – but also many aspects ...

On July 1885, the Pall Mall Gazette published «The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon» which graphically exposed the fact that young white girls were being kidnapped for sexual exploitation. The articles not only threw Victorian society into a state of moral panic, but also accomplished the overdue implementation of some legislative measures, not only in England, but in other European countries. Apprehensively –and echoing the political discourse of the time–. George B. Shaw and Felipe Trigo, through his work, denounced the moral, sexual and economic exploitation of women as well as the lack of coherence between their training, their passive role in society and lack of opportunities. Defying the moral values that enslaved women, these authors propose a model of a new educated, independent, and emancipated woman taking a transcendental role in the transformation of society. ; En julio de 1885, el Pall Mall Gazette publicó «The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon», que gráficamente exponía la comercialización de jóvenes blancas raptadas con fines de explotación sexual. Los artículos no solo sumergieron a la sociedad victoriana en un estado de pánico moral, sino que impulsaron la implementación de medidas legislativas, tanto en Inglaterra como en otros países europeos. Tímidamente –y haciéndose eco del discurso político del momento– George B. Shaw y Felipe Trigo denunciaron en su obra la explotación moral, sexual y económica de la mujer, así como la falta de sintonía entre su formación, su papel inactivo en la sociedad y la ausencia de oportunidades. Rebelándose contra la moral que las esclavizaba estos autores proponen un modelo de nueva mujer educada, independiente y emancipada que tendrá un papel transcendental en la transformación de la sociedad.

The paper poses the question of just how much municipalities can require of market agents (landownersand developers) for the carrying out and funding of infrastructures and public amenities. Do they have aclaim upon the benefi ts derived from reclassifying or reassessing land or building space? Such questions arehere held to touch upon not only the participation of the private sector in the carrying through of publicinitiatives but more so upon the very notion of what the right to land ownership implies, an issue which hasbusied Spanish Town and Country Planning thinking at least ever since the Constitution of 1978 in its 47tharticle recognized the right of the community affected and through its administrative expressions to takeits share of the benefi ts arising from city planning initiatives. The paper further indicates how this matteris approached in England the Low Countries and how this is, in each of these cases in point, different. ; ¿Cuánto pueden y deben los ayuntamientos exigir a los agentes de mercado (propietarios delsuelo y promotoras inmobiliarias) para la realización y fi nanciación de las infraestructuras y los equipamientospúblicos? ¿Tiene la comunidad derecho a la plusvalía generada gracias a reclasifi cación y/o recalificación de los suelos? Éstas cuestiones no están sólo relacionadas con la participación de los privados en laejecución del Planeamiento público, sino también con el más fundamental debate sobre el contenido delderecho de propiedad, debate que planea sobre el urbanismo español al menos desde que la ConstituciónEspañola de 1978 incluyó en su artículo 47 la participación de la comunidad en las plusvalías que genera laacción urbanística de las entidades públicas. En Inglaterra y los Países Bajos también se plantean preguntassimilares, siempre con una respuesta diferente.

Este artículo busca, mediante un estudio comparativo de los momentos primigenios de las revoluciones inglesa (1642-1649) y francesa (1789-1792), presentar un mapa de situación de las posibilidades de enunciación y realización que tuvieron en cada escenario las prerrogativas de las mujeres movilizadas por la igualdad ante la ley, la participación política, las garantías patrimoniales y la autonomía personal. Defenderemos la hipótesis de que el cambio de discursividad del movimiento de mujeres fue paulatinamente, en el lapso de un siglo y medio, perdiendo las potentes características de la democracia radical inicial, de un igualitarismo teológico axiomático, y adquiriendo elementos de una democracia republicana, tamizada por el liberalismo ilustrado. A su vez, sostendremos que este proceso, de derrotas y negociaciones, fue vital para conjurar, a través de sus paradojas, el reconocimiento y la representación feministas. ; This article attempts, through a comparative study of the primitive moments of two revolutions (English and French), to present a conceptual map of the possibilities of enunciation and realization that had in each scenario the prerogatives of women mobilized by equality before the law, political participation, property guarantees and personal autonomy. We will defend the hypothesis that the change of discursiveness of the women's movement was gradually, over a century and a half, losing the powerful characteristics of initial radical democracy, with an axiomatic theological egalitarianism, and acquiring elements of a republican democracy, sieved by enlightened liberalism. At the same time, we will sustain that this process, of defeats and negotiations, was vital to conjure, through its paradoxes, feminist recognition and representation.