The question of the so-called democracy deficit in the European Union is one of the most interesting and complex problems and, at the same time, one of the most important challenges the European Union faces at the begining of the 21st century. As emphasised by many scientists and politicians, the process of European integration requires planting, among the citizens of Member States, of firm belief that theirs is a true influence upon the process. In other words, better legitimization of the European Union activities is needed. The article deals with certain aspects of the European Union's institutional system operation in which democracy deficit reveals. Then, the Author analyzes such problems as competences, positions and interdependencies among the Council of the European Union, the European Commission, the European Parliament and the European Central Bank. Other problems addressed include qualified majority voting in the EU Council and the number of the European Parliament's members compared to the number of citizens in Member States, as well as passing of financial perspectives specifying the European Union's expenditures for several years to come.
In this paper I analyze the materialization and public debate over the "Polish Migration Policy – current stage and the recommended actions" document, and the parts regarding the integration of immigrants in particular. I apply a neoinstitutional theoretical framework which allows me to conceptualize the mechanisms of the Europeanization process, and show that the integration policy is mainly developed by imitating the instruments promoted by the European Commission. I study imitation by applying the notions of translation and editing. This allows me to understand how the imitated model is adapted in the local context. The non-governmental organizations which commented on the document perceived the European model as suited for imitation. The public debate over the "Migration Policy of Poland" contributed to further strengthening and adaptation of the imitated model. ; Mikołaj Pawlak
Polish presidency was dependent on the work of European Commission in 2011. A great amount of international factors influenced its fate and course of events, however more and more factors had global character, which was present in the Union Policies. These factors are: international trade, access to the third country markets, financial regulations and climate change. Poland therefore faced the greatest challenge of its several years of participation in project of European integration and act on behalf of the European Union. In terms of climate protection and energy a lot was expected from Poland since it was under the leadership on conference in Durban. The European Union had to argue for the continuation of the Kyoto Protocol after 2012. This conference had a significant impact on the fight against global warming and suppression of carbon emissions. Poland on behalf of European Union was therefore required to take appropriate measures. First of all, Poland was supposed to keep the European position on the climate change and show how the European Union is able to get involved in the fight against global warming.
The first Polish EU Presidency can be evaluated as moderately successful. The Presidency has contributed to deepen cooperation in the energy sector and was very successful from organizational and logistics perspective. Priorities in the energy sector included an ambitious catalog of measures, in particular within the external dimension of the EU energy policy. The Polish Presidency outlined long term objectives in the energy sector and initiated a deeper discussion of the completion of common energy market building. Progress and better coordination of Member States' energy policies will increase energy security of the EU. From the point of view of national interests, as a failure can be recognized adoption by the European Commission Energy Roadmap 2050 document at the end of the Polish presidency as well as not convincing the Commission to find a more flexible options for solving problem of reaching a low carbon economy with respect to circumstances of member countries, with a high degree of carbonization of their economies.
W artykule wyjaśniono istotę procesów europeizacji i internacjonalizacji oraz zasady funkcjonowania jednolitego rynku europejskiego (JRE). Wskazano również na zależności między omawianymi procesami. Artykuł ma charakter teoretyczno-empiryczny. Przedstawiono w nim najważniejsze teorie w obszarze integracji ekonomicznej i umiędzynarodowienia zarówno gospodarek (poziom makro), jak i przedsiębiorstw (poziom mikro). Teoria została uzupełniona o najnowsze dane statystyczne dotyczące umiędzynarodowienia polskiej gospodarki i polskich przedsiębiorstw. Ponadto zostały przywołane dokumenty opracowane przez Komisję Europejską dla poprawy warunków funkcjonowania przedsiębiorstw na JRE. W artykule przyjęto tezę badawczą, iż utworzenie jednolitego rynku europejskiego przyspiesza europeizację przedsiębiorstw i prowadzi do ich rozwoju.This article explains the essence of the processes of Europeanization and internationalization and the functioning of the Single European Market (SEM). It also indicated on the relationship between those processes. The article is both of theoretical and empirical character. It presents the most important theories in the area of economic integration and the internationalization of both economies (macro level) and businesses (micro level). The theory has been supplemented by the latest statistics on the internationalization of the Polish economy and Polish companies. In addition, the article also describes the documents of the European Commission, which define the future Commission action to improve the business environment on the Single European Market. The article adopted a research thesis that the creation of the single European market accelerates the Europeanization of enterprises and leads to their development.
Celem artykułu było wykazanie, że polityka antyrasistowska UE w latach 2000–2020 uległa zmianie, a następnie zaprezentowanie, na czym owe zmiany polegały i jaki miały charakter. Materiał badawczy stanowiły 62 dokumenty głównych instytucji UE: Komisji, Rady, Parlamentu Europejskiego. Uzyskane rezultaty badań pokazują, że główne zmiany polegały na bardziej zniuansowanym podejściu do walki z rasizmem: dostrzeżeniu różnych grup dotkniętych rasizmem, różnych sposobów doświadczania rasizmu, nowych odmian rasizmu (ekspresywnego, środowiskowego), nowych jego źródeł (politycy i partie polityczne, sztuczna inteligencja). Spośród zmian dotyczących proponowanych środków należy wymienić kładzenie większego nacisku na środki zapewniające równość substancjalną. Odnotować też trzeba wzmocnienie ochrony ofiar rasizmu. Ponadto, nastąpiło zwiększenie liczby jednostek w ramach KE odpowiedzialnych za walkę z rasizmem, a także wzrost liczby zewnętrznych struktur, które wzmacniają możliwości KE w zakresie analizy prawnej i prowadzonych polityk. Odnośnie do sposobu prowadzenia polityki antyrasistowskiej zauważalne jest zwiększenie znaczenia tzw. nowego sposobu zarządzania. Zaobserwowane zmiany nie były radykalne, lecz następowały stopniowo. Miały charakter linearny, tzn. nie oznaczały zerwania z przeszłością. Polegały na przesunięciu akcentów oraz dołożeniu kolejnego elementu, a nie ich wymianie. W związku z tym rozwój polityki antyrasistowskiej UE można scharakteryzować jako szereg działań, które nie konkurują ze sobą, ale się uzupełniają, aby zrealizować określony z góry cel. ; The aim of the article was to show that the EU's anti-racism policy changed in the years 2000–2020, and then to present what these changes consisted of and what their nature was. The research material consisted of 62 documents of the main EU institutions: the Commission, the Council, and the European Parliament. The obtained research results show that the main changes consisted in a more nuanced approach to the fight against racism: noticing different groups affected by racism, different ways of experiencing racism, new types of racism (expressive, environmental), new sources (politicians and political parties, artificial intelligence). Among the changes to the proposed measures, one should mention the greater emphasis on measures ensuring substantive equality. It should also be noted that the protection of victims of racism has been strengthened. In addition, there has been an increase in the number of units within the European Commission responsible for combating racism, as well as an increase in the number of external structures that strengthen the capabilities of the European Commission in the field of legal analysis and policies. With regard to the manner of conducting anti-racist policy, the importance of the so-called a new governance. The observed changes were not radical but occurred gradually. They were linear, i.e. they did not signify a break with the past. They consisted in shifting the accents and adding another element, not replacing them. Accordingly, the development of the EU's anti-racist policy can be characterized as a series of activities that do not compete with each other, but complement each other in order to achieve a predetermined goal.
Proportionality is an intrinsic feature of parliamentary democracy. It is a principle stating that, depending on its size, each political party has a commensurate ability to influence legislature. This is confirmed by comparative studies which show that proportionality is a significant principle in the distribution of parliamentary posts in a majority of West European states. Consequently, even deputies from the smallest parties can chair commissions or lead sessions of the chambers, and by this token participate in the political decision-making process. This softens the domination of the majority party and – in line with Arend Lijphart's concept – generates consensual democracy, based on the search for broad compromises instead of simply outvoting the opponent. Given this picture, a question emerges whether the situation is similar in the representative institution of the European Union, i.e. the European Parliament. The paper answers this question positively. The standard of proportionality has strong roots in the European Parliament forming a fundamental principle expressed in terms of d'Hondt's formula applied to distribute posts among different political groups. This mainly concerns the division of the members of the Presidium and commission chairmen, who exercise the most important decisive functions. The implementation of the idea of appropriate representation may not be ideal, but divergences are rare, insignificant and usually they result from political bargaining that favors smaller fractions. The proportionality principle is also binding when distributing parliamentary posts inside political groups. There is a strong and positive correlation between the size of national delegations and the number of key posts they obtain in the Parliament – members of the Presidium, commission chairmen and coordinators. Only in the case of the latter is proportionality subjected to certain distortions, following from their key political importance. This, however, does not interfere with the general picture of symmetric participation of national groups in appointing parliamentary posts. In conclusion, the standard of proportionality allows all political groups to adequately participate in the work of the European Parliament, which deserves to be emphasized, the more so, as it is not formalized. ; Proportionality is an intrinsic feature of parliamentary democracy. It is a principle stating that, depending on its size, each political party has a commensurate ability to influence legislature. This is confirmed by comparative studies which show that proportionality is a significant principle in the distribution of parliamentary posts in a majority of West European states. Consequently, even deputies from the smallest parties can chair commissions or lead sessions of the chambers, and by this token participate in the political decision-making process. This softens the domination of the majority party and – in line with Arend Lijphart's concept – generates consensual democracy, based on the search for broad compromises instead of simply outvoting the opponent. Given this picture, a question emerges whether the situation is similar in the representative institution of the European Union, i.e. the European Parliament. The paper answers this question positively. The standard of proportionality has strong roots in the European Parliament forming a fundamental principle expressed in terms of d'Hondt's formula applied to distribute posts among different political groups. This mainly concerns the division of the members of the Presidium and commission chairmen, who exercise the most important decisive functions. The implementation of the idea of appropriate representation may not be ideal, but divergences are rare, insignificant and usually they result from political bargaining that favors smaller fractions. The proportionality principle is also binding when distributing parliamentary posts inside political groups. There is a strong and positive correlation between the size of national delegations and the number of key posts they obtain in the Parliament – members of the Presidium, commission chairmen and coordinators. Only in the case of the latter is proportionality subjected to certain distortions, following from their key political importance. This, however, does not interfere with the general picture of symmetric participation of national groups in appointing parliamentary posts. In conclusion, the standard of proportionality allows all political groups to adequately participate in the work of the European Parliament, which deserves to be emphasized, the more so, as it is not formalized.
The article discusses the role of the European Communities' organs in forming of the budget. This role has been presented on the example of the share that each individual organ has in the presentaition, authorization and implementation of the budget. Particularly, a lot of importance has been attached to the role of the Parliament and the Council in forming of the budget. These two are the most important Communities'organs. However, their role in forming of the budget is different; and the Council has stronger influence upon the whole process. It decides on the prevailing part of budgetary expenditures. Yet, the European Parliament is gradually achieving a wider scope of. budgetary competence. Direct election to the Parliament in 1979, was a very important incentive which hastened this process. Moreover, it was then, that the Parliament gained political identity. The process of widening the budgetary competence of the Parliament will gradually develop. Therefore, the position of the Commission will greatly change and will be more determined and controlled by parliamentary decisions. The question of the role of Communities'organs in forming of the budget has both financial and political importance. All these problems are widely discussed in the article. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
Proportionality is an intrinsic feature of parliamentary democracy. It is a principle stating that, depending on its size, each political party has a commensurate ability to influence legislature. This is confirmed by comparative studies which show that proportionality is a significant principle in the distribution of parliamentary posts in a majority of West European states. Consequently, even deputies from the smallest parties can chair commissions or lead sessions of the chambers, and by this token participate in the political decision-making process. This softens the domination of the majority party and – in line with Arend Lijphart's concept – generates consensual democracy, based on the search for broad compromises instead of simply outvoting the opponent. Given this picture, a question emerges whether the situation is similar in the representative institution of the European Union, i.e. the European Parliament. The paper answers this question positively. The standard of proportionality has strong roots in the European Parliament forming a fundamental principle expressed in terms of d'Hondt's formula applied to distribute posts among different political groups. This mainly concerns the division of the members of the Presidium and commission chairmen, who exercise the most important decisive functions. The implementation of the idea of appropriate representation may not be ideal, but divergences are rare, insignificant and usually they result from political bargaining that favors smaller fractions. The proportionality principle is also binding when distributing parliamentary posts inside political groups. There is a strong and positive correlation between the size of national delegations and the number of key posts they obtain in the Parliament – members of the Presidium, commission chairmen and coordinators. Only in the case of the latter is proportionality subjected to certain distortions, following from their key political importance. This, however, does not interfere with the general picture of symmetric participation of national groups in appointing parliamentary posts. In conclusion, the standard of proportionality allows all political groups to adequately participate in the work of the European Parliament, which deserves to be emphasized, the more so, as it is not formalized.
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie partii funkcjonujących na płaszczyźnie euro - pejskiej, ukazanie ich specyfiki oraz kształtującego się między nimi układ stosunków. Artykuł składa się z trzech części. W pierwszej scharakteryzowano triadę: partie krajowe - grupy polityczne w PE - partie polityczne na poziomie europejskim (europartie). W drugiej przybliżono pojęcie systemu partyjnego, w trzeciej odniesiono to pojęcie oraz składające się na niego elementy (partie, interakcje) do partii na szczeblu europejskim, przeprowadzając dyskusję nad adekwatnością ich stosowania w kontekście europejskim. O ile można mówić o istnieniu europejskich partii politycznych, zdecydowanie trudniej udowodnić istnienie europejskiego systemu partyjnego. Interakcje pomiędzy europartiami zachodzą jedynie na arenie parlamentarnej, przy czym nie mają one charakteru rywalizacji pomiędzy rządzącą większością i opozycją. Polegają raczej na budowaniu konsensusu potrzebnego parlamentowi do podjęcia decyzji większością głosów. Nie ma europejskiego systemu partyjnego na arenie wyborczej, gdzie mamy do czynienia z rywalizacją partii krajowych, jak również na arenie rządowej, jako że europejski "rząd" (Komisja, Rada Europejska) nie jest powoływany na zasadzie partyjnej. ; The purpose of this paper is to present the parties operating at the European level in order to show their specificity and the system o f relations emerging among them. The paper consists of three parts. In the first one, a triad: the national parties - political groups in the EP - political parties at the European level (Europarties) are characterized. In the second one, the concept of the party system is presented. In the third one, this concept and its components (parties, interactions) are applied to discuss the adequacy of their use in the European context. While it is possible to speak o f European political parties, it is much more difficult to prove the existence of a European party system. Interactions among the Europarties take place only in the parliamentary arena, but there is no competition between the governing majority and the opposition. These relations lie more in building the consensus necessary for the EP to decide by majority vote. There is no European party system in the electoral arena, where national parties compete, nor in the governmental arena, as the European 'government' (Commission, European Council) is not appointed on the basis o f the political parties.
Dekada polskich doświadczeń członkostwa w Unii Europejskiej pokazuje, że na gruncie krajowej polityki można określić dwa zasadnicze modele integracji, które są prezentowane przez dwie największe partie polityczne. Każda z nich zarówno Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, jak i Platforma Obywatelska RP miały możliwość praktycznej realizacji głoszonych przez liderów partyjnych tez o członkostwie Polski w UE. Różnice programowe między tymi partiami zaczęły się kreować już przy okazji prowadzonej przez nie kampanii referendalnej w sprawie akcesji Polski do Unii Europejskiej. To w tamtym czasie PiS zbudował swój program wokół siły Polski w Unii Europejskiej opartej między innymi na sile głosu w Radzie Unii Europejskiej i twardej polityce wzmacniającej interesy narodowe. Z kolei Platforma Obywatelska realizację swoich priorytetów polityki europejskiej widzi nie tylko w gronie członków Rady Unii Europejskiej, ale również poprzez skuteczny lobbing polskich spraw na etapie prelegislacyjnych konsultacji Komisji Europejskiej, lobbing w Parlamencie Europejskim i szeroką współpracę na niedocenionych przez wielu, forach unijnej polityki. Celem opracowania było wskazanie najważniejszych, zdaniem autora, wydarzeń charakteryzujących członkostwo Polski w Unii Europejskiej. Autor dokonał ich systematyzacji, opisu, a także podziału na wydarzenia europejskie mające wpływ na bieg spraw krajowych i na te krajowe, które cechowały polską dyplomację europejską w ostatniej dekadzie. Autor wskazuje cechy charakterystyczne dwóch dyskursów o polskiej polityce europejskiej, które już od referendum akcesyjnego, przez kolejne lata członkostwa w UE angnżująuwagę Polek i Polaków wokół spraw unijnych. Na tej podstawie zostały nakreślone kierunki polskiej polityki europejskiej w perspektywie kolejnych lat członkostwa w UE. ; The decade of Polish membership of the European Union has shown two fundamental models of integration presented in domestic policy by the two leading political parties. Both Law and Justice (PiS) and Civic Platform (PO) have had the opportunity to implement in practice their leaders' declarations about Poland's EU membership. Political differences between the two parties emerged as early as the referendum on Poland's accession to the European Union. At that time, the PiS party constructed its political platform around the idea of a strong Poland whose position would result, among other things, from its power in the Council of the European Union and a hard-line policy strengthening Poland's international interests. The PO party, in turn, saw the implementation of its priorities in European policy as a result of operating not only in the circle of members of the Council of the European Union but also by exercising efficient lobbying activities at the pre-legislation stage of consultation in the European Commission, in the European Parliament and extensive cooperation on various, frequently underestimated, forums of EU politics. This paper aims to indicate the most important characteristics of Poland's EU membership as seen by the author. He categorises, describes and divides them into those European events that influenced domestic affairs, and those domestic events that determined Polish European diplomacy over the last decade. The author indicates the characteristic features of the two discourses about Polish European policy that have been attracting the attention of Poles to EU matters since the accession referendum. On this basis, the future directions of Polish European policy are outlined for further years of EU membership.
Celem artykułu było wykazanie, że polityka antyrasistowska UE w latach 2000–2020 uległa zmianie, a następnie zaprezentowanie, na czym owe zmiany polegały i jaki miały charakter. Materiał badawczy stanowiły 62 dokumenty głównych instytucji UE: Komisji, Rady, Parlamentu Europejskiego. Uzyskane rezultaty badań pokazują, że główne zmiany polegały na bardziej zniuansowanym podejściu do walki z rasizmem: dostrzeżeniu różnych grup dotkniętych rasizmem, różnych sposobów doświadczania rasizmu, nowych odmian rasizmu (ekspresywnego, środowiskowego), nowych jego źródeł (politycy i partie polityczne, sztuczna inteligencja). Spośród zmian dotyczących proponowanych środków należy wymienić kładzenie większego nacisku na środki zapewniające równość substancjalną. Odnotować też trzeba wzmocnienie ochrony ofiar rasizmu. Ponadto, nastąpiło zwiększenie liczby jednostek w ramach KE odpowiedzialnych za walkę z rasizmem, a także wzrost liczby zewnętrznych struktur, które wzmacniają możliwości KE w zakresie analizy prawnej i prowadzonych polityk. Odnośnie do sposobu prowadzenia polityki antyrasistowskiej zauważalne jest zwiększenie znaczenia tzw. nowego sposobu zarządzania. Zaobserwowane zmiany nie były radykalne, lecz następowały stopniowo. Miały charakter linearny, tzn. nie oznaczały zerwania z przeszłością. Polegały na przesunięciu akcentów oraz dołożeniu kolejnego elementu, a nie ich wymianie. W związku z tym rozwój polityki antyrasistowskiej UE można scharakteryzować jako szereg działań, które nie konkurują ze sobą, ale się uzupełniają, aby zrealizować określony z góry cel. ; The aim of the article was to show that the EU's anti-racism policy changed in the years 2000–2020, and then to present what these changes consisted of and what their nature was. The research material consisted of 62 documents of the main EU institutions: the Commission, the Council, and the European Parliament. The obtained research results show that the main changes consisted in a more nuanced approach to the fight against racism: noticing different groups affected by racism, different ways of experiencing racism, new types of racism (expressive, environmental), new sources (politicians and political parties, artificial intelligence). Among the changes to the proposed measures, one should mention the greater emphasis on measures ensuring substantive equality. It should also be noted that the protection of victims of racism has been strengthened. In addition, there has been an increase in the number of units within the European Commission responsible for combating racism, as well as an increase in the number of external structures that strengthen the capabilities of the European Commission in the field of legal analysis and policies. With regard to the manner of conducting anti-racist policy, the importance of the so-called a new governance. The observed changes were not radical but occurred gradually. They were linear, i.e. they did not signify a break with the past. They consisted in shifting the accents and adding another element, not replacing them. Accordingly, the development of the EU's anti-racist policy can be characterized as a series of activities that do not compete with each other, but complement each other in order to achieve a predetermined goal.
Polska w 2004 roku stała się członkiem Unii Europejskiej. W tym samym roku minęło 35 lat od powołania Komitetu Prognoz "Polska 2000 Plus" przy Prezydium PAN. Z tej okazji odbyła się konferencja naukowa, której rezultatem jest wydawnictwo pt. Polska w obliczu wyzwań przyszłości. Jest ono inspiracją do szerszego kierowania się przez naukowców, polityków oraz ludzi innych zawodów strategicznym myśleniem o przyszłości Europy i Polski. Podstawą strategii edukacji powinny być nie tylko cele ekonomiczne i pragmatyczne, ale przede wszystkim wspólne wartości cywilizacji europejskiej, którymi według raportu Komisji Europejskiej Edukacja dla Europy są: prawa człowieka (godność osoby ludzkiej), podstawowe swobody, demokratyczna prawomocność, pokój i odrzucanie przemocy jako środka do osiągnięcia celu, poszanowanie innych ludzi, równość szans, zasady myślenia racjonalnego, ochrona ekosystemu, odpowiedzialność jednostkowa. Projekty i strategie reformy systemu edukacji MEN i MNiSW oraz Strategia Rozwoju Polski do roku 2020–2030 Komitetu Prognoz PAN zakładają zapewnie skolaryzacji na poziomie maturalnego kształcenia średniego dla ok. 80–85% populacji, a na poziomie studiów wyższych dla 40–50% populacji w przedziale wiekowym 19–24. Takie wskaźniki skolaryzacji zostały już formalnie przekroczone, teraz należy zapewnić odpowiedni poziom jakości kształcenia oraz stymulować i wspierać wybieranie deficytowych kierunków kształcenia zawodowego i wyższego oraz ustawicznego. W Polsce obserwuje się niezadowalające wykorzystanie nauk o edukacji w wypracowaniu koncepcji reform i ich wdrażaniu, czego dowodem jest niedocenianie raportów edukacyjnych oraz ekspertyz, a także nieustanne zmiany ministrów resortów edukacyjnych. Współczesna ekonomia i pedagogika określają wydatki na edukację i naukę jako "inwestycję w człowieka" i w "kapitał ludzki", które są gwarancją rozwoju kraju oraz poprawy jakości życia ludzkiego. Poważny procent kadry nauczycieli, młodzieży, szkół i uczelni oraz mass mediów może edukację i kulturę zamienić na wielki program XXI wieku. ; In 2004, Poland became a Member State of the European Union. It was 35 years since the Forecasting Committee "Poland 2000 Plus" was appointed at the presidium of the Polish Academy of Sciences (Polish: PAN). On that occasion, a scientific conference took place, the result of which was the publication entitled Poland in the Face of the Challenges of the Future. It has become an inspiration for scientists, politicians and other professionals to adopt more strategic thinking about the future of Europe and Poland. The basis of the educational strategy should not only be economic and pragmatic objectives, but most of all, common values of the European civilisation. According to the Report of the European Commission Education for Europe, among these values, there are human rights (human dignity), fundamental freedoms, democratic legitimacy, peace, rejection of violence as a means to an end, respecting others, equal opportunities, principles of rational thinking, protection for the ecosystem and individual accountability. The policies and projects of the educational system reform of the Ministry of National Education (Polish: MEN) and Ministry of Science and Higher Education (Polish: MNiSW) as well as the Development Strategy of Poland until 2020–2030 of the Forecasting Committee aim to provide schooling at secondary school level with matriculation examination for about 80–85% of the population, at higher education level for 40–50% of the population aged 19–24. These schooling indicators have formally been exceeded. Presently, it is necessary to provide the good quality of education and to encourage students to choose deficit professional training courses, higher education as well as lifelong learning. In Poland, it can be observed that education sciences are unsatisfactorily used in developing reform concepts and in their implementation as demonstrated by underestimating educational reports and expertises, as well as constant changes of education ministers. Contemporary economy and pedagogy refer to the expenses on education as "investment in human" and "human capital", which guarantee the development of a country and of the quality of life. A significant proportion of teachers, young people, schools and universities as well as the mass media may change education and culture into a great program of the 21st century.
In 2004, Poland became a Member State of the European Union. It was 35 years since the Forecasting Committee "Poland 2000 Plus" was appointed at the presidium of the Polish Academy of Sciences (Polish: PAN). On that occasion, a scientific conference took place, the result of which was the publication entitled Poland in the Face of the Challenges of the Future. It has become an inspiration for scientists, politicians and other professionals to adopt more strategic thinking about the future of Europe and Poland. The basis of the educational strategy should not only be economic and pragmatic objectives, but most of all, common values of the European civilisation. According to the Report of the European Commission Education for Europe, among these values, there are human rights (human dignity), fundamental freedoms, democratic legitimacy, peace, rejection of violence as a means to an end, respecting others, equal opportunities, principles of rational thinking, protection for the ecosystem and individual accountability. The policies and projects of the educational system reform of the Ministry of National Education (Polish: MEN) and Ministry of Science and Higher Education (Polish: MNiSW) as well as the Development Strategy of Poland until 2020–2030 of the Forecasting Committee aim to provide schooling at secondary school level with matriculation examination for about 80–85% of the population, at higher education level for 40–50% of the population aged 19–24. These schooling indicators have formally been exceeded. Presently, it is necessary to provide the good quality of education and to encourage students to choose deficit professional training courses, higher education as well as lifelong learning. In Poland, it can be observed that education sciences are unsatisfactorily used in developing reform concepts and in their implementation as demonstrated by underestimating educational reports and expertises, as well as constant changes of education ministers. Contemporary economy and pedagogy refer to the expenses on education as "investment in human" and "human capital", which guarantee the development of a country and of the quality of life. A significant proportion of teachers, young people, schools and universities as well as the mass media may change education and culture into a great program of the 21st century. ; Polska w 2004 roku stała się członkiem Unii Europejskiej. W tym samym roku minęło 35 lat od powołania Komitetu Prognoz "Polska 2000 Plus" przy Prezydium PAN. Z tej okazji odbyła się konferencja naukowa, której rezultatem jest wydawnictwo pt. Polska w obliczu wyzwań przyszłości. Jest ono inspiracją do szerszego kierowania się przez naukowców, polityków oraz ludzi innych zawodów strategicznym myśleniem o przyszłości Europy i Polski. Podstawą strategii edukacji powinny być nie tylko cele ekonomiczne i pragmatyczne, ale przede wszystkim wspólne wartości cywilizacji europejskiej, którymi według raportu Komisji Europejskiej Edukacja dla Europy są: prawa człowieka (godność osoby ludzkiej), podstawowe swobody, demokratyczna prawomocność, pokój i odrzucanie przemocy jako środka do osiągnięcia celu, poszanowanie innych ludzi, równość szans, zasady myślenia racjonalnego, ochrona ekosystemu, odpowiedzialność jednostkowa. Projekty i strategie reformy systemu edukacji MEN i MNiSW oraz Strategia Rozwoju Polski do roku 2020–2030 Komitetu Prognoz PAN zakładają zapewnie skolaryzacji na poziomie maturalnego kształcenia średniego dla ok. 80–85% populacji, a na poziomie studiów wyższych dla 40–50% populacji w przedziale wiekowym 19–24. Takie wskaźniki skolaryzacji zostały już formalnie przekroczone, teraz należy zapewnić odpowiedni poziom jakości kształcenia oraz stymulować i wspierać wybieranie deficytowych kierunków kształcenia zawodowego i wyższego oraz ustawicznego. W Polsce obserwuje się niezadowalające wykorzystanie nauk o edukacji w wypracowaniu koncepcji reform i ich wdrażaniu, czego dowodem jest niedocenianie raportów edukacyjnych oraz ekspertyz, a także nieustanne zmiany ministrów resortów edukacyjnych. Współczesna ekonomia i pedagogika określają wydatki na edukację i naukę jako "inwestycję w człowieka" i w "kapitał ludzki", które są gwarancją rozwoju kraju oraz poprawy jakości życia ludzkiego. Poważny procent kadry nauczycieli, młodzieży, szkół i uczelni oraz mass mediów może edukację i kulturę zamienić na wielki program XXI wieku.
In recent years, there has been an intense public debate about the implementation of the age-friendly cities and communities concept as well as its more recent and broader iteration related to smart healthy age-friendly environments (SHAFE). The first part of the article introduces the basic concepts and current activities of the European Commission in the area of promoting intergenerational dialogue and programming intergenerational relations policies. This discussion is followed by concise analyses of case studies focused on selected social innovation projects and methodologies aimed at: (1) empowering facilitators of the concepts of age-friendly cities and communities as well as smart, healthy and inclusive environments; (2) facilitating citizens, especially older people, to deal with public health crises; and (3) supporting the voice of senior citizens in deciding on the goals and objectives of public policies (co-design), their implementation (governance, co-delivery/co-production of public services) as well as their monitoring and evaluation (co-assessment). The final section contains recommendations for selected entities responsible for public policies on ageing and suggestions for further research directions.
