Suchergebnisse

Wong, Ho Yin. ; Thesis submitted in: October 2008. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 265-275). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii ; 緒論 --- p.iii ; Acknowledgement --- p.iv ; Abbreviations --- p.ix ; List of Tables --- p.ix ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introductory Chapter --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- The Two Research Questions --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of Studying the DPJ --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Dissertation Framework --- p.7 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Chapter Conclusion --- p.12 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Background of Japanese Politics --- p.14 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Opposition Failure in Japan --- p.15 ; Chapter 2.2 --- External Constraints Faced by Opposition Parties --- p.17 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Electoral System --- p.17 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Electoral Campaign Law --- p.21 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- Clientelism and Centralized Government Financial Structure --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2.4 --- Party Organization of the LDP --- p.23 ; Chapter 2.2.5 --- Voting Behavior --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.2.6 --- Press Club System --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.2.7 --- Conclusion --- p.31 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Opposition Fragmentation in Japanese Politics --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Opposition Fragmentation under the 55´ة System --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- Opposition Cooperation and the Break Down of the 55´ة System --- p.37 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- The New Party System and Opposition Coalition Failure --- p.39 ; Chapter 2.3.4 --- The NFP Internal Fragmentation --- p.43 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Opposition Failure and the DPJ --- p.48 ; Chapter 2.4.1 --- The Emergence of the DPJ --- p.49 ; Chapter 2.4.2 --- The Expansion of the DPJ --- p.52 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Chapter Conclusion --- p.54 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Theory and Methodology --- p.57 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Party System --- p.58 ; Chapter 3.1.1 --- Four Attributes of a Party System --- p.58 ; Chapter 3.1.1.1 --- Number of Parties --- p.59 ; Chapter 3.1.1.2 --- Relative Strength and Size --- ...

Wang, Jing. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 138-142). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract ; Acknowledgements ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Introduction --- p.7 ; Chapter A. --- Background leading to the research question --- p.7 ; Chapter I. --- The socialist legacy: the institutional failure of China ´ةs labor regime --- p.8 ; Chapter II. --- Society in action: the emergence of migrant worker NGOs --- p.10 ; Chapter B. --- Research Question --- p.16 ; Chapter C. --- Significance of the research --- p.18 ; Chapter D. --- Research Structure --- p.21 ; Chapter I. --- Relationship with official trade unions --- p.22 ; Chapter II. --- Relationship with enterprises (suppliers and MNCs) --- p.22 ; Chapter III. --- Relationship with foreign NGOs --- p.24 ; Chapter F. --- The Organization of the Thesis --- p.24 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- Literature Review --- p.26 ; Chapter A. --- State-society relations: a Civil Society Perspective --- p.27 ; Chapter B. --- Industrial relations as Embedded in the State-society Relations --- p.35 ; Chapter C. --- Major Inadequacies in Literatures --- p.40 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- Methodology --- p.42 ; Chapter A. --- Research Question and Research Design --- p.42 ; Chapter B. --- Justifications for Case Study as an Appropriate Method for this Research --- p.44 ; Chapter C. --- Selection of the Case --- p.48 ; Chapter D. --- Conducting Case Studies --- p.49 ; Chapter E. --- Problems Associated with the Case Study --- p.51 ; Chapter F. --- Summary --- p.51 ; Chapter Chapter Four: --- Impoverishment of Migrant Labor: Global Capitalism and China's Urban-rural Structural Divide --- p.51 ; Chapter A. --- Global Capitalism: the Political Economy of Export-orientated Industry --- p.55 ; Chapter B. --- Labor Regime Facilitative to Exploitation --- p.59 ; Chapter C. --- The Socio-political Underpinnings of the Labor Regime: Residence Registration System and Two-tier Labor Market --- p.63 ; Chapter D. --- ...

CPC organization building and organizational settings, including the levels of the organization functions and operation mechanism, the fundamental organizational principle and system of the Party, the Party congress system, the electoral system and Party life system.

The COVID-19 pandemic brought on the so-called "coronacrisis," a global crisis event enormous in size and force. The crisis questioned the ability of states and instruments of international governance to respond quickly and effectively to the global threats. It is noteworthy that there was no strong correlation between crisis management efficacy and the type of political system of a country. However, the countries with elaborated and well-financed health systems, were able to struggle with the devastating consequences of the coronacrisis better than those with systemic, structural and financial problems of their healthcare sectors. It is obvious that the ability to manage the coronacrisis is not related to the type of political governance or ideology, but to the state administrative resources and competence of the cabinet / leaders. That potentially gave an opportunity for countries with different ideological foundations to neglect their tensions and unite the efforts in the containment of the SARS-CoV-2 virus (e.g. create mutual programmes of vaccination and medicine distribution). The main forces are the Transatlantic alliance, Russia and China. Unfortunately, no visible COVID-19-related agreement between them ever happened so far. Instead, the coronacrisis situation was used by the political rivals to intensify their aggressive rhetoric against each other (e.g., USA and Russia, USA and China) or profit from it in deepening international collaboration not connected with the pandemic itself (e.g., Russia and China). We do not observe any real mutual efforts of liquidating the pandemic consequences even within an ideological block, to say nothing about different blocks. The US–EU relationships worsened during the pandemic, especially at the background of Trump's cool attitude towards international organisations and his decision to leave the World Health Organization in the midst of the pandemic and his threatening words that US may also abandon the NATO. Likewise, John Bolton spoke of the EU as an entity hostile ...

The transition of the global financial governance system is a history of the rise and fall of the Western advanced countries in the post-war international political and economic system. Since the end of the Second World War, the International Monetary Foundation and the World Bank have always taken the dominant role in the field of global financial governance. However, after the beginning of the global financial crisis in 2008, many drawbacks have become apparent concerning these two significant institutions, such as the lack of representatives, the slow and ineffective response to the crisis, etc. Following a strong appeal from the developing countries (with the emerging powers as their representatives), the global financial governance system has experienced several rounds of reforms which have yet to yield acceptable results. Therefore, it is highly necessary to create a new institution which can play a complementary role in the existing financial governance system rather than overthrow it. Complying with the tide of history, the official establishment of the BRICS Bank can be of great significance to the reform of current global financial governance systems such as diversifying the global financial governance bodies, representing the interests of developing countries in a better way, enhancing the status and improving the importance of emerging economies in the international political and economic order. Admittedly, the BRICS Bank also faces great challenges and limits such as the lack of a core leadership and the absence of a unified currency, etc.

黃美美. ; 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2001. ; 附參考文獻. ; 中英文摘要. ; Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong. ; Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Mode of access: World Wide Web. ; Huang Meimei. ; Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2001. ; Fu can kao wen xian. ; Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.

Weiwei is one qing-classed organization of which the main duty is to guard the Imperial Palace and the goals are to respect the Emperor and to avoid danger. The subordinates of Weiwei can be classified into two types: Lingzhang and Tunwei. We discuss the Lingzhang-typed subordinates of Weiwei and analyze their organizational structure, duties and the relationships between duties and the main goals of Weiwei. Thus, we'll further explore factors and contexts which promote or induce the changing of bureaucracy, by which we'll show the developing of the Lingzhang-typed subordinates of Weiwei and the characteristics of Weiwei as the central standing army system. Through our investigation, we'll get several points. First, only two subordinates of Weiwei are set up in the early Han, one of which is Gongche-sima and another is Weishi, but Luben is possibly established until the period of Emperor Jing's and Emperor Wu's bureaucratic transformation. Secondly, Gongche-sima is originally in charge of receiving official documents, tributes from nations surrounding the Han Empire, and the etiquette of entering the Imperial Palace, but in charge of managing royal edict waiters under the Que of the Imperial Palace until the period of Emperor Jing and Emperor Wu. Luben serves as guards of honor and is in charge of repairing weapons of Weiwei. Relatively, until now we have no idea about duties of Weishi. Thirdly, because the duties of the Lingzhang-typed subordinates have more expansion and extension than the Tunwei-typed subordinates, they will be adapted well to new institution under influences outside organizations or new necessity from factors inside organizations. Fourthly, the Lingzhang-typed subordinates are in charge of administrative affairs relevant to the goals of avoiding danger and the mechanics of respecting the Emperor based on the main duties of Weiwei. To sum up, Weiwei will be adapted to the necessity of the Emperor's policital living and the changing of the political and military situation inside and outside the Han Empire. The characteristics of Weiwei not only represent the differences between the central standing army system and the conquest army, but also provide some certain thinking clues of related researches on bureaucracy under the transformation of the guard system from the Han to the Jin Dynasty.

趙駿康. ; "2002年7月" ; 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2002. ; 參考文獻 (leaves 144-158) ; 附中英文摘要. ; "2002 nian 7 yue" ; Zhao Junkang. ; Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2002. ; Can kao wen xian (leaves 144-158) ; Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. ; 論文摘要 --- p.I-III ; 鳴謝 --- p.IV ; Chapter 單元一 --- 引言部份 ; Chapter 一 ´Ø一) --- 簡介「服務表現監察系統」的實施對福利界的意義 --- p.1-2 ; Chapter 一 ´Ø二) --- 綜論及補充現存有關新機制實施的探討 --- p.2-7 ; Chapter 一 ´Ø三) --- 研究問題及目標 --- p.7-8 ; Chapter 一 ´Ø四) --- 全文組織架構 --- p.9-10 ; Chapter 一 ´Ø五) --- 方法學及硏究設計 --- p.10-16 ; Chapter 一 ´Ø六) --- 硏究期望帶來的貢獻 --- p.16 ; Chapter 單元二 --- 文獻回顧與理論探討 ; Chapter 二 ´Ø一) --- 「優質改革」及相關的管理技術 --- p.17-22 ; Chapter 二 ´Ø二) --- 在非政府機構推行「優質管理」一一回應機構問責性問題與服 務執行者的專業危機 --- p.22-24 ; Chapter 二 ´Ø三) --- 在受資助的社會服務機構發展優質管理之一般形式 --- p.24-26 ; Chapter 二 ´Ø四) --- 在本地福利界推動優質管理改革一一服務表現監察系統的內 容、原理與機構管理 --- p.27-30 ; Chapter 二 ´Ø五) --- 在受資助的非政府機構推行優質管理的爭議一一兩層次的問題 探討 --- p.30 ; Chapter 二´Ø五一) --- 優質管理技術應用之問題及在組織運作上構成的影響 --- p.30-36 ; Chapter 二´Ø五二) --- 優質管理理念弓丨用之問題及在組織價値規範上衍生的爭議 --- p.36-42 ; Chapter 二´Ø五三) --- 優質管理改革的政治與它對福利系統的影響 --- p.42-47 ; Chapter 二´Ø六) --- 分析架構 --- p.47-48 ; Chapter 單元三 --- 優質管理改革的背景一一改革成因與施行時的客觀形勢 ; Chapter 三´Ø 一) --- 殖民地政府、非政府機構與本港福利發展一一歷史回顧 --- p.49-56 ; Chapter 三´Ø二) --- 新津助制度改革與服務表現監察系統冒起的成因 --- p.56-63 ; Chapter 三´Ø三) --- 容永道顧問報告的重點與內在矛盾 --- p.63-68 ; Chapter 三´Ø四) --- 金融風暴後以控縮福利開支的政策措施 --- p.68-70 ; Chapter 三´Ø五) --- 財務控縮政策的後遺和對發展優質服務的影響 --- p.70-73 ; Chapter 三´Ø六) --- 資源長期匱乏的福利服務營運環境 --- p.74 ; Chapter 三´Ø七) --- 小結 --- p.74-75 ; Chapter 單元四 --- 個案深究一一服務表現監察系統推動的管理改革在組織層次上產 生的影春與問題 ; Chapter 四´Ø一) --- 背景資料簡介 --- p.76-79 ; Chapter 四´Ø三) --- 服務表現監察系統實施下機構管理的初步蛻變和正面發展 --- p.79-81 ; Chapter 四´Ø三) --- 服務表現監察系統實施衍生的問題和影響 --- p.81 ; Chapter 四´Ø 三一) --- 標準、指標在測量與運用上的局限 --- p.81-83 ; Chapter 四´Ø三二) --- 新管理技術對組織行爲之影響 --- p.83-89 ; Chapter 四´Ø三三) --- 行政成本衍生的問題 --- p.89-92 ; Chapter 四´Ø三四) --- 優質管理涉及的槪念爭議與價値衝突 --- p.92-96 ; Chapter 四´Ø三五) --- 「以客爲本」哲學的實踐與限制 --- p.96-102 ; Chapter 四.四) --- 小結及補充討論 --- p.102-104 ; Chapter 單元五 --- 系統層面分析一一初探服務表現監察系統及相關之管理改革對福 利體制的影響 ; Chapter 五´Ø 一) --- ...

by Cheng Chi-man, Francis. ; Thesis submitted in: December 1998. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 177-199). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Acknowledgments --- p.i ; Abstract --- p.iii ; List of Figures --- p.v ; Chapter CHAPTER ONE: --- INTRODUCTION ; Background of This Study --- p.1 ; Aims and Objectives --- p.6 ; Conceptual Framework --- p.7 ; Civil Organization --- p.12 ; Civil Society --- p.14 ; State-Society Relationship --- p.15 ; justification of this study --- p.20 ; A Methodological Note --- p.24 ; Chapter Outline --- p.26 ; Chapter CHAPTER TWO: --- CONCEPT OF CIVIL SOCIETY REVISITED ; Introduction --- p.30 ; Western Tradition --- p.35 ; Political Society and Civil Society --- p.36 ; Economic Society and Civil Society --- p.37 ; Paradoxes of Civil Society --- p.39 ; Western Definition of Civil Society --- p.43 ; Eastern Europe Tradition --- p.45 ; Civil Society in Poland --- p.45 ; Chinese Tradition --- p.48 ; Philosophical-moral Reflection in China --- p.50 ; Historical-sociological Reflection in China --- p.53 ; Concluding Remarks --- p.56 ; Chapter CHAPTER THREE: --- "STATE OVERWHELMED SOCIETY: STATE- MERCHANTS RELATIONSHIP FROM EARLY TO MIDDLE QING," ; Introduction --- p.59 ; Autocratic Legacies of Qing Dynasty --- p.61 ; Merchants under Autocratic Tradition --- p.64 ; Co-hong System: Representation of State-Merchants Relationship --- p.69 ; Guilds of Merchant: A Long Haul --- p.76 ; Concluding Remarks --- p.80 ; Chapter CHAPTER FOUR: --- "GENERAL BACKGROUND OF MERCHANTS' ORGANIZATIONS AT CANTON IN THE LATE QING,1896-1911" ; Introduction --- p.84 ; Popular Type of Merchants' Organization --- p.86 ; Semi-official Type of Merchants' Organization --- p.89 ; Concluding Remarks --- p.93 ; Chapter CHAPTER FIVE: --- ANALYSIS OF CANTON GENERAL CHAMBER OF COMMERCE: REALIZATION OF MERCHANTS' AUTONOMY? ; Introduction --- p.96 ; Autonomy over Election and Decision Making Process --- p.98 ; Autonomy over Finance --- p.103 ; Autonomy over ...

prepared by Chu Yan-kit. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 125-145). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Acknowledgments --- p.iii-iv ; List of Tables and Figures --- p.vii-ix ; List of Abbreviations --- p.x ; Abstract --- p.xi-xiv ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Introduction --- p.1-39 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Scope and Purpose --- p.1-2 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Literature Review --- p.3-18 ; Chapter 1.2.1 --- Public Budgeting Researches in Hong Kong --- p.3-4 ; Chapter 1.2.2 --- On-Hand Budgeting Theories --- p.5-12 ; Chapter 1.2.3 --- Neo-Institutional Approach --- p.13-18 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Conceptualization --- p.19-27 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- Premises of the Explanatory Model --- p.19 ; Chapter 1.3.2 --- Rationale of the Model --- p.20-27 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Operationalization --- p.28-36 ; Chapter 1.4.1 --- Working Definitions --- p.28-29 ; Chapter 1.4.2 --- Operationalization of the Research --- p.29-32 ; Chapter 1.4.3 --- Indicators and Hypotheses --- p.32-34 ; Chapter 1.4.4 --- Methodology --- p.35-36 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Organization of the Research --- p.37 ; Notes --- p.38-39 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- The Background --- p.40-69 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Characteristics of the Colonial Public Finance System & Marco-Economic Context for the Public Finance System --- p.40-47 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Revenue Aspect of the Public Finance System --- p.40-41 ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- Expenditure Aspect of the Public Finance System 42- --- p.47 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Macro Economic Context for the Two Institutional Levels from the 1970s to the 1990s --- p.48-53 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Financially Non-Stringent & Stringent Periods for the First Level Institutions --- p.48-50 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Non-Hostile & Hostile Periods for the Second Level Institutions --- p.51-53 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Composition and Characteristics of the Actors in the Two Institutional Levels --- p.54-59 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Actors in the First Level Institutions and the Second Level Institutions --- p.54 ; Chapter ...

It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]

It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]

So Ka Lok Carol. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 189-200). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction ; Chapter 1.1 --- Research Background --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Research Puzzle --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Research Questions and Major Thesis --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Layout of the Thesis --- p.8 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review and Analytical Framework ; Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.2 --- State Feminism and the Stetson and Mazur Model --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.3 --- The Macro Movement Dynamics: Political Opportunities Structure --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.4 --- The Micro Movement Dynamics: Framing Political Opportunities --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Analytical Framework --- p.37 ; Chapter 2.6 --- Methodological Orientations --- p.44 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Women's Policy Machineries in Hong Kong: A Historical and Structural Overview ; Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.51 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Paving the Road --- p.51 ; Chapter 3.3 --- "The Equal Opportunities Commission: The ""Equality"" Project" --- p.55 ; Chapter 3.3.1 --- Appointment of Members: The Critical but Mysterious Process --- p.57 ; Chapter 3.3.2 --- EOC as Characterized by Investigation and Conciliation --- p.59 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Women's Commission: The Umbrella Organization --- p.60 ; Chapter 3.4.1 --- Actions of WoC --- p.62 ; Chapter 3.4.2 --- Appointment of WoC Members --- p.63 ; Chapter 3.4.3 --- The Structure of WoC: Following the International Pace? --- p.64 ; Chapter 3.4.4 --- Relationship Between EOC and WoC --- p.66 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Struggling for a Seat: Participation in the Political Arena ; Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.69 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Gaining an Entrance --- p.70 ; Chapter 4.2.1 --- The Significance of Gaining an Entrance --- p.79 ; Chapter 4.2.2 --- Obstacles in Entering the System --- p.81 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Collaborations and Participations with the System --- p.89 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Gender ...