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"The personalization of politics, whereby politicians increasingly become the main focus of political processes, is a prominent phenomenon in modern democracies that has received considerable scholarly attention in national politics. However, little is known about the scope, causes and consequences of personalization in European Union politics, although recent institutional and political developments suggest that such a trend is underway. This book sheds light onto this phenomenon by taking a comprehensive approach to understanding four key dimensions of personalization concerning institutions, media, politics, and citizens. In doing so, it relies on an innovative longitudinal and cross-country comparative research design and applies multiple methods. It argues that institutional personalization is a necessary but not sufficient pre-condition for media to increasingly report about individual politicians. It shows that media personalization fluctuates across country and over time, while Members of the European Parliament increasingly engage in personalized legislative and communicative behaviour. These developments are conditional upon domestic media and electoral systems and have limited effects on citizen attitudes and political awareness. The book concludes that as additional political actors gain formal individual responsibilities, European Union politics also becomes more complex to disentangle. Ultimately, institutions provide more effective cues than individual politicians both for media to inform citizens about European Union politics and for the latter to acquire useful information in order to understand and evaluate European Union politics. These findings have important implications for the future of personalized politics in the European Union"--

This collection sets a new agenda for conducting research on the EU and learns from past mistakes. In doing so it provides a state-of-the-art examination of social science research designs in EU studies while providing innovative guidelines for the advancement of more inclusive and empirically sensitive research designs in EU studies

Cover -- The Maritime Dimension of European Security -- Contents -- List of Figures and Tables -- Figures -- Tables -- Preface -- List of Acronyms -- Introduction -- 1: Seapower and International Relations -- Navies and power politics -- Seapower and the liberal order -- Hegemony and seapower -- Seapower and the expansion of the security agenda -- The maritime dimension of security: A new framework for analysis -- 2: The (Critical) Geopolitics of Seapower -- Seapower and geography -- Geopower and the seas -- Critical geopolitics: The sea and the battle of ideas

IntroductionFunctionality in EU Foreign Policy: A Framework of AnalysisManaging Ambivalence: National Foreign Policy in an Age of 'Power Avoidance'The Politics of Performance: Turf Battles in EU Foreign PolicyNormative Power and the EU's Search for Meaning Saving the Union? EU Foreign Policy and the Democratic DeficitConclusion.

1. Introduction 2. Regimes of Diversity 3. Diversity in the European Union 4. Approaches to Diversity in the EU 5. Unity and Diversity through EU Institutions and Procedures 6. 'Europe' as a Symbol – Symbols of Europe 7. Exclusion and Belonging: The Ambiguities of European citizenship 8. The Gradual Emergence of European Minority Rights 9. Conclusions Epilogue.

This book has chapters on all the treaties establishing the European Communities in the 1950s as well as subsequent treaties reforming these community treaties (Merger Treaty, Budget Treaties, and the Single European Act) followed by chapters on the Maastricht Treaty establishing the European Union in 1993 and subsequent amendments thereof through the Amsterdam, Nice and Lisbon treaties. The authors are all established and well-known scholars of European integration. The book thus traces the 'constitutional' foundation of the European Union (EU) over time and analyses these development from a comparative perspective: who were the main actors, what were their preferences and which institutions did they design to deal with common problems and challenges? Despite the rejection of the proposed Constitutional Treaty in referendums in France and the Netherlands in 2005 the 'constitutionalization' of the EU has continued. The book tries to answer both the 'how' and 'why' questions of this fascinating process.

This book assesses the use and limitations of the principal-agent model in a context of increasingly complex political systems such as the European Union. Whilst a number of conceptual, theoretical and methodological challenges need to be addressed, the authors show that the principal-agent model can still provide deeper insights into a wide range of political phenomena. Through an empirical analysis of multiple principal-agent relations in the EU, covering a variety of policy fields and political actors, the volume refines our theoretical understanding of the politics of delegation and discretion in the EU. It will appeal to scholars in interested in EU politics and policy, public administration and governance, and international organisations. The chapter 'Multiple principals preferences, different types of oversight mechanisms, and agent's discretion in trade negotiations' is published open access under a CC BY 4.0 license via link.springer.com.--

The study of EU foreign policy has for a long time been haunted by Henry Kissinger's famous quip, "what number do I call if I want to get through to Europe?" This has prompted scholars to inquire into the effectiveness of the EU as an international actor. Arguing that the focus on effectiveness has pushed EU studies too far into the world of policy planning, this book examines EU foreign policy from the perspective of functionality. It asks what function foreign policy co-operation plays in the wider European integration process. The findings are original and striking: EU foreign policy serves as a way of managing Europe's retreat from power politics, is the site for inter-institutional struggles between the Council, Commission and Parliament within the EU, and increasingly provides the EU with a new identity at a time when the traditional narratives of European integration are no longer so convincing for European citizens. Far from being the poor cousin of other policy areas, foreign policy is increasingly the terrain upon which the future of the EU is being decided.

Marina Kolb traces the relationship between the EU and the Council of Europe in the field of human rights. Applying an implementation literature and management studies-perspective, it argues that the biggest threat to interorganizational cooperation is organizational self-interest, despite a shared policy interest.

This book interprets the relationship between Ireland and the European Union (EU). We are coming up to 50 years since Ireland acceded to the EU (2023), and the links between the two are unique and distinctive. The volume presents an original interpretation of Irish-EU relations, and this in turn has implications for a wider understanding of the EU. Its aim is to analyse the Irish-EU relationship from the idea of two apparently contradictory political ideas - internationalism (as represented by European integration in this particular instance) and nationalism (long the dominant value in Irish politics). The authors argue that to date the contradictions have been managed with considerable ease, leading us to characterise the Irish-EU relationship as "nationalism within internationalism".

"Foreword" -- "About the Editors" -- "Contents" -- "List of Figures" -- "List of Tables" -- "Introduction. Use and Limitations of the Principal–Agent Model in Studying the European Union " -- "1 Introduction" -- "2 The Principal–Agent Model in the EU Studies" -- "2.1 A Short Introduction to the Principal–Agent Model" -- "2.2 Origins and Evolution of the Model in EU Studies" -- "2.3 The Principal–Agent Model as Heuristic Tool and the Question of Assumptions" -- "3 The Contemporary Relevance of the Principal–Agent Model" -- "3.1 Identifying the Challenge: EU Politics as a Web of Non-exclusively Hierarchical Relations with Multiple Actors" -- "3.2 Coping with the Challenge: Three Uses for the Principal–Agent Model" -- "3.2.1 Mapping Principal–Agent Relations" -- "3.2.2 Studying the Politics of Delegation" -- "3.2.3 Studying the Politics of Discretion" -- "4 Aim, Approach and Structure of the Book" -- "References" -- "The Principal–Agent Model, Accountability and Democratic Legitimacy " -- "1 Introduction" -- "2 The Normative Underpinnings of the Principal–Agent Model" -- "2.1 Rousseau: Representative Democracy" -- "2.2 Weber: The Independent Bureaucracy" -- "3 Contemporary Relevance of Principal–Agent Research for Normative Debates" -- "3.1 The Logics of Delegation" -- "3.2 The Principal's Payoff for Holding Agents Accountable" -- "3.3 Complex Webs of Principal–Agent Relationships" -- "4 Conclusion" -- "References" -- "Non-exclusive delegation to the European External Action Service " -- "1 Introduction" -- "2 Theoretical Puzzle: Non-exclusive delegation" -- "3 Empirical Analysis: EU Delegations and External Representation" -- "3.1 The Politics of Delegation" -- "3.2 Challenging the Hierarchy" -- "3.3 Hidden Information and Hidden Action" -- "4 Theoretical Argument" -- "5 Conclusion" -- "References