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Frontmatter -- Table of Contents -- Preface by Series Editor Antonio Loprieno -- Vorwort / Foreword -- Sophie Charlotte (1668–1705): Die Frau, die das Warum des Warum wissen wollte / Sophia Charlotte (1668–1705): The Woman Who Wanted to Know the Why of Why -- Patrona Scientiarum? Maria Theresia als Gründerin der Brüsseler Akademie (1717–1780) / Patrona Scientiarum? Maria Theresa as Founder of the Academy in Brussels (1717–1780) -- Lovisa Ulrikas (1720–1782) akademi: Sveriges första vittra kungliga akademi / Lovisa Ulrika's (1720–1782) academy: Sweden's first learned society -- Katharina die Große als Patronin von Bildung und Wissenschaften im Russischen Imperium (1729–1796) / Catherine the Great as patron of education and sciences in the Russian Empire (1729–1796) -- Ersilia Caetani Lovatelli (1840–1925): La prima donna eletta nell'Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei / Ersilia Caetani Lovatelli (1840–1925): The first woman elected to the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei -- Beatrice Webb (1858–1943): "A career of disinterested research" -- Maria Skłodowska Curie (1867–1934), kobieta uczona / Maria Skłodowska-Curie (1867–1934), two-time Nobel laureate -- Lise Meitner (1878–1968): Pionierin der Atomphysik / Lise Meitner (1878–1968): Pioneer in Nuclear Physics -- La primera acadèmica catalana: Caterina Albert (1869–1966) / The first female academy fellow in Catalonia: Caterina Albert (1869– 1966) -- Johanna Westerdijk, an extraordinary professor and pioneer in plant pathology (1883–1961) -- Cosán corrach Eleanor Knott MRIA (1886–1975) / Eleanor Knott MRIA (1886–1975): "And there were other barriers" -- Professori Ella Kivikoski (1901–1990): suomalainen tiedenainen arkeologiassa / Professor Ella Kivikoski (1901–1990): A Finnish female scientist in archaeology -- Dorothy Hodgkin (1910–1994): Crystallographer, Chemist, and Role Model -- The Editors / The Authors

Human alteration of natural systems, and its consequences are of great concern and the impact on global ecosystems is one of the biggest threats that biodiversity stands before. Translocations of invasive species, as well as intraspecific contingents with non-native genotypes, whether they are deliberate or unintentional, are one such alteration and its consequences are continuously being assessed. The mallard (Anas platyrhynchos) is the most numerous and widespread duck in the world and a flagship in wetland conservation. It is also an important game species which is heavily restocked for hunting purposes, especially in Europe where over three million ducklings are released every year. Because of its hunted status, its abundance, and the number of released individuals, it can serve as a model species to study effects of releases, both for conservation and restocking for hunting, on wild populations. In this thesis the status of the mallard was assessed in the Nordic countries and the effects of releases on the wild populations were studied by mining historical ringing data, comparing morphology of present-day wild, farmed, and historical mallards, and analyzing phylogeography of wild and farmed mallards in Europe. The status of the mallard population in the Nordic countries are generally good, however, a joint effort of European countries is needed to monitor and manage the population. A significant difference between wild and farmed mallards concerning longevity, migration, bill morphology and genetic structure was also found, together with signs of cryptic introgression of farmed genotypes in the wild population with potential fitness reduction as a result. The effect is however limited by that only a fraction of released farmed mallards reach the breeding season due to low survival. A natural captive environment is crucial to keep individuals wild-like with high survival rates after release. However, with an introgression of potentially maladapted farmed genotypes leading to a reduction in fitness, a low survival of released mallards would favor the wild population. A legislative change regarding obligation to report numbers, provenance, and release sites of farmed mallard should be considered, together with practical solutions of ringing and genetic monitoring of released mallards.

The purpose of this article is to review the main hypotheses on Questione meridionale, the Southern Question, a term which means the differences between the North & South of Italy, their causes, & possible solutions. All the hypotheses on the problem refer to three sectors: structural, economic, & cultural. Structural explanations include inefficiency, corruption of state administration, poor infrastructure & clientelism. Economic explanations revolve around the economic relation that was established between the North & South after the political union (1861). On one hand the Southern capitals go to the North in the form of taxes or State investments or Treasury bonds; on the other hand the North uses the South as a market for its manufactured goods. Cultural approaches explain Southern backwardness as is the result of a mentality characterized by lack of collaboration, lack of interest in public welfare, & victimization. All three types of explanations are inspired by North American or North European models, & "blame" the South for not being more like the North. In the last part of this article two scenarios are discussed. The first is that the cleavage between North & South will remain in the coming years. The second is that the cleavage will disappear as a result of European cultural & economic integration process & new cleavages formed by non-European immigration. 9 Tables, 1 Chart, 174 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article confronts some general methodological issues involved when analyzing 'euroscepticism,' ie., opposition to European integration. Reviewing the literature on party-based & public euroscepticism, the article proceeds with a presentation & critical examination of conceptual frameworks & models suggested in previous research on public attitudes towards the EU. Drawing on eg., the Eurobarometer surveys, the strengths & weaknesses of different analytical frameworks arc demonstrated. The article concludes with a discussion about measurement issues related to empirical analyses of public opposition to European integration. Adapted from the source document.

The theory of social choice has recently benefited much from advances within the power index approach in game theory. One may start from the classical Wicksell framework of a unanimity regime & proceed to state the advantages of deviations from his model. A case can be stated for quantitative voting using some majority voting scheme, as it empowers the choice participants, also providing for blocking power. The power distinctions generated from the power index framework may be applied to the institutional evolution of the Council of Ministers with the EC or EU. It allows one to state in a concise manner the comparative advantages & disadvantages of alternative regimes for the European Community or Union. Tables, Figures, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

This thesis is an attempt to formulate a constructive proposal for the ongoing establishment of a post-national European citizenship in the European Union. To the extent that the proposal is post-national, the ambition is to re-conceptualise the idea and ideal of citizenship in a new historical setting. To the extent that the proposal is constructive, the ambition is to develop and employ a methodology which combines normative and empirical analysis. The aim of the thesis is to make a contribution in each of these fields?with particular emphasis on the first. To achieve this, the thesis is focused on two questions. First, what should post-national citizenship mean? Second, to what extent can the European Union provide the conditions for such a post-national citizenship? The answer to the first question is based on the elaboration of a neo-republican norm and the analysis of the changing empirical conditions and organization of citizenship. The result is a trans-national model of citizenship, which diverges from both the cosmopolitan and the multicultural models that have attracted substantial attention in academic debates. Trans-national citizenship is a citizenship inspired by the Habermasian idea of constitutional patriotism, yet recognizes the continuing predominance of national citizenship and the complementary status of post-national citizenship. The answer to the second question is rooted in an empirical analysis of European citizenship and the application of the trans-national citizenship model to the existing realities of European citizenship. The first part of the constructive proposal is based on a critique of European citizenship as it stands with respect to its functionalism, its continued exclusivity, and its statist bias. The second part of the proposal is an extrapolation and subsequent comparison of three future-oriented principles for the evolution of European citizenship: free movement, identity, and residence. For each of these principles a metaphorical scenario is outlined: the market-oriented vision which basically reduces European citizens to customers of a mall; the European pan-national vision which reduces citizenship to an instrument for cultural reproduction; and the place-oriented vision of a European neighbourhood where all permanent residents are treated as equal subjects and sovereigns of the European polity. Having considered the intrinsic advantages and disadvantages of each scenario, the eventual proposal will comprise a defence of the third principle.

This study takes its starting -point in the Swedish referendum about a membership in the European monetary union. The purpose of the study is to explain the differences that became visible during the EMU-referendum, by thoroughly explore macro-factors & their importance to the voting against a membership at a municipal level. In earlier pursued research concerning voting behaviour & public opinion differences general explanations appear which work as an initial position for this study, the creation of three alternative explanation models & the macro factors to be tested. This study has a statistical design & its intention is to study macro-factors in the 290 municipals of Sweden through collecting material from several sources. The material has been compiled to analytical aggregate data & will be analysed through bivariate- & multivariate regressions. The result shows that the differences that became visible concerning the EMU-referendum can be explained from economic factors & economic structural differences between the municipals. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

After decoupling of European Union income support, the current Swedish systems for suckle cow-based beef production will be unable to pay the costs of new investments and the market wage for labour. In a Delphi study, production systems able to achieve full cost coverage were identified as being "Organic with high environmental grants and a premium price for beef" and "Conventional with outdoor wintering of cows". Both systems require large areas of semi-natural pasture per cow and larger herds than currently common in Sweden. To test the results from the Delphi study, different models of suckle beef production were calculated for different regions of Sweden. The ambition was to identify production models with sufficient profitability to pay at least stipulated farm workers wage and a return on investment of 5% under Swedish conditions. In the calculations, the income from weaned calves, culled cows and European Union support was reduced by operating costs excluding labour. The result was divided by hours spent on labour requirement for animal husbandry and pasture management, which resulted in a return to labour per hour. Calculations for varying future scenarios with a changing Common Agricultural Policy showed that organic production models generated a higher return to labour than conventional production models. The main reason for this was the environmental areal payment for organic farming in combination with the higher acreage requirements in organic production. This resulting in higher environmental payments and other European Union supports per suckle cow. The most profitable production models were spring calving, heavy beef cow breeds and winter feed based on grass-clover silage. Some organic production models gave a return to labour above stipulated farm workers wage. However, if the Single Farm Payment scheme is phased out and not replaced by increased environmental payments, the return to labour will be at best half the stipulated farm workers wage. A complementary telephone survey of 20 farmers with above-average herd size showed that the theoretical calculated profitability did not accurately reflect some of the real costs. One example was the opportunity cost of land, which was more expensive than calculated, because the areal payments are slowly moving from animal farmers towards passive retired farmers and landowners. The interviews indicated that the results of the Delphi study and profitability calculations are reliable and valid for costefficient future suckle beef operations, but overestimate the average profitability of current Swedish suckle herds.

Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan erästä Euroopan integraation vähemmän tutkittua ulottuvuutta: integraation vaikutuksia jälkikommunistisen yhteiskunnan kansalaisjärjestöihin. Liettualainen ympäristöjärjestösektori ja Ignalinan ydinvoimalan tapaus tarjoavat rajallisen, mutta samalla hyvin konkreettisen näkökulman kysymyksen tarkastelemiseksi. Tutkimus nojaa vuosina 2001-2003 kerätyn haastatteluaineiston laadulliseen analyysiin. Ignalinan ydinvoimalan tapauksen perusteella voidaan tulkita liettualaisten ympäristöjärjestöjen kohtaamia muutospaineita neuvostoajan lopulta aina Liettuan EU-jäsenyyteen saakka. Ignalinan ydinvoimalan ympärille keskittynyt liikehdintä oli yksi keskeisimmistä neuvostovallan vastaisen protestin välineistä 1980-luvun lopun Liettuassa. Ignalinan ydinvoimalasta muodostui tuolloin neuvostovallan poliittinen symboli; protestointi ydinvoimalaa vastaan oli samalla vastalause Moskovan sanelupolitiikalle ja vallitsevalle yhteiskunnalliselle järjestykselle. Ignalinan poliittinen symboliasema kuitenkin muuttui radikaalisti Liettuan itsenäisyysjulistuksen myötä: voimalasta muodostui niin taloudellisesti kuin poliittisestikin tärkeä kansallisen suvereniteetin osa. 1990-luvun lopulla ydinvoimalan poliittisen symboliaseman muutos sai yhä vahvemman ilmentymän EU:n esittäessä Ignalinan molempien reaktoreiden alasajoa ennen niiden lasketun käyttöiän umpeutumista. Eräät liettualaiset ympäristöjärjestöt toimivat aktiivisesti osana laajempia eurooppalaisia kansalaisjärjestöverkostoja vaatien itäisen Keski-Euroopan neuvostomallisten ydinvoimaloiden välitöntä sulkemista. Siten Ignalinan tapaus aiheuttaa monissa tapauksissa järjestöidentiteetin epävarmuutta: Yhtäältä ympäristöjärjestöidentiteetti vaatii kriittistä suhtautumista ydinvoimaan, erityisesti neuvostomallisiin RBMK-reaktoreihin. Toisaalta taas Ignalinan ydinvoimala koetaan Liettuan taloudellisen ja poliittisen omavaraisuuden takaajaksi. Ignalinan tapauksen ympärille rakentuva identiteettipoliittinen asetelma voidaan yksinkertaistaa tilanteeksi, jossa ympäristöjärjestöt hapuilevat kahden yhteensopimattoman toimintamallin välillä: järjestöt toivovat voivansa toteuttaa rooliaan ympäristöjärjestöinä, usein laajempien eurooppalaisten ympäristöjärjestöverkostojen mallin mukaisesti, mutta samalla kansallisen suvereniteettipolitiikan tuottamat mallit ovat vahvasti läsnä järjestöjen määrittäessä perusluonnettaan. Ignalinan tapauksen pohjalta tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan myös laajempia Euroopan integraatioon ja jälkikommunistiseen kansalaisjärjestötoimintaan liittyviä kehityskulkuja. Tutkimus tuo esiin, että Euroopan integraatio on luonut monitasoisen institutionaalisen järjestyksen, joka määrittää oman vaikutuspiirinsä säännöt. Euroopan integraatio on samalla ilmiö, joka toteutuu myös hyvin arkipäiväisissä asioissa ­ se on läsnä monissa mikrotason käytännöissä vaikuttaen siis myös ympäristöjärjestöjen toimintaan. Samalla voidaan havaita, että politiikan muodot ja tyylit eivät synny tyhjiössä tai pelkästään rationaalisten valintojen tuloksena; historia, sen tuottamat tulkinnat sekä rutiineihin perustuvat säännönmukaisuudet ovat läsnä poliittisessa elämässä, niin kansalaisjärjestötoiminnassa kuin muussakin yhteiskunnallisessa aktivismissa, samoin kuin hallinnollisissa käytännöissä. ; The colourful, sometimes even dramatic, history of Lithuanian environmental non-governmental organisations (NGOs) makes them an interesting subject of political science research. During the past fifteen years the role of the Lithuanian environmental movement has changed quite radically. The environmental movement had a central political role at the time of the Lithuanian independence activism in the late 1980s, but the movement later lost its mobilising potential and was marginalised by the beginning of the 1990s. Since then the environmental NGOs have been strongly affected by the process of European integration. Environmental NGOs have served both as agents and indicators of the institutional change taking place in Lithuania. The dynamics of this change can be analysed through the case of Ignalina ­ in the course of the past couple of decades the nuclear power plant of Ignalina in the north-east corner of Lithuania has been a reference point for a number of political discussions and processes. During the Lithuanian independence movement the nuclear power plant became a symbol of Soviet rule. As Ignalina was strongly associated with the hegemony of Moscow over Lithuania the plant occupied a central role in the fight towards national sovereignty. Independence activism took the form of environmental protests, especially in the early stages of the Lithuanian reform movement, and a large number of environmental organisations were established all over Lithuania. The political context provided an opportunity to address sensitive political questions through environmental activism. For instance, in September 1988 thousands of protesters formed a human chain ­ the ring of life ­ around the two units of Ignalina as a manifestation of Lithuanian national sovereignty and identity. The symbolic position of Ignalina changed radically after Lithuania s independence declaration in March 1990. As Moscow imposed an energy embargo on Lithuania it soon became clear that the country was dependent on its own sources of energy, of which the nuclear power plant of Ignalina was the most important one. Although Ignalina had only recently served as the symbol of Soviet oppression, the plant suddenly proved indispensable in the reconstruction of the nation and its material well-being. In 1995 the Lithuanian government tabled a EU membership application. Towards the end of the decade Ignalina was brought on the political agenda of the EU ­ it soon became evident to Lithuanians that the closure of the nuclear power plant would be considered a de facto prerequisite for EU membership. As a result, the question of Ignalina was highly politicised ­ the setting gave Ignalina a positions as the symbol of national sovereignty. There had been a radical shift in the political symbolism surrounding the plant. Meanwhile, the environmental NGOs faced a dilemma: Some of the environmental activists were closely linked to European anti-nuclear NGO networks and were strongly in favour of the decommissioning of Ignalina. However, many of the environmental NGOs also carried with them a long tradition of ethno-cultural thinking thus connecting the organisations closely to the notion of Lithuanian national sovereignty. Against this background it proved difficult for many organisations to define their role in view with the question of Ignalina ­ what would be appropriate political action? As a result, there remained a great deal of indecisiveness and confusion among the environmental NGOs as to the decommissioning plans of Ignalina, and more generally as to the role of the environmental organisations in the Lithuanian society. The case of Ignalina provides a framework within which it is possible to analyse certain dimensions of national sovereignty in an integrating, post-Cold War Europe. The integration of Central and Eastern Europe into the EU has produced a situation in which many of the expectations attached to national sovereignty are being challenged. The research also brings forward a topic that has received only limited attention in the past, namely the effects of European integration on non-governmental organisations in Central and Eastern Europe. By focusing on a specific sector of Lithuanian NGO activity it is possible to analyse the dynamics of europeanisation on a very concrete level. The case of Ignalina suggests that the activists of Lithuanian environmental NGOs are forced to ponder the raison d être of their organisations in the face of different, often conflicting institutional pressures. The expectations drawn from fresh national sovereignty are not always compatible with the models of action produced by the European integration process. The case evidences a conflict between post-Communist nation-building and the institutional limitations brought about by EU membership. Simply put, the idea of national sovereignty on the one hand and European integration on the other offer environmental NGOs distinctive, often conflicting, models of appropriate political action. The models of action created by the institutional framework of the EU are not easily compatible with the norms typical of a newly independent state. This identity political conflict is especially pronounced whenever national and European norms are placed in direct opposition with each other. However, it should be noted that the national and European levels of politics cannot be completely distinguished from each other. It is interesting to notice how models of action drawn from the EU system often form the very basis of national or local political action. Therefore it can be stated that the separation between European and national models of appropriate action is not always feasible. It is possible to approach most political questions, including the encounter of Lithuanian environmental NGOs and the EU, from an institutional perspective. The theoretical framework of the study is based on new institutionalism , and the notion of logic of appropriateness is central to the study ­ political institutions are analysed as collections of norms that define the rules of appropriate political action in different situations. In essence, politics is about appropriate action. The research seeks to explain the logic of appropriateness being followed by Lithuanian environmental NGOs. The research problem is approached through a set of questions: (1) How does the colourful history of the Lithuanian environmental movement affect the political characteristics of today s environmental NGOs? (2) What does the specific case of Ignalina tell us about the institutional contexts in which the Lithuanian environmental NGOs operate? (3) How to define the relationship between Lithuanian environmental NGOs and the politics of national sovereignty? (4) What is the relevance of the institutional framework of the EU to Lithuanian environmental NGOs? The study suggests that the rules of appropriateness change depending on the political context. At the same time, the conflicts produced by differing, overlapping institutional environments are reflected in the inner dynamics of political actors, resulting to indecisiveness and confusion. Since political action is first and foremost directed by the logic of appropriateness, the interpretations of political contexts are of central relevance. Therefore it is possible that a single object, such as a nuclear power plant, can be given a variety of interpretations in the realm of identity politics. The case of Ignalina evidences that symbolism and interpretation form the core of political life.

The literature highlights how climate change might challenge the definitions of wine geographical indications (GIs) in Europe. The central issue addressed in this thesis is whether European GI viticultural systems could tackle climate change via initiating adaptive institutional change processes to relax the constraints imposed by GI production standards. To do so, drawing from institutional economics theory and literature on cooperatives and collective brand, we developed a novel agent-based model (ABM) representing an abstract GI wine production system in the European Union (EU). Using illustrative data, our model allows testing different impact scenarios driven by climate change, spatial heterogeneity, and alternative institutional settings (i.e., voting mechanism). We used the model to explore individual and collective components of climate resilience and the relationship between economic agents and their environment. We compared the average output of 100 simulations for each of the 12 different climate-landscape-institution scenarios. The inclusion of endogenous institutional change led to considerable variations in all target variables, including the emergence of complex/chaotic behaviours. It enabled the system to reduce farm exits, increase profitability and collective brand value. We showed how landscape heterogeneity has a twofold role in the climate resilience of the system. It increases individual adaptability but obstructs collective adaptive capacity through institutional change. The two different voting mechanisms considered (i.e., relative and absolute majority) did not produce any discernible result. The study highlights the importance of policies oriented to strengthening investments in intangibles and facilitating GI rule amendments, especially in sectors where cooperatives predominate due to poor intangible investments capability and other issues connected to member heterogeneity.

A reply to Marie Demker on Swedish, European and international political science arguing that while Demker's analysis points towards potential real problems, these issues are not as pronounced as one might believe. It is problematic and innovation threatening that theories and models in political science are driven by social scientists in the United States. However, it is not true that Sweden in this case would merely become a case study; instead Swedish political scientists are experts in the political relations of Sweden and this information can directly benefit the political scientists in other countries and thus advancing the science. While English is clearly the linuga franca of our time, Swedish is still the most popular dissertation language and Sweden is by far the most common research subject in Sweden. L. Pitkaniemi

The thesis has two purposes. The first is to understand the organizational forms of the public administration when it participates in international rule making processes. The second purpose investigates democratic implications of internationalization of the Swedish state administration. A theoretical framework, combining theories of governance with ideas on resource dependence and a neo-institutional approach, is applied to three empirical cases. The cases follow decision making processes within the European Employment Strategy, The Kyoto Protocol for reduction of green house gasses and negotiations on trade facilitation within the WTO. The studied processes can be described as complex and fragmented, containing multiple types of actors and parallel arenas, complex technical material and bureaucratic processes. They were also characterised by the fact that policy was created throughout the course of the processes. They also seemed to lack an ending and were to a high degree bound by their history. The administrations' response resulted in an organisational form that is theoretically developed in the study – enclaves. Enclaves contain members from different organizations, both private and state organizations and the work within them is carried out in an informal and interactive way. They are de-coupled units with stable membership that is related to positions in the hierarchy. As opposed to networks, enclaves are not self-organizing but the membership is mainly controlled by state-actors. The second aim of the study is carried out through a number of indicators derived from the deliberative and the representative models of democracy. The blurring of responsibilities, the lack of transparency and the barriers for entrance into the enclaves made the organisational forms of the administration seem problematic in relation to the representative model. However other features of the enclaves seemed to support a more communicative logic of action, leaving the deliberative model more promising as a way of understanding the administrations' work as democratically legitimate. Still, the analysis showed that the deliberative model also faced some challenges in terms of lack of openness and inclusion of all relevant stake holders.

Large emissions of greenhouse gases are expected to cause major environmental problems in the future. European policy makers have therefore declared that they aim to implement cost-efficient and fair policies to reduce carbon emissions. The purpose of this paper is to assess whether the cost of the EU policies for 2020 can be reduced through the inclusion of carbon sequestration as and abatement option while also equity is improved. The assessment is done by numerical calculations using a chance-constrained partial equilibrium model of the EU Emissions Trading Scheme and national effort-sharing targets, where forest sequestration is introduced as an uncertain abatement option. Fairness is evaluated by calculation of Gini-coefficients for six equity criteria to policy outcomes. The estimated Gini-coefficients range between 0.11 and 0.32 for the current policy, between 0.16 and 0.66 if sequestration is included and treated as certain, and between 0.19 and 0.38 when uncertainty about sequestration is taken into account and policy-makers wish to meet targets with at least 90 percent probability. The results show that fairness is reduced when sequestration is included and that the impact is larger when sequestration is treated as certain.

With the industrial revolution, the human utilization of the forest took a new turn as wood became a commercial product (Östlund & Zackrisson 2000). Since then, economical considerations have pervaded the public perspective on forest and forestry. However, the awareness of the need for sustainability in the use of the forest resource has also grown, and during the last decades other values have entered the discussion and the practice of forestry. Today, sustainable forest management (SFM) where economical, ecological and social values are all satisfied, is a core element in the development of acceptable forest management practices. Public participation is strongly related to SFM. In some industrialized countries, e.g. Canada, demands for participation in natural resource management have subsequently been incorporated into the legislation (Chambers and Beckley 2003), but in most countries there is no legal demand for participation. In Sweden for example, the only demand for participation in the Forestry Act is consultation before clear cutting in certain areas of reindeer herding. Forest certification, which is now covering extensive areas in several countries, plays an interesting role in the promotion of SFM. However, its main purpose is not public participation and the integration of social values into forestry (Angelstam et al. 2004). Internationally, there is the Aarhus Convention on Access to Information, Public Participation in Decision Making and Access to Justice in Environmental Matters. This convention has been ratified by Sweden amongst other countries, but it is difficult to make a strict interpretation of it. New approaches and methods are obviously needed in forest management planning to incorporate forest values other than timber production and to help solve conflicts of interest. There have been some attempts made by different types of projects. The Canadian Model Forest concept promotes participation in the work for SFM, and has been tried out in Sweden in the Vilhelmina Model Forest project (Svensson et al. 2004). Some of the LIFE projects sponsored by the European Union are also applications of participation with SFM as the objective; the project "Local Participation in Sustainable Forest Management based on Landscape Analysis" is a Swedish example of a LIFE project sponsored by the European Union (http://www.svo.se/minskog/templates/svo_se_vanlig.asp?id=8001, 2007-01-12). A potentially powerful tool in the work for sustainable forest management (SFM) and participation is multiple criteria decision analysis (MCDA), an approach which can make it possible to handle complex decision situations involving conflicting interests and several stakeholders. The purpose of this paper is to clarify concepts related to participation and present methods that are applicable in participatory planning. More specifically the following questions will be dealt with: • What is meant by participation? What methods and techniques are available to participatory planning processes? • What is MCDA and what phases do this approach require? In order to illuminate the state of art of participatory planning in forestry, an analysis of a number of case studies is presented.

Few studies have previously investigated how poor animal welfare might be associated with infection of zoonotic pathogens in humans. This paper assesses the predictive value of the presence of Campylobacter spp. in broiler chicken flocks when animal-based measures related to footpad dermatitis, hock burns, body lesions and arthritis are identified under commercial conditions (high density). The study population included 32 flocks analysed on farm and at slaughter, slaughtered between April and August 2008 in six different slaughter plants in Brittany, France. Welfare and health indicators are those indicated by the European legislation and sampling was carried out in the framework of the European baseline survey on the prevalence of Campylobacter in broiler chicken. Caecal contents, sampled both on farm and at slaughter, and carcass skin samples from the neck and breast at slaughter, were investigated for the presence of Campylobacter spp. Logistic models/classification trees were used to estimate the probability of the presence (or absence) of a specific foodbome pathogen in a flock based on specific animal-based measures (or combinations of measures) in order to study the potential relationship between welfare indicators and foodbome pathogen prevalence/incidence levels. On farm, flocks with more than 25% animals with severe lesions on between 25 and 50% of the footpad are predicted to be Campylobacter-positive whereas flocks where less than 13 individuals have arthritis are predicted to be Campylobacter-negative. The error rate on farm and at slaughter was 10 and 4% respectively indicating good predicting abilities. A poor welfare environment may result in stress, which reduces chicken immunocompetence making them more susceptible to Campylobacter spp. An infection with Campylobacter spp may lead to impaired defence and susceptibility to other pathogens which may result in greater intestinal excretion. Poor welfare and high growing rate lead to digestive troubles that lead to litter humidity. Litter humidity that, among other things, causes footpad dermatitis may also influence the horizontal transmission of the Campylobacter spp. infection due to the normal coprophagic behaviour of poultry. Reducing welfare problems by a better management of rearing conditions would not only improve broiler welfare, but it would also decrease the risks of Campylobacter contamination, of carcass condemnations and of economic loss for the poultry industry.