Suchergebnisse

Масштабные события мирового значения, имевшие место после завершения Второй мировой войны и победы человечества над фашизмом, кардинально изменили существующий миропорядок. Эти перемены коснулись не только политической карты мира, но и общего климата планеты, обусловленного созданием и последующим развитием новой универсальной платформы международного сотрудничества государств Организации Объединенных Наций, которая не только занимает центральное место в системе межгосударственных организаций, но и играет исключительную роль в современном международно-политическом развитии. В свете последних событий обострения существующих и возникновения новых международных конфликтов, угрозы международного терроризма в лице «Аль-Каиды» и «Исламского государства», массового и грубого нарушения прав человека в результате деятельности последних как никогда ранее актуализируется вопрос усовершенствования деятельности ООН и ее адаптации к серьезному изменению международно-политического ландшафта. Перед Организацией встают дополнительные задачи, для решения которых требуется совершенствование существующих, более того создание новых механизмов функционирования. Назрел вопрос реформирования ООН. Разговор о назревшей необходимости перемен в ООН ведется уже давно, но в начале нового тысячелетия эта тема стала особенна актуальна. Очевидно, что в нынешней, весьма сложной международной обстановке основной фокус внимания в этом процессе должен быть сосредоточен на реформировании Совета Безопасности ООН как главного органа, ответственного за поддержание международного мира и безопасности. В статье рассматриваются возможные модели усовершенствования деятельности органа, а именно расширение его членского состава, проблематика рабочих методов, включая использование института права вето, а также анализируются позиции государств членов Организации по вопросу реформы Совета Безопасности ООН. В заключении особо отмечается безальтернативность решения имеющихся проблем с помощью многосторонней дипломатии и особая роль ООН в этом процессе как уникальной международной площадки сотрудничества государств мирового сообщества. ; The scale of globally significant events that took place after the Second World War and the victory over fascism, have radically changed the existing world order. These changes have affected not only the political map of the world, but also the general climate of the planet conditioned by the creation and subsequent development of a new universal platform for international cooperation of states the United Nations, which is not only takes central place in the system of interstate organizations, but also plays an exceptional role in today's international political development. In light of recent events the aggravation of existing and emerging international conflicts, the threat of international terrorism through "Al-Qaeda" and "Islamic State," the large-scale and flagrant violations of human rights as a result of the activities of the latter the issue of improvement of the UN and its adapting to severe changes in the international political landscape has become urgent. Additional tasks appear in front of the Organization. Still, in order to be solved, these tasks require some improvements of operational mechanisms and even creation of new ones. The question of reforming the organization has arisen. There have been a discussion on the urgent need for changes within the Organization, but at the beginning of the new millennium, the issue has become particularly relevant. It is obvious that in the current, very complex international environment the main focus of attention in this process should be on reforming the UN Security Council as the principal organ responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security. The article discusses possible models for improving Organization's activities, namely, the expansion of its membership, the problems of working methods, including the use of the institute of veto power, as well as the analysis of the position of member states on the issue of UN Security Council reform. In conclusion, the author highlights the lack of alternative solutions to existing problems through multilateral diplomacy and the special role of the UN in this process as a unique international platform for cooperation of the international community of states.

The article investigates the problem of the origin and development of manifestations of nihilizm in mass society. The phenomenon of nihilism is seen as a pattern of development of mass society. The aim of the article is to study social and political manifestations of nihilism as inherent parts of mass society. The phenomenon of political nihilism is analyzed as a social phenomenon that is naturally associated with the emergence and the subsequent development of mass society. Socio-political manifestations of nihilism are considered in the context of both the conservative and liberal-democratic critics of mass society. A thorough analysis of theories of mass society, the emergence of which is associated with the revolutionary transformations in Europe and America is described. Common to theories of mass society is the recognition of the main components of the social structure of mass society of elite and the masses. At the same time representatives of aristocratic critics emphasize the decline of elites and representatives of the democratic critics investigate inert mass. However all theorists believe that the instability of society causes a break of relations between elites and masses. Thus for all researchers of mass society the issue of elite presence is essencial. Mass society is atomized society objectively and subjectively it is alienated population. People are subjected to mobilize by the elite when they lack independent civil life or completely devoid of it. Right radical movement (fascism, national socialism) as a manifestation of political nihilism in mass society is also analyzed in detail. The main conclusion of the article is that only the preservation of essencial values and rights (especially freedom as a value) can prevent expansion of the manifestations of nihilism. ; Статья посвящена исследованию проблеме возникновения и развития основных проявлений нигилизма в массовом обществе. Целью статьи является исследование социально-политических форм нигилизма как неотъемлемых атрибутов массового общества. Феномен политического нигилизма анализируется как общественное явление, которое закономерно возникает и развивается в недрах массового общества. Социально-политические проявления нигилизма рассматриваются в контексте как консервативной, так и либерально-демократической критики массового общества. В статье произведен тщательный анализ теорий массового общества, возникновение которого связано с революционными преобразованиями в Европе и Америке. Общим для теорий массового общества является признание главными элементами социальной структуры массового общества – элиты и массы. При этом представители аристократической критики уделяют внимание вопроса упадка элит, а представители демократической критики изучают инертную массу. Массовое общество объективно является атомизированным обществом, субъективно представляет собою отчужденное общество граждан. Также подробно проанализировано праворадикальное движение (фашизм, национал-социализм) как одно из проявлений политического нигилизма в массовом обществе. Главным выводом статьи является утверждение, что только при условии сохранения критически важных ценностей и прав человека (особенно свободы как ценности) можно предотвратить дальнейшее распространением нигилизма. ; Статтю присвячено дослідженню проблеми виникнення і розвитку проявів нігілізму у масовому суспільстві. Метою статті є дослідження соціально-політичних проявів нігілізму як невід'ємних атрибутів масового суспільства. Феномен політичного нігілізму проаналізовано як суспільне явище, яке закономірно пов'язане з появою і подальшим становленням масового суспільства. Соціально-політичні прояви нігілізму розглянуто в контексті як консервативної, так і ліберально-демократичної критики масового суспільства. Проведено ґрунтовний аналіз теорій масового суспільства, виникнення якого пов'язане з революційними перетвореннями в Європі і Америці. Спільним для теорій масового суспільства є визнання головними складовими соціальної структури масового суспільства еліти та маси. Водночас представники аристократичної критики наголошують на занепаді еліт, а представники демократичної критики вивчають інертну масу. Масове суспільство об'єктивно є атомізованим суспільством, а суб'єктивно являє собою відчужене населення. Також докладно проаналізований праворадикальний рух (фашизм, націонал-соціалізм) як один із проявів політичного нігілізму у масовому суспільстві. Головний висновок статті полягає в тому, що лише збереження критично важливих цінностей і прав людини (особливо свободи як цінності) може запобігти розширенню проявів нігілізму.

Статья посвящена военной биографии Оки Ивановича Городовикова донского калмыка-казака, который в течение 43 лет прослужил Родине в званиях от рядового до генерал-полковника, был удостоен звания Героя Советского Союза, награжден 11 орденами. Активно привлекая новые материалы (в том числе архивные), автор воссоздает и во многом уточняет военную биографию известного военачальника, разоблачает ряд не исторических мифов о нем, появившихся в последние годы. ; The article is devoted to the military biography of Oka Ivanovich Gorodovikov (October 1, 1879 February 26, 1960) Don Kalmyk-Cossack who started his military service as an ordinary Cossack in the Russian Imperial Army in 1903 and finished it in the rank of the Colonel-General of the Soviet Army in 1947. Forty three years of service to the Motherland included his participation in the First World War, the Civil War and the Great Patriotic War. For his merits Oka Ivanovich Gorodovikov was awarded the title of the Hero of the Soviet Union, was decorated with ten orders, Cross of St. George, ten medals, one foreign country order. Actively involving the new materials (including archival ones), the author describes and elaborates the military biography of the famous military leader and refutes some ahistorical myths which have appeared recently. Oka Ivanovich Gorodovikov was born in 1879 in the homestead of Mokraya Elmuta of Platovskaya (Iki-Burul) stanitsa of Sal'ski district. He was first drafted to the Army in 1903, then he served in the 9 th Don Cossack Regiment to the position of the Senior Sergeant. In 1915, he joined the First World War, was wounded and awarded with Cross of St. George and medals. At the beginning of the Civil War he organized the self-defense group in his native village. The article attentively analyses Gorodovikov's service in the White Army. Since spring of 1918 he served in Platovski group, then in the 1 st Peasantry punitive cavalry regiment, the 1 st Don cavalry brigade, the 1 st Don (since March 1919 the 4 th) cavalry division. He subsequently took the positions of the platoon's leader and the squadron's commander, then he became the executive commander of the 2 nd (later the 20 th Sal'ski) cavalry regiment, the commander of the Joint brigade of the 4 th Cavalry division, later of the 19 th Manych cavalry regiment of the 4 th cavalry division. In May 1919, he substituted S.M. Budennyi in the position of the commander of the celebrated 4 th Cavalry division which fought in the battle fields starting with Tsaritsyn till Voronezh, then till Rostov and Novorossiisk, took part in suppressing F.K. Mironov's revolt, in Voronezh-Kastornensk battles, in Donbass, Rostov-Novocherkassk, Don-Manych and other military operations. He was awarded the Order of the Red Banner, the first among the Kalmyks. In summer 1920, O.I. Gorodovikov formed the 2 nd Cavalry Army made of the remainders of the Joint cavalry corps, together with which he participated in two raids to the enemy's rear. Later he returned to the 1 st Cavalry Army Between the wars, he went the way from the Cavalry division commander to the inspector (in fact, the commander) of the Red Army Cavalry. When the Great Patriotic War started, he worked actively on organizing new cavalry divisions and corps, visited the front many times as the delegate of the Headquarters of the State Committee of Defense. There is Oka Ivanovich Gorodovikov's merit as well in the praiseworthy contribution of the Soviet cavalry made to the Victory over Fascism. In 1947, 67-year-old Colonel-General O.I. Gorodovikov retired.

Considerato che in epoca fascista è possibile rintracciare una pletora di elementi orientalistici di gusto differente e di valore assai vario e che fra questi è possibile selezionare alcuni vettori di ricerca e di rappresentazione delle culture orientali, che hanno permesso comunque il costituirsi di approcci scientifici e istituzionali rigorosi, sarà forse bene parlare per quel periodo di «Orientalismi» al plurale. Tale prospettiva rinvia per contesto alle plurime rappresentazioni dell'«Oriente» nella cultura italiana della prima metà del Novecento. Un'autentica "età dei padri" dell'orientalistica nazionale incarnata nell'opera di studiosi come Leone Caetani, Francesco Gabrieli, Carlo Formichi, Giuseppe Tucci; dall'altro, insieme, di suggestive appropriazioni filosofiche e di declinazioni geoculturali degli spazi orientali che aprono su un versante ancora poco esplorato, rispetto al quale si possono immaginare almeno tre direzioni principali di indagine: lo sviluppo scientifico e istituzionale degli studi orientalistici nella cultura accademica italiana; la ricezione e la ritrascrizione di elementi linguistici e di pensiero orientali nella cultura filosofica nazionale; infine, le articolazioni ideologiche degli spazi orientali nella storiografia politica. In particolare, alcuni nodi ci sembrano fondamentali: anzitutto la vicenda della fondazione dell'IsMEO, luogo istituzionale e politico di una koiné culturale che seppe riservarsi ampi margini di autonomia nella produzione e nell'organizzazione di un sapere certamente pionieristico negli studi orientali, la sua storia politico-istituzionale, il senso e la portata dei suoi progetti editoriali, compreso il supporto alle missioni scientifiche e alla costituzione di uno straordinario patrimonio di reperti archeologici, di fondi manoscritti, di fonti iconografiche. In secondo luogo, i ruoli rivestiti da diversi orientalisti nelle relazioni diplomatiche e nella politica estera del fascismo, delle funzioni diplomatiche svolte, anche attraverso vie carsiche, dagli orientalisti italiani all'interno della «politica orientale » fascista. Sullo sfondo, la figura centrale e attivissima, sul piano organizzativo come su quello scientifico, di Giuseppe Tucci.As far as Fascist age is concerned it is probably correct to refer to "Orientalisms", according to multiple representations of "East" in Italian culture in the first half of the twentieth century. In fact, it is possible to find out a great amount of Oriental elements of different tastes and various value in that period and among them it is possible to select some research vectors and modes of representation of Oriental cultures that allowed the establishment of scientific approaches and of rigorous institutional studies perspective. It was a true "age of the fathers" of national Orientalism, scholars such as Leone Caetani, Francesco Gabrieli, Carlo Formichi, Giuseppe Tucci. Moreover, it is possible to find out suggestive ideological perspectives and philosophical facets of geo-cultural spaces that open the eastern studies to an unexplored side, against which we can imagine at least three main directions of investigation: the scientific and institutional culture of academic Oriental studies in Italian, receiving and re-registration of linguistic elements of thought and philosophical culture in the Eastern National, and finally, joints ideological spaces in East political historiography. In particular, some points seem fundamental. First of all the story of the founding Is- MEO, which meant institutional and political rise of a cultural koiné that was able to reserve a large margin of autonomy in production and organization of knowledge and pioneering studies of the East. IsMEO's political-institutional history meant publishing projects, including support to scientific missions and the establishment of an extraordinary wealth of archaeological finds of manuscripts, of iconographic sources. The other important point is the roles played by the various Orientalists in diplomatic relations and in the foreign policy of fascism. They carried out diplomatic functions, including subterranean political paths directing to Eastern policy. In the background one can observe the central and leading personality of Giuseppe Tucci, who was very active in organizing and planning scientific studies.

Collective guilt, i.e. ascertaining 'guilt' to large social groups, whether they may belong to religious, ethnic, class, or simply 'dangerously different' collectives, has been present in all environments, but, some nation states have developed it as a tradition. The first phases of this phenomenon existed since pre-Christian times on the basis of religious schisms. This may be considered from the aspect of the development of the civilization as a specific way of building ethnic and especially religious identities based upon a drastic form of distinction as well. Since those earlier days the natural basis of thinking and determination of guilt was the guilt of resistance and of being different, even present today. Added to this structure of collective guilt is the domination of the winner over the defeated, common for all environments and all outcomes of war. The general domination of Christianity in Europe and frequency of religious schisms intensified the aspect of sin and need for atonement, thence the Jews became the first collective sinners in Europe. In time, the accent of collective guilt became more secular and of this world. Punishment for religious differences more and more grew into punishment for exclusivity and of not fitting within the concepts of the social establishment - especially for resisting those dominating the society. Ideology ever more substituted religion for political interests as a reason for ascertaining collective guilt. This was especially affected by the state of absolute political domination of one political power. Therefore the next great guilt was the guilt of class. Following the October Revolution all those who somehow belonged to the bourgeoisie, even children, were considered guilty. The collective guilt of the Germans was a mixture of the guilt of the defeated and the guilt formed by the dominant ideological circles of liberalism and socialism over fascism. Their guilt was then expressed as the guilt of 'threatening harmony' which was mapped out by both winning sides. Collective punishments ranging from excommunication and eviction to extermination. Proofs of guilt and innocence are unnecessary. The strong trust themselves and judge. Modern America (USA) like Europe suffers from an exaggerated aestheticism of politics. It is in that context that the tradition of collective guilt is developing a new dimension. The position of total superiority is possible even without totalitarism. In order to be bad, it is enough to be a collector of unfavorable qualities. The Serbs are such an example. First of all, they negatively provoked by their behavior the modern conception of European harmony imposed by the dominating powers and thereby directly threatened these interests. The religious difference of the Serbs was not in itself sufficient, so they were forced to accept the status of losers in a war which in fact they militarily survived if not won. As in the ancient inquisition, or not so long ago in the days of fascist and Stalinist totalitarianism, they were openly satanized as a collective. The practice of isolation by the powerful was once again repeated. The guilty are also required to degrade themselves obediently thereby acknowledging and giving legitimacy to the violence committed upon them. Transfer of guilt is also present. Old sinners are always active in pursuit of new ones, as they believe that it washes away their guilt and leads towards distribution onto other subjects. Today as before, no distinctions are made in collect guilt thereby compromising and destroying the innocent as well which is evidence that this ritual still survives in Europe.

Im Jahr 1923 veröffentlichte der altösterreichische Graf Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi das Buch "Paneuropa", es wurde in fast alle Weltsprachen übersetzt und die gleichnamige Bewegung sollte alsbald das Synonym für sämtliche Europa-Vereinigungsbestrebungen in der Zwischenkriegszeit und darüber hinaus werden. Coudenhove sah in Paneuropa einen Weg, um einem weiteren Weltkrieg, der ideologischen Bedrohung durch die bolschewistische Sowjetunion und der großen amerikanischen Wirtschaftskonkurrenz entgegen zu treten. Ab 1925 entstanden in fast allen europäischen Hauptstädten sog. Paneuropa-Unionen, das Zentralbüro befand sich in der Wiener Hofburg. Paneuropa wurde nie eine Massenbewegung, Coudenhove, mit dem die Bewegung stieg und fiel, blieb auf der elitären Ebene der Politiker, Wirtschaftsfachmänner und Intellektuellen. Es war sein Verdienst, die europäischen Regierungen erstmals mit der Europafrage konfrontiert zu haben, wenngleich die damaligen Politiker nicht in der Lage waren, die Vereinigung des europäischen Kontinents zu bewerkstelligen. Zu stark waren die Staaten an ihre eigene Nation gefesselt sowie am Unvermögen, Souveränität in Teilbereichen aufzugeben und mit der Demokratie umzugehen. In dieser Arbeit wird unter erstmaliger Berücksichtigung des Moskauer Archivbestandes (Beuteakten aus dem Zweiten Weltkrieg) eine gesamtheitliche Darstellung der Paneuropa-Bewegung in der Zwischenkriegszeit geboten. Zunächst wird der Gründer der Paneuropa-Bewegung biografisch dargestellt; unmittelbar vor dem chronologischen Abriss der Paneuropa-Bewegung erfolgt die Analyse des Paneuropa-Programms und dessen Anpassung an die damaligen politischen Verhältnisse; die Erörterung organisatorischer Fragen wie bspw. die Finanzierung und propagandistischer Themen ergänzen diesen Schwerpunkt. Im Anschluss wird Paneuropa, in die europäische aber auch österreichische Politik der damaligen Zeit eingebunden, dargestellt; Schließlich erfolgt die Darstellung des Versuches ab 1933, Paneuropa wirtschaftlich bzw. gegen Ende der Bewegung kulturell zu vereinigen (Rettung des Abendlandes). Der Längsschnittdarstellung folgt die Querschnittdarstellung, nämlich über den Umgang Paneuropas bzw. Coudenhoves mit den Ideologien und geistigen Strömungen der damaligen Zeit. Im Vergleich zwischen Paneuropa und Europäischer Union findet man einige Parallelen, sodass man - - mit Einschränkungen - durchaus Paneuropa als Avantgarde für die Europäische Union bezeichnen kann. ; In 1923 Count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi, offspring of an aristocratic family in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, published the book Paneuropa which was soon translated into almost all important languages of the world. A movement was launched under the same name and soon became the synonym for all efforts concerning the creation of a united Europe in the interwar period and even beyond. The Count was convinced of the necessity to create Paneurope the main reasons being the danger of a second world war, Bolshevist Russia and the economic power of the United States of America. Since 1925 Paneurope Unions were founded in nearly every European capital; the headquarter were Vienna (Hofburg). But the movement failed in mobilizing the masses. Coudenhove who was the embodiment of Paneurope was only in contact with statesmen, industrial leaders and intellectuals. His great merit was the confrontation of European governments with the idea of a united Europe, the rising of European question. Despite of all his efforts European politicians were not able to realize the importance of "United States of Europe" in those days. Nationalism was too strong and there seemed to be no willingness to give up parts of the own sovereignity and to develop a better understanding for democracy. The study presents a comprehensive view of the Paneuropean Movement during the interwar period including records of the Moskow Archive (captured material). It opens with a biographical sketch followed by the political program and how it was adapted to the political situation of those days; other main items are fund raising, financial organisation and propaganda. Also, there is an analysis of Paneurope in interaction with contemporary Austrian and European policies. Another chapter is dedicated to the ideas to unite Europe economically (since 1933) or on a cultural basis (saving the Abendland). The longitudinal views are completed by sectional views which focussed on the way how Coudenhove and his Paneurope Movement dealt with ideologies and mental streams of these days; They fought Bolshevism and since 1933 against National Socialism; they sympathized with Italian Fascism; Paneurope was anti-democratic and aristocratic. Some of the aims were revolutionary but many people regarded them as utopian. In comparison with the European Union there are certain parallels between European Union and Paneurope. Today we can see Paneurope - with restrictions - as an avant-garde of the European Union.

La hegemonía neoliberal de las últimas décadas ha traído aparejadas inmensas transformaciones económicas, políticas y sociales. El relativo equilibrio que se estableció en las sociedades occidentales de posguerra en la dialéctica entre ciudadanía, subjetividad y emancipación social comenzó a transformarse drásticamente a partir de los años ochenta (Santos 2000). La reorganización del sistema capitalista que surge de este periodo se ha concretado socialmente, en el incremento de la vulnerabilidad social y en el crecimiento de las desigualdades sociales, dando lugar a la emergencia de la llamada 'nueva cuestión social' (Robert Castel 1977). El territorio de la globalización, nombre que toma la etapa actual del capitalismo (Etxezarreta 2001), es un espacio de des-regularización y privatización totalizante. Un espacio de precarización de la condición laboral, pero también de precarización de otras dimensiones de la condición ciudadana (Alonso 2000): desde la reducción de los mecanismos de la participación política a su simple simulacro formal, hasta la trivivialización autista de las subjetividades e identidades transformadoras (Benjamín 1997). La confluencia de estas dimensiones apuntan hacia un nuevo totalitarismo social, laboral, cultural y político; una deriva hacia lo que Boaventura de Sousa Santos (1999) ha definido como un un 'nuevo fascismo societal'. El planteamiento que aquí se sigue sostiene que entender las nuevas formas de desigualdad que comporta esta etapa de globalización exige, necesariamente, analizar la producción neoliberal de la subjetividad humana desde sus contextos socio-históricos. Situándose en una perspectiva crítica, y desde el espacio que abre la intersección entre teoría social y teoría psicoanalítica (Castoriadis, Elliott, Guattari), analiza como la producción de la subjetividad en el neoliberalismo reduce a los actores sociales a individuos, para apuntar, por último, algunas reflexiones sobre las posibilidades de un imaginario con capacidad de transformación social. The neoliberal hegemony of the last few decades has brought with it immense economic, political and social transformation. The relative balance that had been established in western postwar societies in the dialectics between citizenship, subjectivity and social emancipation began to drastically change as of the early 1980s. (Santos 2000). The reorganisation of the capitalist system arising from this period has gelled, in social terms, in the increase of social vulnerability and social inequalities, and this has given rise to the emergence of the so-called 'new social question' (Robert Castel 1977). The territory of globalisation, the name that the current phase of capitalism has taken on (Etxezarreta 2001), is a totalising area of deregulation and privatisation. It is an area in which labour conditions become precarious along with other dimensions of citizens' condition as well (Alonso 2000) including the reduction of political participation mechanisms to mere formal simulation and the autistic trivialisation of subjectivities and transforming identities (Benjamín 1997). The convergence of these dimensions points towards a new social, cultural, political and labour totalitarianism; a derivation towards what Boaventura de Sousa Santos (1999) defined as 'new society fascism'. The thesis put forward in this article sustains that understanding new forms of inequality intrinsic in the present era of globalization requires an analysis of the neoliberal generation of human subjectivity from social and historical contexts. From a critical standpoint at the intersection between social and psychoanalytical theories (Castoriadis, Elliott, Guattari), this article analyses how the generation of subjectivity in neoliberalism reduces social players to individuals. Lastly, the article notes some reflections on the possibilities of an ideal able to bring about social transformation.

The neoliberal hegemony of the last few decades has brought with it immense economic, political and social transformation. The relative balance that had been established in western postwar societies in the dialectics between citizenship, subjectivity and social emancipation began to drastically change as of the early 1980s. (Santos 2000). The reorganisation of the capitalist system arising from this period has gelled, in social terms, in the increase of social vulnerability and social inequalities, and this has given rise to the emergence of the so-called 'new social question' (Robert Castel 1977). The territory of globalisation, the name that the current phase of capitalism has taken on (Etxezarreta 2001), is a totalising area of deregulation and privatisation. It is an area in which labour conditions become precarious along with other dimensions of citizens' condition as well (Alonso 2000) including the reduction of political participation mechanisms to mere formal simulation and the autistic trivialisation of subjectivities and transforming identities (Benjamín 1997). The convergence of these dimensions points towards a new social, cultural, political and labour totalitarianism; a derivation towards what Boaventura de Sousa Santos (1999) defined as 'new society fascism'. The thesis put forward in this article sustains that understanding new forms of inequality intrinsic in the present era of globalization requires an analysis of the neoliberal generation of human subjectivity from social and historical contexts. From a critical standpoint at the intersection between social and psychoanalytical theories (Castoriadis, Elliott, Guattari), this article analyses how the generation of subjectivity in neoliberalism reduces social players to individuals. Lastly, the article notes some reflections on the possibilities of an ideal able to bring about social transformation. ; La hegemonía neoliberal de las últimas décadas ha traído aparejadas inmensas transformaciones económicas, políticas y sociales. El relativo equilibrio que se estableció en las sociedades occidentales de posguerra en la dialéctica entre ciudadanía, subjetividad y emancipación social comenzó a transformarse drásticamente a partir de los años ochenta (Santos 2000). La reorganización del sistema capitalista que surge de este periodo se ha concretado socialmente, en el incremento de la vulnerabilidad social y en el crecimiento de las desigualdades sociales, dando lugar a la emergencia de la llamada 'nueva cuestión social' (Robert Castel 1977). El territorio de la globalización, nombre que toma la etapa actual del capitalismo (Etxezarreta 2001), es un espacio de des-regularización y privatización totalizante. Un espacio de precarización de la condición laboral, pero también de precarización de otras dimensiones de la condición ciudadana (Alonso 2000): desde la reducción de los mecanismos de la participación política a su simple simulacro formal, hasta la trivivialización autista de las subjetividades e identidades transformadoras (Benjamín 1997). La confluencia de estas dimensiones apuntan hacia un nuevo totalitarismo social, laboral, cultural y político; una deriva hacia lo que Boaventura de Sousa Santos (1999) ha definido como un un 'nuevo fascismo societal'. El planteamiento que aquí se sigue sostiene que entender las nuevas formas de desigualdad que comporta esta etapa de globalización exige, necesariamente, analizar la producción neoliberal de la subjetividad humana desde sus contextos socio-históricos. Situándose en una perspectiva crítica, y desde el espacio que abre la intersección entre teoría social y teoría psicoanalítica (Castoriadis, Elliott, Guattari), analiza como la producción de la subjetividad en el neoliberalismo reduce a los actores sociales a individuos, para apuntar, por último, algunas reflexiones sobre las posibilidades de un imaginario con capacidad de transformación social.

International audience ; In: Essais sur le discours de l'Europe Éclatée. Revue du Centre d'études slaves contemporaines, Université Stendhal, Grenoble, 1999, N 15, pp. 73-91 L'intérêt idéologique, sociolinguistique (et plus généralement sémiologique) de l'analyse du discours lexicographique a été souligné par plusieurs linguistes; ce discours est reconnu depuis quelques décennies comme un objet d'étude important (Doroszewski 1970: chap.XI, Dubois & Dubois 1971, D'Oria 1988, Colinot, Mazière 1997). Le dictionnaire est un texte en fonctionnement social. C'est un actant sociologique qui participe à la structuration politique, qui se fait écho des valeurs et contre-valeurs morales fondatrices, ne serait-ce par ses silences pudibonds ou cette image idéalisée et simplificatrice qu'il donne du monde et de la société. L'intrusion de l'idéologie peut être plus ou moins subtile, plus ou moins maladroite ou plus ou moins brutale selon les types de sociétés et les époques. Dans les dictionnaires français d'aujourd'hui, "on mange toujours bien": le traitement des lexèmes appartenant au champ semantique "se nourrir" donne une certaine image de la société, "rassurante, sans problème, sans faim." (D'Oria 1988: 14) Les dictionnaires soviétiques définissent absenteizm ('abstentionnisme') comme "abstention de la participation au élections qui découle du caractère antidémocratique de la loi électorale" avec la précision "dans les pays capitalistes" (SRJaO 72). Le message, implicite, est là: l'abstentionnisme n'existe pas dans les pays socialistes (où la participation au vote avoisine toujours les 99,99 %); les lois électorales des pays capitalistes sont antidémocratiques. Dans les dictionnaires de la R.D.A., la "censure" (Zensur) était définie comme "examen des publications en vue d'accorder ou de refuser leur présentation au public, examen ordonné par les classes réactionnaires au pouvoir dans le but de maintenir ce pouvoir" (Hausmann 1990: 225). La censure est présentée comme ne pouvant pas exister dans la R.D.A. socialiste. Ce discours est souvent ambivalent au niveau de la réception. Ainsi, la définition citée de l'abstentionnisme laisse entendre que le mot et le concept étaient étrangers à la société soviétique car les élections soviétiques étaient un simulacre (le vote était censé unanime, la participation totale et enthousiaste); la définition de la censure pouvait s'appliquer à la R.D.A. si l'on considère le pouvoir du S.E.P.D. comme réactionnaire. Le dictionnaire est "frappé de l'hypothèque sociale de l'imaginaire langagier", c'est un "prêt à parler" empirique qui "s'émerveille de sa bonne volonté" (Collinot, Mazière 1997). La désincarnation dictionnairique est un leurre. D'un point de vue plus général, les dictionnaires, signes d'une culture avancée, sont aussi des objets culturels, intégrés en tant que tels à cette culture: ils témoignent d'une civilisation. Ainsi, le dictionnaire unilingue (ou dictionnaire de langue) est "le lieu privilégié de référence à la connaissance et au savoir linguistique et culturel" (Dubois & Dubois 1971:8). Le dictionnaire peut être considéré comme étant sous-tendu par les structures idéologiques dominantes d'une époque. L'idéologie présente dans le dictionnaire n'est pas seulement celle du lexicographe mais de la société tout entière, à laquelle le lexicographe appartient. Ainsi, par exemple, la structure politique de la société française du XVII siècle peut être étudiée au travers des dictionnaires de Richelet, Furetière, Académie Française; l'idéologie du fascisme italien transparaît derrière les pratiques lexicographiques italiennes de l'époque de Mussolini (D'Oria 1988: 124). En même temps, le dictionnaire "participe au maintien de cette idéologie en créant les conditions de sa durée puisque, lieu privilégié de référence, il donne des réponses qui ont pour ceux qui le consultent la valeur d'instructions contraignantes" (Dubois & Dubois, Ibid). Des multiples définitions possibles de l'idéologie, nous retenons ici celle qui nous semble adaptée à notre propos: "ensemble de pratiques signifiantes, contradictoires ou non, visant à rendre intelligible ou acceptable le réel" (Sériot 1981: 11).

While a stalemate in the predominantly Tamil North and East of Sri Lanka continues despite Indian intervention on the government's behalf, in the Sinhala South death squads associated with the pseudo People's Liberation Front, the JVP, have been ruthlessly eliminating its opponents. The United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), having created and nurtured popular racism for over thirty years in order to get into power (through a ready-made Sinhalese majority of 70 per cent of the population), * would now like to draw back from the brink of another crippling civil war, this time in the South. But they are unable to do so because the JVP has taken up the Sinhala cause and pushed it to the point of social fascism through assassination and murder. Popular racism based on Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism promoted in the schools and expressed in song, textbook and media served to fuel the anti-Tamil pogroms of 1958, 1977, 1981 and 1983, in which thousands were killed at the hands of street mobs. Some of the most violently anti- Tamil propaganda (deriving inspiration from mythical Sinhalese history) has emanated from the present government. Colonisation of Tamil areas by Sinhalese was justified on the pretext of protecting ancient Buddhist shrines. And it is an open secret that ministers hired their own hit squads in the 1983 pogrom. When, in a bid to end the unwinnable war with the Tamils, the UNP signed the Indo-Lanka Accord in 1987, allowing Indian troops to operate on Sri Lankan soil, it alienated the very Sinhala nationalists it had itself fostered. And it was the JVP which capitalised on the resentment over India's interference in Sri Lanka's internal affairs. Accusing the UNP government (and other supporters of the Accord) of treachery, it enlarged and deepened popular racism into fanatical patriotism. But what has given the JVP terror tactics a hold over the population has been the steady erosion of democratic freedoms, on the one hand, and the self-abasement of the Left, on the other. Both the SLFP and UNP governments have postponed elections to stay in power, but the UNP went further and got itself re-elected en bloc on a phoney referendum to postpone elections. Local elections were never held under the SLFP and whatever elections took place under the UNP have either been rigged and/or carried out under conditions of massive intimidation. In the process, the political literacy that the country once boasted has been lost to the people and, with it, their will to resist. At the same time the collaborationist politics of the Left in the SLFP government of 1970-77 have not only served to decimate its own chances at the polls (it obtained not a single seat in the election of 1977) but also to leave the working-class movement defenceless. So that it was a simple matter for the UNP government to crush the general strike of 1980, imprison its leaders and throw 80, 000 workers permanently out of work. And it has been left to the JVP to pretend to take up the socialist mantle of the Left even as it devotes itself to the racist cause of the Right, and so win the support of the Sinhala-Buddhist people. In the final analysis the choice before the country is that of two terrors: that of the state or that of the JVP. Below we publish an analysis of the situation as at October 1988, put out by the underground Campaign for Social Democracy in the run up to the presidential elections.

Article in English entitled "The Law of the Pendulum. From Radical Impulsiveness to Reactionary Intransigence". It comprises statements by Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles made in San Diego, CA on August 7, 1936 concerning the situation in Mexico and Europe. It includes two translations in Spanish. General Plutarco Elías Calles points out the violence in the world, analyzes right and left positions, dangers of dictatorships and the way events impose an opinion of the article mentioned above. He urges for peace among people and leaders. He analyzes the situation of the Italian fascism with Mussolini, who at least grants work and peace for Italians, but since it is a totalitarian regime, it creates violence. As for Germany, he states that excess and mistakes by socialists and communists led to public opinion to support those who offered order: the Nazis. For PEC, Hitler is the response to intransigence because he has awaken the desire of conservation of the German people. Regarding Spain, he states that fights and divisions keep it in the anarchy and destroy it. In the case of Russia, he considers it is an interesting case for being a country more Asian than European, where it has been established an extralegal and dogmatic regime. This regime has been maintained because people have never lived democratic freedoms. He warns about an imminent conflict in Europe between the two extremist positions that the different nations have taken. And facing this situation, countries in the Americas must take action and not be controlled by the violence. / Artículo en inglés titulado "The Law of the Pendulum. From Radical Impulsiveness to Reactionary Intransigence". Contiene declaraciones del general PEC hechas en San Diego, Cal., el 7 de agosto de 1936, relativas a la situación que prevalece en el país y en Europa; se anexan dos traducciones al español. El general PEC lamenta la violencia que caracteriza al mundo en ese momento y se pregunta "¿hasta cuando?"; analiza las posturas de la derecha y de la izquierda, el peligro de las dictaduras y de cómo los acontecimientos imponen a la opinión la ley del péndulo; del impulsivismo radical de la izquierda a la intransigencia reaccionaria de la derecha y así afirma, la paz no puede lograrse, por lo que urge predicar la serenidad entre los pueblos y sus gobernantes; analiza la situación del fascismo italiano con Mussolini quien por lo menos procura asegurar trabajo y tranquilidad a los italianos, pero al ser un régimen dictatorial engendra violencia. En cuanto a Alemania afirma que los excesos y errores de socialistas y comunistas fueron los que hicieron que la opinión se inclinara por quien ofrecía orden: los nazis. Hitler es la respuesta a la intransigencia, es quien ha despertado el instinto de conservación del pueblo alemán. Respecto a España, se lamenta que esté ensangrentada y destruida por la lucha de facciones, que la tienen sumida en la anarquía. El caso de Rusia le parece muy interesante por tratarse de un pueblo más asiático que Europeo en donde se ha implantado un régimen extralegal, dogmático, que ha podido mantenerse sólo porque ahí nunca se han conocido las libertades democráticas. Previene del peligro inminente de una conflagración en Europa por las posiciones extremistas que las diferentes naciones han adoptado y frente a esta situación los pueblos de América deben responsabilizarse de sus destinos y no dejarse arrastrar por la violencia.

Certificate of withdrawal of four copies of the magazine Today dated on September 19, 1936 and published in Greenwich, CT. The articles are "Calles speaks" by Raymond Moley, "In praise of moderation" by Gen. Calles and "Mexico's Exile" by George W. Lynn. The first article includes a photograph of Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles with the footnote "Calles breaks his silence. Perspective". The article is an interview to Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles in Cuernavaca in 1934. "In praise of moderation" is an essay by Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles in which he writes about the left wing and right wing. He recalls Machiavelli's doctrine and condemns communism and fascism. He also writes about Hitler, Russia, democracy, and Spain. The article "Mexico's Exile" refers to the exile of Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles and describes his life and political career. The author states that Calles will not fight Cárdenas. It includes several photographs of Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles. / Constancia de retiro de cuatro ejemplares completos de la revista Today del 19 de septiembre de 1936, publicada en Greenwich, Conn., E.U.A., dedicada en su mayor parte al general PEC. Los artículos son "Calles speaks", de Raymond Moley; "In praise of moderation", escrito por el mismo general PEC; y "Mexico's Exile", de George W. Lynn. La primera nota está ilustrada con una fotografía del general PEC y subtitulada "Calles breaks his silence, Perspective". Es una entrevista al general PEC. El autor recuerda que se entrevistó con Calles en Cuernavaca en 1934, cuando era el hombre fuerte de México. La nota presenta una perspectiva introductoria para el artículo que el propio general PEC escribe y que se publica en la siguiente página. "In praise of moderation" es un ensayo en el que el general PEC se pregunta en qué extraño mundo está viviendo y hasta cuándo la razón será la que rija la vida de los hombres y establezca la armonía en la sociedad. Afirma que la lucha entre la izquierda y la derecha es cada vez más enconada y que los seres humanos vivimos y que los seres humanos vivimos como rehenes de la Ley del Péndulo, ya que vamos de un radicalismo impulsivo a una intransigencia reaccionaria y que es imposible calmar las fuerzas que nos llevan de uno al otro lado. Analiza las posturas y las conductas de ambas fuerzas que cuando toman el poder gobiernan no para el bienestar del pueblo sino para favorecer sus propios intereses. Recuerda la doctrina de Maquiavelo y dice que es la que siguen los hombres para llegar al poder. Condena al fascismo por ser un régimen que se basa en la fuerza y la opresión, lo mismo opina del comunismo. Analiza las razones por las que el pueblo alemán sigue a Hitler y lo ve como reivindicador de sus derechos y opina que el pueblo ruso se somete al comunismo porque siempre ha sido tiranizado. Considera que la democracia es el único sistema que llevará paz a las naciones y hace un recuento de la situación en España. El artículo titulado "Mexico's exile" presenta al general PEC en el exilio, lo describe físicamente, habla de su vida diaria, sus intereses y su trayectoria revolucionaria, desde que se lanzó a la lucha armada hasta que salió al exilio por órdenes del presidente Cárdenas. El autor afirma que Calles se considera a sí mismo un socialista práctico y asegura que no se levantará en armas contra Cárdenas. La nota se ilustra con varias fotos del general PEC.

From 1967 to 1974, the military junta ruling Greece attempted a dramatic reshaping of the nation, implementing ideas and policies that left a lasting mark on both domestic affairs and international relations. Bringing together leading scholars from a range of disciplines, this book explores the junta's attempts to impose authoritarian rule upon a rapidly modernizing country while navigating a complex international landscape. Focusing both on foreign relations as well as domestic matters such as economics, ideology, religion, culture and education, this book offers a fresh and well-researched study of a key period in modern Greek history.

This book adopts an innovative historical approach to terrorism, focusing on the weaknesses of terrorist states and organizations as reflected in the ideologies, methodologies, and propaganda of Russian populist, National Socialist, and Islamic terrorism