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As Alison Jaggar pointed out, the second wave of feminism was a social and theoretical movement that shifted the analysis from the logics of rights and equality —an intrinsic feature of the first wave— towards those of oppression and liberation. So while the debates on justice were prominent in some of the most influential feminist theoretical discussions of the recent years, power has become a central issue, maybe the issue, of contemporary feminism and therefore a key concept for feminist theories; notwithstanding this concept was present in these theories in a rather more implicit than explicit way since the decade of 1980. The centrality of this concept, as well as the characteristic pluralism of feminism, produces the need to identify the different understandings of power currently in use. This paper suggests a typology of feminist perspectives on power based on reviewing some of the key contributions in this field over the last four decades. Amy Allen's work focusing on the power over and power to categories is the starting (although discussed) point for this task. The resulting typology defines four perspectives of power originated in the second wave (power as resource, domination, freedom and care) and revisited since the decade of 1990 in connection with other debates such as that of the political subject. In the end, this paper aims to clarify the different and often contradictory theoretical strategies of feminism and to show what these ideas can contribute to a critical conceptualization of power. ; Como afirmara Alison Jaggar, la segunda ola del feminismo fue un movimiento social y teórico que desplazó el análisis desde la lógica de los derechos y la igualdad —propias de la primera ola— a la de la opresión y la liberación. Así, si bien los debates sobre la justicia han protagonizado algunos de los intercambios teóricos feministas más influyentes de los últimos años, el poder es una cuestión central, si no la cuestión central, del feminismo contemporáneo y, en consecuencia, un concepto clave para las teorías feministas. Ello a pesar de que, desde la década de 1980, dicho concepto haya estado presente a menudo de forma más implícita que explícita en las mismas. Esa centralidad, así como el pluralismo característico del feminismo, hacen necesaria la identificación de las diferentes concepciones de poder que son utilizadas. Este artículo propone una tipología de las perspectivas feministas del poder mediante la revisión de algunos de los trabajos clave de los últimos cuarenta años en este ámbito. Se hace partiendo de la discusión del trabajo de Amy Allen, centrado en las categorías poder sobre/poder para. La presente ordenación define cuatro perspectivas del poder originarias de la segunda ola (poder como recurso, dominación, libertad y cuidado) que han sido revisadas desde los años noventa, de forma interconectada con otros debates como el del sujeto político. En último término se contribuye a clarificar las distintas y a veces contradictorias estrategias teóricas del feminismo, así como a mostrar la aportación de estas a una conceptualización crítica del poder.

Este artículo recorre las diversas formas en que el trabajo ha sido objeto de análisis en la teoría feminista. Identifica dos enfoques analíticos generales que, si bien comparten la idea de que la devaluación social del trabajo que realizan las mujeres es una característica definitoria de la desigualdad y laopresión que sufren, difieren en sus conceptualizaciones sobre el poder social y, por ende, en sus proyectos políticos para la emancipación de las mujeres. El primero, "feminismo de la igualdad", se centra en la división sexual del trabajo; el segundo, "feminismo de la reproducción social", se central en el trabajo reproductivo como elemento clave para la reproducción continua de la sociedad capitalista. El artículo analiza ambas perspectivas y da los argumentos de por qué el segundo enfoque logra superar las debilidades del primero. ; This article takes a look at the various ways in which labor has been assessed in feminist theory, within which two broad analytic approaches can be discerned. They both identify the societal devaluing of and restrictions on the work women do as defining features of women's inequality and oppression, but they differ in their conceptualizations of social power and, relatedly, in their political projects for women's emancipation. The first one, "equality feminism", focuses on the sexual division of labor, whereas the second one, "social reproduction feminism", focuses on reproductive labor as a key element in the ongoing reproduction of capitalist society. The article analyses both perspectives and argues that the second approach succeeds in overcoming the weaknesses of the first.

El texto analiza la relación entre teoría feminista, antropología feminista e interseccionalidad. Se parte de dos hipótesis. Primera, hay una relación estrecha entre teoría feminista, feminismo(s) y antropología feminista, sobre todo a partir de su constitución dentro de la antropología social. Segunda, el enfoque interseccional se ha convertido en hegemónico dentro de la teoría feminista. Se hará un breve repaso por la trayectoria de la interseccionalidad en las discusiones feministas contemporáneas centrando el debate en una serie de cuestiones: posición, estructura, representación y reivindicación. A partir de estos dos supuestos se analizará la relación entre antropología feminista e interseccionalidad, mostrando las aportaciones mutuas y las limitaciones que puede representar el enfoque interseccional para la antropología feminista. ; The text analyzes the relationship between feminist theory, feminist anthropology and intersectionality. It is based on two hypotheses. First there is a close relationship between feminist theory, feminism (s) and feminist anthropology, especially from its constitution within social anthropology. Second, the intersectional approach has become hegemonic within feminist theory. There will be a brief review of the trajectory of intersectionality in contemporary feminist discussions, focusing the debate on a set of issues: position, structure, representation and vindication. From these two considerations the relationship between feminist anthropology and intersectionality will be analyzed, showing the mutual contributions and the limitations that the intersectional approach can represent in feminist anthropology. ; AEI FFI2016-75603-R ; FEDER FFI2016-75603-R

El propósito de este artículo es desarrollar un análisis crítico del proceso de despolitización del "género". Se propone desvelar un importante punto de inflexión en el uso de "género", de categoría analítica a característica individual, y su creciente sustitución del "sexo". Se argumenta que la comprensión del género como percepción o sentimiento de pertenencia entre múltiples identidades no representa un marco teórico comprometido políticamente y está despojado de sentido para la emancipación de las mujeres de la dominación masculina. A lo largo del artículo (1) se desarrolla una breve narrativa de la historia del concepto, (2) se examina la comprensión del género desde la óptica de la identidad, prestando atención a las acusaciones de voluntarismo dirigidas a Judith Butler y su respuesta a dichas críticas, (3) se analizan las ideas de "masculinidad" y "feminidad" y se expone lo que la superación del género conllevaría, y (4) se reflexiona sobre la constitución del sujeto político del feminismo desde una perspectiva post-identitaria ; The purpose of this article is to develop a critical analysis of the depoliticising of "gender". It aims to reveal a major turning point within the use of "gender", from an analytical category to an individual characteristic, and its increasing substitution of "sex". It is argued that the understanding of gender as a perception or feeling of belonging between multiple identities does not represent a politically committed theoretical framework and is devoid of meaning for the emancipation of women from male domination. Throughout the article (1) a brief narrative of the history of the concept is developed, (2) the understanding of gender from the perspective of identity is examined, paying attention to the accusation of voluntarism directed at Judith Butler and her responses to said criticism (3) the ideas of "masculinity" and "femininity" are analysed and what the overcoming of gender would entail is exposed, and (4) the political subject of feminism is explored from a post-identity perspective

The aim of this paper is to revise some of the controversies around the meaning of gender. To do this I am going, first of all, to focus on its birth in Beauvoir's philosophy, 50 years ago. Secondly, to remember, briefly, some of the formulations in the 70's. Thirdly, to take notice of some of the most remarkable criticisms to the distinction sex/gender during the last decades. Fourthly, to remark that the challenge of plurality have undermined the mentioned concept. And, finally, to refer a new way of conceptualizing it, due to Iris Marion Young, that promises to avoid the paradoxes of dealing with the puzzles of "identity politics" and "difference politics". We can rescue the meaning of being women, in the sense of a collective, and also the imperative of solidarity, dis-connecting gender of identity. The alternative is to think it as a social position. ; El objetivo de este trabajo ha sido revisar algunas de las controversias acerca del significado de la categoría "género". Tras arrancar de su nacimiento en la filosofía de Beauvoir transitamos por algunas de sus formulaciones en los años setenta y por las críticas severas que recibió la distinción sexo/género durante los ochenta y noventa desde distintas versiones de la teoría feminista. El reto de la pluralidad parecía erosionar la generalidad y utilidad del concepto. No obstante, una nueva forma de reconceptualizarlo, debido a Iris Marion Young, puede ayudarnos a resolver algunas de las paradojas en las que nos ha enredado la política de la identidad y de las diferencias. Podemos rescatar el significado colectivo del ser mujeres, y no abdicar de la exigencia de la solidaridad, si "desconectamos" género e identidad y pasamos a entenderlo como mera posición social.

The constant development of feminist theories allows for the gradual inclusion of different fields of knowledge as a way of taking into account the diversity of women. Thus, feminism shows its capacity to renew itself and question, once and again, its own epistemological propositions. Far from being a problem, this is, in fact, the strength of feminism or, more precisely, feminisms: their flexibility to include all women through dialogue and debate, both in the realm of political activism and of theory. The movement of women with disabilities is quite new in Spain and thus, it represents a significant theoretical and practical challenge for feminism. The diversity of the concept of disability itself and its various manifestations (physical, sensory, intellectual.), linked to the wide corpus of feminist theory, constitute a complex field which is being only recently studied from a theoretical point of view. In this article, I shall examine the diverse conceptualizations around women with disabilities. To do so, I will focus on their interaction with feminist theories in order to show their most problematic and challenging issues and taking into account how theoretical aspects influence the daily lives of women. A feminist theory of disability will favour enrichment for feminisms, for disability studies and for the lives of the women with disabilities themselves. ; Las teorías feministas se caracterizan por un desarrollo y ampliación constantes para abarcar distintos ámbitos y diferentes tipos de mujeres, demostrando así su capacidad para renovarse y para cuestionar, una y otra vez, sus propios presupuestos epistemológicos. Lejos de ser un problema, esta es precisamente la fuerza del feminismo o, más adecuadamente, de los feminismos: su flexibilidad para incluir paulatinamente a todas las mujeres a través del diálogo y el debate, tanto en el terreno del activismo político como en el teórico. El movimiento de mujeres con discapacidad es reciente en nuestro país y plantea preguntas y cuestiones que constituyen un ...

Las teorías feministas se caracterizan por un desarrollo y ampliación constantes para abarcar distintos ámbitos y diferentes tipos de mujeres, demostrando así su capacidad para renovarse y para cuestionar, una y otra vez, sus propios presupuestos epistemológicos. Lejos de ser un problema, esta es precisamente la fuerza del feminismo o, más adecuadamente, de los feminismos: su flexibilidad para incluir paulatinamente a todas las mujeres a través del diálogo y el debate, tanto en el terreno del activismo político como en el teórico. El movimiento de mujeres con discapacidad es reciente en nuestro país y plantea preguntas y cuestiones que constituyen un gran reto teórico y práctico para el feminismo. La amplitud y diversidad del propio concepto de discapacidad y sus diferentes manifestaciones (física, sensorial, intelectual.), unidas al amplio corpus de teoría feminista existente, constituyen un ámbito complejísimo que se está estudiando desde el punto de vista teórico sólo de forma incipiente. En el presente artículo se hará un repaso de las diversas conceptualizaciones en torno a las mujeres con discapacidad analizando cómo interactúan con las teorías feministas, a fin de poner de manifiesto las cuestiones que plantean mayores problemas y retos, teniendo en cuenta cómo los aspectos teóricos tienen repercusión sobre las condiciones de vida de las mujeres. Está claro que, como siempre ha sucedido, una teoría feminista de la discapacidad no puede suponer sino un enriquecimiento de los feminismos, de los estudios de discpacidad y de las vidas de las propias mujeres con discapacidad. ; The constant development of feminist theories allows for the gradual inclusion of different fields of knowledge as a way of taking into account the diversity of women. Thus, feminism shows its capacity to renew itself and question, once and again, its own epistemological propositions. Far from being a problem, this is, in fact, the strength of feminism or, more precisely, feminisms: their flexibility to include all women through dialogue and debate, both in the realm of political activism and of theory. The movement of women with disabilities is quite new in Spain and thus, it represents a significant theoretical and practical challenge for feminism. The diversity of the concept of disability itself and its various manifestations (physical, sensory, intellectual.), linked to the wide corpus of feminist theory, constitute a complex field which is being only recently studied from a theoretical point of view. In this article, I shall examine the diverse conceptualizations around women with disabilities. To do so, I will focus on their interaction with feminist theories in order to show their most problematic and challenging issues and taking into account how theoretical aspects influence the daily lives of women. A feminist theory of disability will favour enrichment for feminisms, for disability studies and for the lives of the women with disabilities themselves.

Traditionally inscribed at the margins of moral and political theory, it is time, after centuries of ongoing debates originated and grounded in Modernity's values, to reflect on the status of Feminist Theory. Defined basically as critical theory —apostille of the mainstream theory—, feminist thought can be defined as theory tout court, in so far as the egalitarian discourses are central parts of moral and political thought and feminism is philosophical. This paper addresses the ambivalent relation between feminist theory and moral-political theory with a critical view that upholds an integral vision that incorporates the dimension of care into the male-stream, and takes into account gender differences as well as the division between the public and private spheres. ; Inscrita tradicionalmente en los márgenes de la teoría moral y política, y tras un largo recorrido por los cauces de la modernidad de donde parten sus raíces, resulta pertinente preguntarse por el estatus de la teoría feminista. Concebida fundamentalmente como teoría crítica —apostilla de la corriente central o dominante—, la teoría feminista puede definirse como teoría tout court; los discursos de la igualdad son parte central del pensamiento moral y político y el feminismo es filosofía. El presente artículo aborda la ambivalente relación entre la teoría feminista y la teoría moral y política con una visión crítica que apuesta por un planteamiento integrador que incorpora la dimensión del cuidado a la corriente malestream, y tiene en cuenta las diferencias de género, así como las consecuencias de la división sexual entre lo público y lo privado.

El presente artículo tiene como propósito socializar un recorrido teórico resultado de una investigación propia con el fin de repensar la construcción de la maternidad y la familia a partir del S XIX alrededor del tópico del trabajo en el capitalismo de dicho período. Para esto, se recorren los principales antecedentes que indagan las transformaciones políticas, económicas y sociales que han impactado en la redefinición de dichas categorías a partir de los efectos de la denominada revolución industrial en las sociedades occidentales. Este recorrido pretende visibilizar algunos procesos históricos que, desde las teorías feministas, permiten ver la relación indisoluble entre la producción social de la maternidad, la familia y el capitalismo contemporáneo. Asimismo, una vez desarrollados los antecedentes que nos permiten dar cuenta de algunas transformaciones históricas que, en casi dos siglos, impactaron sobre la configuración familiar y las mujeres en tanto trabajadoras y en tanto madres a nivel internacional y local, en un segundo momento se profundiza en los estudios e investigaciones que abordaron estas mismas categorías de maternidad y familia en la argentina contemporánea desde el enfoque de la conciliación familia y trabajo. ; The purpose of this article is to socialize a theoretic pathway as result of a personal investigation with the aim to reconsider the construction of the maternity and family in the context of the 19th Century and in relation to the concept of work in the existing capitalism of those years. In order to achieve that goal, this article goes over the main backgrounds that inquire into the politic, economic and social transformations that had an impact in the redefinition of such categories as a result of the effects of the industrial revolution in the occidental societies. This paper aims to present some of the historical processes that, from the perspective of the feminist theories, account for the indissoluble bond between the social production of the maternity, the family and the contemporary capitalism. Additionally, after the backgrounds that evidence some of those historical transformations have been developed -backgrounds that, in almost two centuries, have impacted on the family configuration as well as women, either as workers and as mothers, in the local and international level-, this article will also focus on the studies and investigations that have also researched these same categories of maternity and family in the contemporary Argentina from the point of view of family composition and work. ; Fil: Giallorenzi, María Laura. Universidad Nacional de Rosario

El presente artículo tiene como propósito socializar un recorrido teóricoresultado de una investigación propia con el fin de repensar la construcción dela maternidad y la familia a partir del S XIX alrededor del tópico del trabajo enel capitalismo de dicho periodo.Para esto, se recorren los principales antecedentes que indagan lastransformaciones políticas, económicas y sociales que han impactado en laredefinición de dichas categorías a partir de los efectos de la denominadarevolución industrial en las sociedades occidentales. Este recorrido pretendevisibilizar algunos procesos históricos que, desde las teorías feministas,permiten ver la relación indisoluble entre la producción social de la maternidad,la familia y el capitalismo contemporáneo. Asimismo, una vez desarrollados los antecedentes que nos permiten dar cuentade algunas transformaciones históricas que, en casi dos siglos, impactaronsobre la configuración familiar y las mujeres en tanto trabajadoras y en tantomadres a nivel internacional y local, en un segundo momento se profundizaen los estudios e investigaciones que abordaron estas mismas categorías dematernidad y familia en la argentina contemporánea desde el enfoque de laconciliación familia y trabajo. ; The purpose of this article is to socialize a theoretic pathway as result of a personal investigation with the aim to reconsider the construction of the maternity and family in the context of the 19th Century and in relation to the concept of work in the existing capitalism of those years. In order to achieve that goal, this article goes over the main backgrounds that inquire into the politic, economic and social transformations that had an impact in the redefinition of such categories as a result of the effects of the industrial revolution in the occidental societies. This paper aims to present some of the historical processes that, from the perspective of the feminist theories, account for the indissoluble bond between the social production of the maternity, the family and the contemporary capitalism. Additionally, after the backgrounds that evidence some of those historical transformations have been developed -backgrounds that, in almost two centuries, have impacted on the family configuration as well as women, either as workers and as mothers, in the local and international level-, this article will also focus on the studies and investigations that have also researched these same categories of maternity and family in the contemporary Argentina from the point of view of family composition and work. ; Fil: Giallorenzi, María Laura. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Rosario; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales. Instituto de Investigaciones; Argentina

The instrumental use of Muslim women's experiences as a symbol and justification for Western countries interventions is not a new business and was not employed for the first time in the post September 11th "war on terror" campaigns. Indeed, the production of stereotypes of Muslim women in political platforms can be tracked back to different colonial enterprises. Clearly, as Lughod (2002) has highlighted, the consistent resort to a cultural framing through the equation women/religion/suffering has always been a tool to hide political and economic interests and consequently to bury more complex political and historical developments. In the academic sphere, debates on Muslim women also widened. However, as Lila Abu-Lughod (2002) contended, the efforts were almost put solely on denouncing the great violent and oppressive contexts where those women were living under the barbaric violations perpetrated to them by Islamist movements. Otherwise, if a scholar tried to problematize the cultural framing of Muslim women's questions, she (or he) would very likely be accused of cultural relativism (Lughod, 2002). Therefore, a sole and unproblematic focus on the suffering of Muslim women is not only futile, but also contributes to reify the old Orientalist perceptions on Islam and Muslim women, and to provide intellectual foundations for Western imperialist wars. The objective of this article, on the contrary, is to raise another set of questions, which I believe to be more urgent. These questions aim at both unpacking Muslim women as a discursive category, and understanding the major challenges their experiences impose on secular feminist conceptions of agency. I contend that addressing these questions is more urgent for different reasons. Firstly, I argue vigorously that apart from the obsessive and somehow blind criticism that religion is inherently patriarchal and consequently oppressive to women, scholarship especially from within feminist theory remained oblivious to a more systematic and self-reflexive engagement with religion and Muslim women. In addition, I argue that surprisingly, even in a period of post-Orientalist deconstruction, which supposedly would have already dismissed those essentialist and repressive accounts of Muslim women and Islam, subtle but very important remnants can still be found on the so called "corrective" postcolonial feminist scholarship on Muslim women. Indeed, there is a plurality of work on Muslim women in the social sciences. However, they are scattered and apparently separated by their own agendas and claims, with very few attempts at dialogue or debate. Hence, a systematic account of this diversity has been missing, one which could provide an up to date appraisal of the state of scholarship and activism on Muslim women, and build a firm foundation for advancing knowledge both of the subject itself and on interdisciplinary efforts like the one I advance here. Therefore, while doing a systematic and critical literature review, oriented specifically by an interdisciplinary approach, I expect this article to fill part of this gap and raise crucial questions in order to build knowledge of the intersection between Muslim women's studies and feminist theory. It is here where more research is certainly needed in order to reduce the gulf that exists between both areas. The introduction of this article outlines briefly the ways through which Muslim women have been approached as a discursive category, constructing stereotypes of Muslim women in political platforms, as well as on the academic stage. Politically, the production of stereotypes can be tracked back to different colonial enterprises and more recently to the interventions by Western countries that comprised the "war on terror" campaign. On the academic stage, these stereotypes were reproduced in the sole efforts to denounce the great violent and oppressive contexts where those women are living, as previously mentioned. The first section is concerned with the exclusion of religion and more specifically of Muslim women's experiences from history and feminist knowledge production, including IR feminist studies. I acknowledge that the ontological and epistemological openness in feminist and gender studies in international relations and other areas ensured the recognition of the existence of differences and of multiple "layers" of identities which affect sexed bodies in distinct ways. These were crucial to challenge Eurocentric narratives as the only legitimate source of knowledge production. However, I put forward in this section that despite a greater plurality in feminist studies, there is still a silence from feminist theorists regarding religious women's experiences, and hence, the importance of religion to women (Salem, 2013). Using the work of Phyllis Mack (2003) I argue that one of the reasons for this gap resides in the metanarrative of secularization, which is the basis of secular feminist scholarship. Within this analytical framework, I analyse how the conceptions of agency and emancipation underlying the different strands of secular feminism are limiting to the different voices and experiences of Muslim women. The second section addresses the challenges Islamic feminism imposes to feminist notions of agency. As religion is seen as inherently patriarchal and oppressive to women, Islamic feminism or any other effort to pursue gender equality from within an Islamic framework would be taken as contradictory or incompatible. By locating the struggle within a religious framework, and at the same time claiming for the existence of what seems to be the untouchable foundations of Islam, Islamic feminists are cast away from secular feminisms. I argue that those experiences of activists and scholars make serious challenges to the notions of agency based on rationality and secularity as the only pillars whereby women can struggle for and reach gender equality. As a result, Islamic feminism(s)'s experiences also help to unsettle and complicate some binaries which feminist theory has been contributing to reify, such as secular/spiritual; reason/obscurantism; science/religion; freedom/oppression; modern/backward. In the third section, the article discusses some of the piety women's movements anchored on Saba Mahmood's work on pietistic agency, firstly in order to highlight the inability of most feminist scholarship in capturing the diversity of Muslim women's voices; second to denounce the perilous nature of encapsulating women's agency solely within "the entelechy of liberatory politics". These movements advance very different agendas and orientations from the Islamic feminist ones. Those agendas are precisely what denounce the subtle but very important remnants of Orientalist assumptions, particularly its adherence to secular-liberal values, and the teleological conceptions of modernity (Lakhani, 2008). I conclude the article arguing that rather than neglecting the important achievements feminism promoted in the lives of women in different parts of the world, the main intention of this work was to provincialize (to borrow the expression from Chakrabarty) the secular and liberal accounts of agency, feminism, empowerment, freedom and so on, locating them in the historical, political and cultural context that produced the desires that animate them. ; Este artículo tiene la intención de abordar algunas preguntas importantes que apuntan tanto a desempacar a las mujeres musulmanas como una categoría discursiva, como a comprender los principales desafíos que sus experiencias imponen a las concepciones feministas seculares de la agencia. Por un lado, aparte de una crítica ciega de que alguna manera la religión es intrínsecamente patriarcal y, en consecuencia, opresiva para las mujeres, la producción intelectual feminista, incluyendo la producción feminista en el campo de las Relaciones Internacionales (RI), ha sido ajeno a las experiencias de las mujeres musulmanas y aparentemente indiferente a un compromiso y diálogo sistemáticos con el tema de la mujer y la religión. Además, a pesar de la capacidad de los feminismos poscoloniales, en su mayoría ancorados en lentes de deconstrucción pos orientalista, para capturar la "diferencia" en las voces de las mujeres musulmanas, parece que aún permanecen remanentes sutiles pero muy importantes de interpretaciones represivas de las mujeres musulmanas en esta literatura supuestamente "correctiva". Ciertamente, existe una gran pluralidad de trabajos sobre mujeres musulmanas. Sin embargo, están dispersos y aparentemente separados por sus propias agendas y reclamos, con muy pocos intentos de diálogo o debate. Por consiguiente, falta un relato sistemático de esta diversidad, que podría proporcionar un significativo estado del arte de la producción intelectual y el activismo sobre las mujeres musulmanas, construyendo una base firme para avanzar en el conocimiento tanto sobre el tema en sí, como sobre esfuerzos interdisciplinarios como el que se intenta hacer en este trabajo. Por lo tanto, mientras se hace una revisión sistemática y crítica de la literatura, orientada específicamente por un enfoque interdisciplinario, es esperado que este artículo llene parte de esta brecha y plantee preguntas cruciales para construir conocimiento sobre la intersección de los estudios de las mujeres musulmanas y la teoría feminista, donde más investigación es ciertamente necesaria para reducir el abismo que existe entre ambas áreas. La introducción de este artículo describe las formas en que se ha abordado a las mujeres musulmanas como una categoría discursiva. La primera sección se ocupa de la exclusión de la religión y más específicamente de las experiencias de las mujeres musulmanas de la historia y la producción de conocimiento feminista. La segunda sección aborda los desafíos que el feminismo islámico impone a las nociones feministas de agencia. Posteriormente, el artículo analiza algunos de los movimientos de mujeres piadosas anclados en el trabajo de Saba Mahmood sobre la agencia pietista, en primer lugar, para resaltar la incapacidad de la mayoría de los estudios feministas para captar la diversidad de las voces de las mujeres musulmanas; en segundo lugar, para denunciar lo peligroso de encapsular la agencia de las mujeres únicamente dentro de "la entelequia de la política liberadora".