Suchergebnisse

Master thesis Russia - Georgia information warfare reflection in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by Vilija Navickaite the student of Vilnius university Communication faculty the Institute of Journalism, aims to analyze the case study of Russia Georgia information warfare reflection in selected Lithuania and Italian mass media. Five day war between Russia and Georgia held in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world's mass media attention and raised the public sphere discussions on the reasons and consequences of two states confrontation. This statement was fundamental for the research main question uplift: which position Lithuanian and Italian mass media took in the Russia Georgia conflict and what reasons did it determine. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that Italian mass media was favourable to Russia's position considering official Italian Russian close relationship and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia's ex president and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. By the other hand Lithuanian mass media should have been fovourable to Georgia's position considering common historical experience and the official Lithuania's government support to this country advocating in European Union and NATO membership procedure. In order to verify the selected hypothesis the research was based on information warfare and communication security theoretical concepts by using quantitative and qualitative analyses in empirical research of publications in selected Lithuanian and Italian mass media. In order to evaluate the hypothesis and achieve the paper aim, which is to find if there is a reflection of Russia Georgia information warfare in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research are the following: • determine the consequences of information warfare to the nation security and the theories of international relations; • dispute the concept of communication security in information age; • explore the concept of information warfare; • determine the media input in war conflict coverage; • explore the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: o analyze the publications of Lithuania mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; o analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; • Nustatyti, kokią poziciją palaikė tiek Lietuvos, tiek Italijos žiniasklaidos priemonės Rusijos Gruzijos konflikto atžvilgiu ir paaiškinti, kas lėmė tokios pozicijos atsiradimą. • Measure whether position was take by Italian and Lithuanian mass media in Russia Georgia conflict and what were the reasons for such attitude. According to the empirical research the evidence of information warfare is clear. From the quantitative analyses of Lithuanian mass media it was determinate that Lithuanian mass media position was favourable to Georgia' because of the historical linkage and the official Lithuanian government position. The case of Italian mass media research by the same method outcome the data telling that Italian mass media has taken neutral position. Such outcome come evident because of the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia' s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia, according to the media researches, was the war of "theirs" and that's way Italian mass media has taken the position only to fulfill its function – inform the society of happening events. According to the written above it can be stated that the hypothesis was approved only partly.

Master thesis Russia - Georgia information warfare reflection in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by Vilija Navickaite the student of Vilnius university Communication faculty the Institute of Journalism, aims to analyze the case study of Russia Georgia information warfare reflection in selected Lithuania and Italian mass media. Five day war between Russia and Georgia held in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world's mass media attention and raised the public sphere discussions on the reasons and consequences of two states confrontation. This statement was fundamental for the research main question uplift: which position Lithuanian and Italian mass media took in the Russia Georgia conflict and what reasons did it determine. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that Italian mass media was favourable to Russia's position considering official Italian Russian close relationship and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia's ex president and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. By the other hand Lithuanian mass media should have been fovourable to Georgia's position considering common historical experience and the official Lithuania's government support to this country advocating in European Union and NATO membership procedure. In order to verify the selected hypothesis the research was based on information warfare and communication security theoretical concepts by using quantitative and qualitative analyses in empirical research of publications in selected Lithuanian and Italian mass media. In order to evaluate the hypothesis and achieve the paper aim, which is to find if there is a reflection of Russia Georgia information warfare in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research are the following: • determine the consequences of information warfare to the nation security and the theories of international relations; • dispute the concept of communication security in information age; • explore the concept of information warfare; • determine the media input in war conflict coverage; • explore the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: o analyze the publications of Lithuania mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; o analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; • Nustatyti, kokią poziciją palaikė tiek Lietuvos, tiek Italijos žiniasklaidos priemonės Rusijos Gruzijos konflikto atžvilgiu ir paaiškinti, kas lėmė tokios pozicijos atsiradimą. • Measure whether position was take by Italian and Lithuanian mass media in Russia Georgia conflict and what were the reasons for such attitude. According to the empirical research the evidence of information warfare is clear. From the quantitative analyses of Lithuanian mass media it was determinate that Lithuanian mass media position was favourable to Georgia' because of the historical linkage and the official Lithuanian government position. The case of Italian mass media research by the same method outcome the data telling that Italian mass media has taken neutral position. Such outcome come evident because of the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia' s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia, according to the media researches, was the war of "theirs" and that's way Italian mass media has taken the position only to fulfill its function – inform the society of happening events. According to the written above it can be stated that the hypothesis was approved only partly.

Master thesis Russia - Georgia information warfare reflection in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by Vilija Navickaite the student of Vilnius university Communication faculty the Institute of Journalism, aims to analyze the case study of Russia Georgia information warfare reflection in selected Lithuania and Italian mass media. Five day war between Russia and Georgia held in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world's mass media attention and raised the public sphere discussions on the reasons and consequences of two states confrontation. This statement was fundamental for the research main question uplift: which position Lithuanian and Italian mass media took in the Russia Georgia conflict and what reasons did it determine. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that Italian mass media was favourable to Russia's position considering official Italian Russian close relationship and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia's ex president and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. By the other hand Lithuanian mass media should have been fovourable to Georgia's position considering common historical experience and the official Lithuania's government support to this country advocating in European Union and NATO membership procedure. In order to verify the selected hypothesis the research was based on information warfare and communication security theoretical concepts by using quantitative and qualitative analyses in empirical research of publications in selected Lithuanian and Italian mass media. In order to evaluate the hypothesis and achieve the paper aim, which is to find if there is a reflection of Russia Georgia information warfare in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research are the following: • determine the consequences of information warfare to the nation security and the theories of international relations; • dispute the concept of communication security in information age; • explore the concept of information warfare; • determine the media input in war conflict coverage; • explore the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: o analyze the publications of Lithuania mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; o analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; • Nustatyti, kokią poziciją palaikė tiek Lietuvos, tiek Italijos žiniasklaidos priemonės Rusijos Gruzijos konflikto atžvilgiu ir paaiškinti, kas lėmė tokios pozicijos atsiradimą. • Measure whether position was take by Italian and Lithuanian mass media in Russia Georgia conflict and what were the reasons for such attitude. According to the empirical research the evidence of information warfare is clear. From the quantitative analyses of Lithuanian mass media it was determinate that Lithuanian mass media position was favourable to Georgia' because of the historical linkage and the official Lithuanian government position. The case of Italian mass media research by the same method outcome the data telling that Italian mass media has taken neutral position. Such outcome come evident because of the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia' s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia, according to the media researches, was the war of "theirs" and that's way Italian mass media has taken the position only to fulfill its function – inform the society of happening events. According to the written above it can be stated that the hypothesis was approved only partly.

Master thesis Russia - Georgia information warfare reflection in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by Vilija Navickaite the student of Vilnius university Communication faculty the Institute of Journalism, aims to analyze the case study of Russia Georgia information warfare reflection in selected Lithuania and Italian mass media. Five day war between Russia and Georgia held in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world's mass media attention and raised the public sphere discussions on the reasons and consequences of two states confrontation. This statement was fundamental for the research main question uplift: which position Lithuanian and Italian mass media took in the Russia Georgia conflict and what reasons did it determine. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that Italian mass media was favourable to Russia's position considering official Italian Russian close relationship and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia's ex president and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. By the other hand Lithuanian mass media should have been fovourable to Georgia's position considering common historical experience and the official Lithuania's government support to this country advocating in European Union and NATO membership procedure. In order to verify the selected hypothesis the research was based on information warfare and communication security theoretical concepts by using quantitative and qualitative analyses in empirical research of publications in selected Lithuanian and Italian mass media. In order to evaluate the hypothesis and achieve the paper aim, which is to find if there is a reflection of Russia Georgia information warfare in Lithuanian and Italian mass media by holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research are the following: • determine the consequences of information warfare to the nation security and the theories of international relations; • dispute the concept of communication security in information age; • explore the concept of information warfare; • determine the media input in war conflict coverage; • explore the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: o analyze the publications of Lithuania mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; o analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative analyses methods; • Nustatyti, kokią poziciją palaikė tiek Lietuvos, tiek Italijos žiniasklaidos priemonės Rusijos Gruzijos konflikto atžvilgiu ir paaiškinti, kas lėmė tokios pozicijos atsiradimą. • Measure whether position was take by Italian and Lithuanian mass media in Russia Georgia conflict and what were the reasons for such attitude. According to the empirical research the evidence of information warfare is clear. From the quantitative analyses of Lithuanian mass media it was determinate that Lithuanian mass media position was favourable to Georgia' because of the historical linkage and the official Lithuanian government position. The case of Italian mass media research by the same method outcome the data telling that Italian mass media has taken neutral position. Such outcome come evident because of the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia' s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia, according to the media researches, was the war of "theirs" and that's way Italian mass media has taken the position only to fulfill its function – inform the society of happening events. According to the written above it can be stated that the hypothesis was approved only partly.

ERASMUS+ is European Union Education, Training, Youth and Sport Program for years 2014-2020. This program gives students the opportunity to go to a foreign higher education institution for part-time study and / or internship. Each student has the opportunity to go abroad for a period up to 12 months. Students are provided with accommodation, meals, free excursions and even a grant for living. Although there are only a few students from each of Klaipėda State College groups, there is a increasing number of outgoing students in the college. Students take part in the Erasmus + program because they want to prove themselves, improve their knowledge of foreign languages, gain experience, learn about new cultures. However, the lack of participation in the program is determined by fear and distrust, lack of knowledge of foreign languages, and difficulties in validation of course credits . Students choose an average of 4 months of mobility and go not only to the exotic countries in warm climates, but also to ones neighboring Lithuania. The participating students liked different 346 culture and leisure the most, but they did not like the living conditions and the lack of dedicated grants. Students say they need more meetings with students that participated earlier to share their experiences and their routines when they leave. Students would like to see all the credits approved upon returning to the school and prior information about what they will be studying at a higher education institution or what training position they will have in a company.

ERASMUS+ is European Union Education, Training, Youth and Sport Program for years 2014-2020. This program gives students the opportunity to go to a foreign higher education institution for part-time study and / or internship. Each student has the opportunity to go abroad for a period up to 12 months. Students are provided with accommodation, meals, free excursions and even a grant for living. Although there are only a few students from each of Klaipėda State College groups, there is a increasing number of outgoing students in the college. Students take part in the Erasmus + program because they want to prove themselves, improve their knowledge of foreign languages, gain experience, learn about new cultures. However, the lack of participation in the program is determined by fear and distrust, lack of knowledge of foreign languages, and difficulties in validation of course credits . Students choose an average of 4 months of mobility and go not only to the exotic countries in warm climates, but also to ones neighboring Lithuania. The participating students liked different 346 culture and leisure the most, but they did not like the living conditions and the lack of dedicated grants. Students say they need more meetings with students that participated earlier to share their experiences and their routines when they leave. Students would like to see all the credits approved upon returning to the school and prior information about what they will be studying at a higher education institution or what training position they will have in a company.

ERASMUS+ is European Union Education, Training, Youth and Sport Program for years 2014-2020. This program gives students the opportunity to go to a foreign higher education institution for part-time study and / or internship. Each student has the opportunity to go abroad for a period up to 12 months. Students are provided with accommodation, meals, free excursions and even a grant for living. Although there are only a few students from each of Klaipėda State College groups, there is a increasing number of outgoing students in the college. Students take part in the Erasmus + program because they want to prove themselves, improve their knowledge of foreign languages, gain experience, learn about new cultures. However, the lack of participation in the program is determined by fear and distrust, lack of knowledge of foreign languages, and difficulties in validation of course credits . Students choose an average of 4 months of mobility and go not only to the exotic countries in warm climates, but also to ones neighboring Lithuania. The participating students liked different 346 culture and leisure the most, but they did not like the living conditions and the lack of dedicated grants. Students say they need more meetings with students that participated earlier to share their experiences and their routines when they leave. Students would like to see all the credits approved upon returning to the school and prior information about what they will be studying at a higher education institution or what training position they will have in a company.

ERASMUS+ is European Union Education, Training, Youth and Sport Program for years 2014-2020. This program gives students the opportunity to go to a foreign higher education institution for part-time study and / or internship. Each student has the opportunity to go abroad for a period up to 12 months. Students are provided with accommodation, meals, free excursions and even a grant for living. Although there are only a few students from each of Klaipėda State College groups, there is a increasing number of outgoing students in the college. Students take part in the Erasmus + program because they want to prove themselves, improve their knowledge of foreign languages, gain experience, learn about new cultures. However, the lack of participation in the program is determined by fear and distrust, lack of knowledge of foreign languages, and difficulties in validation of course credits . Students choose an average of 4 months of mobility and go not only to the exotic countries in warm climates, but also to ones neighboring Lithuania. The participating students liked different 346 culture and leisure the most, but they did not like the living conditions and the lack of dedicated grants. Students say they need more meetings with students that participated earlier to share their experiences and their routines when they leave. Students would like to see all the credits approved upon returning to the school and prior information about what they will be studying at a higher education institution or what training position they will have in a company.

This paper analyzes the scientific discourse of governance and university governance within the framework of the existing concepts, it also deals with alternation of university governance in the context of European higher education regulations and directives, presents analysis of the traditional and entrepreneurial university governance models of the content aspect. It also presents the results of "International Comparative Research on University Governance Models" carried out by the paper authors emphasizing the context of Finland's higher education and university governance and the case of Lapland University. Although traditional higher education values dominate in many missions and visions of Finnish universities, internal institutional governance of the University of Lapland has recently become entrepreneurial. Good governance of the university is associated not only with distinction of administrative and academic functions, reduction of bureaucratic processes, but also with the openness of the university, good communication and understanding of the academic culture.

In this Master's thesis, the analysis of theoretical aspects of higher education quality was carried out, and revealed the complexity of polysemy of it, which is the main problem to perform assessment of higher education quality. The case of present Lithuania's situation was discussed, it was talked about quality assessment dimensions and the legislative basis, that can ensure good quality of higher education in Lithuania. It was also examined the Bologna process, which is seen as a driving force to achieve quality and excellent esults in higher education. And the experience of leading universities was carried out too. Subject of the research: Lithuanian university studies an their development. The aim of the work: set Lithuanian higher education quality and topical aspects of development directions based on European Union's proposals for improvement of university education, according to gradutes experience applying academic knowledge in their work. Objectives of the work: 1. Examine scientific literature about education quality improvement issues. 2. Carry out the laws relating with quality of higher education. 3. Examine university education quality assessment indicators. 4. Discuss about Lithuanian university study quality. 5. Creat a research instrument and a group interview with different graduates from different universities who are working their actual speciality. 6. To formulate conclusions and proposals for the development of Lithuanian higher education quality. Research methods: when carrying out the research, a qualitative method – group interview was applied and performed a content analysis. The study identifies major reasons determining low quality of university studies: weak resources (financial, human, infrastructure), rarely renewed curriculum, small application in practice.

In this Master's thesis, the analysis of theoretical aspects of higher education quality was carried out, and revealed the complexity of polysemy of it, which is the main problem to perform assessment of higher education quality. The case of present Lithuania's situation was discussed, it was talked about quality assessment dimensions and the legislative basis, that can ensure good quality of higher education in Lithuania. It was also examined the Bologna process, which is seen as a driving force to achieve quality and excellent esults in higher education. And the experience of leading universities was carried out too. Subject of the research: Lithuanian university studies an their development. The aim of the work: set Lithuanian higher education quality and topical aspects of development directions based on European Union's proposals for improvement of university education, according to gradutes experience applying academic knowledge in their work. Objectives of the work: 1. Examine scientific literature about education quality improvement issues. 2. Carry out the laws relating with quality of higher education. 3. Examine university education quality assessment indicators. 4. Discuss about Lithuanian university study quality. 5. Creat a research instrument and a group interview with different graduates from different universities who are working their actual speciality. 6. To formulate conclusions and proposals for the development of Lithuanian higher education quality. Research methods: when carrying out the research, a qualitative method – group interview was applied and performed a content analysis. The study identifies major reasons determining low quality of university studies: weak resources (financial, human, infrastructure), rarely renewed curriculum, small application in practice.

Adapted from the source document.

The dissertation examines US democracy protection policy carried out in three post-Soviet countries that had been just moved away from autocratic rule: Russia in 1991-1996; Georgia in 2003-2008; and Ukraine in 2004-2009. It aims to answer the question whether US policy increased or decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation in new democracies. Based on theoretical insights from the disciplines of both comparative politics and international relations, two novel research instruments are developed: the 'two scales' model and the concept of pragmatic democracy protection policy. By employing these two research instruments, it is revealed that US national security interests have had a distorting impact on US democracy protection policy towards Russia, Georgia and Ukraine. Due to its interest in the cooperation with leaders in power, the US did not apply the principal of democratic conditionality in bilateral relations with the three post-Soviet countries and did not deter the non-democratic behaviour of their governments. Such US policy decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation. Furthermore, US security interests corrupted US-funded democracy assistance programmes in two out of three cases (in Russia and Georgia). Instead of enabling the opposition and civil society in new democracies, these programmes increased the asymmetry of political playing field and limited the capability of civil society to control the government. This also decreased the likelihood of the consolidation of new democracies.

The dissertation examines US democracy protection policy carried out in three post-Soviet countries that had been just moved away from autocratic rule: Russia in 1991-1996; Georgia in 2003-2008; and Ukraine in 2004-2009. It aims to answer the question whether US policy increased or decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation in new democracies. Based on theoretical insights from the disciplines of both comparative politics and international relations, two novel research instruments are developed: the 'two scales' model and the concept of pragmatic democracy protection policy. By employing these two research instruments, it is revealed that US national security interests have had a distorting impact on US democracy protection policy towards Russia, Georgia and Ukraine. Due to its interest in the cooperation with leaders in power, the US did not apply the principal of democratic conditionality in bilateral relations with the three post-Soviet countries and did not deter the non-democratic behaviour of their governments. Such US policy decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation. Furthermore, US security interests corrupted US-funded democracy assistance programmes in two out of three cases (in Russia and Georgia). Instead of enabling the opposition and civil society in new democracies, these programmes increased the asymmetry of political playing field and limited the capability of civil society to control the government. This also decreased the likelihood of the consolidation of new democracies.

The dissertation examines US democracy protection policy carried out in three post-Soviet countries that had been just moved away from autocratic rule: Russia in 1991-1996; Georgia in 2003-2008; and Ukraine in 2004-2009. It aims to answer the question whether US policy increased or decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation in new democracies. Based on theoretical insights from the disciplines of both comparative politics and international relations, two novel research instruments are developed: the 'two scales' model and the concept of pragmatic democracy protection policy. By employing these two research instruments, it is revealed that US national security interests have had a distorting impact on US democracy protection policy towards Russia, Georgia and Ukraine. Due to its interest in the cooperation with leaders in power, the US did not apply the principal of democratic conditionality in bilateral relations with the three post-Soviet countries and did not deter the non-democratic behaviour of their governments. Such US policy decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation. Furthermore, US security interests corrupted US-funded democracy assistance programmes in two out of three cases (in Russia and Georgia). Instead of enabling the opposition and civil society in new democracies, these programmes increased the asymmetry of political playing field and limited the capability of civil society to control the government. This also decreased the likelihood of the consolidation of new democracies.