Suchergebnisse

A concise characterization of the political-administrative system of the Kingdom of Belgium with an emphasis on its decentralization & territorial composition. It begins with basic information about the state, including official name, government type, territorial units, total area, population, population density, capital city, EU membership, official languages, & currency. The synopsis describes briefly: (1) the historical foundation & constitutional basis of the state, (2) government structure: the election/appointment & functions/powers of the legislative & executive branches & the monarch's representative role, (3) the representation of the French, Flemish, & German regions in the parliament, (4) the state's sources of income; tax structure & type, (5) regional & local governments, (7) division into provinces & communes, (8) local government structure (the provincial government, municipal council, & the office of mayor), (9) sources of income for local governments. Adapted from the source document.

Beginning with expressions such as ideographs, the author's autograph, and the copyist's autograph, this paper explains the dilemma of some Late Medieval Manuscripts in Slovenian collections that were mistakenly identified as being the author's own textual creation. The main part of this paper focuses on three mid-15th-century copyists: Martin of Loka, Matjaž Jurčič of Kapela, and Herman Talner of Trebnje. Because each of them added the name of their hometown to their signature, all three can be recognized as hailing from Slovenian places. Martin of (Škofja) Loka was an erudite man, and this is evident from his texts he wrote in German, Slovenian and Latin, as well as from his many forms of scripts. Matjaž Jurčič of Kapela was probably a freelance artist, and the colophon to his copy of an epic poem contains an inscription in Latin, German and Provençal. Working in a remote location, the third, Herman Talner, copied a lengthy politically-oriented poem for Lord Ludvik of Castle Kozjak. At the end of their work all three added colophons which provide valuable information about these individuals and the conditions in which they worked. ; Prispevek se uvodoma ustavlja ob izrazih, kot so ideograf, avtograf pisatelja in avtograf prepisovalca, ter pojasnjuje dileme ob nekaterih poznosrednjeveških rokopisih iz slovenskih zbirk, ki so bili pomotoma opredeljeni kot avtografi pisateljev. Osrednji del prispevka je namenjen predstavitvi treh prepisovalcev iz sredine 15.stoletja: to so Martin iz (Škofje) Loke, Matjaž Jurčič iz Kapele in Herman Talner iz Trebnjega. Vse tri lahko prepoznamo kot osebe iz slovenskih krajev, ker so k svojemu imenu dodali ime domačega kraja. Martin iz (Škofje) Loke je bil mož velikega znanja, kar je razvidno iz njegovih samostojno sestavljenih glos, pisal je v nemščini, slovenščini in latinščini v več oblikah pisav; Matjaž Jurčič iz Kapele je bil najbrž svobodni ustvarjalec, ki je prepis epske pesnitve zaključil s kolofonom v latinščini, nemščini in provansalščini; Herman Talner pa je v nekem oddaljenem kraju prepisoval obsežno politično-programsko pesnitev za gospoda Ludvika z gradu Kozjak. Vsi trije so na koncu svojih prepisov dodali kolofone, ki so dragoceni podatki o njih samih in delovnih okoliščinah.

Through analysis of the books on stylistics written in the English, German,
Czech, Slovak and Croatian languages, we describe the development of stylistics,
its predecessors, independence from literary science, and the contemporary
situation. We focus on Slovenian linguistic stylistics based on an
analysis and review of entries including keyword stylistics in the Slovenian
bibliographic catalogue Cobiss+. By reviewing and analysing the stylistic
publications of Tomo Korošec, who devoted the largest part of his research
to media stylistics, we substantiate his contribution to Slovenian theoretical
stylistics. The main finding of our comprehensive analysis is that stylistic
research in Slovenia has been intense since the 1960s, that an important part
of this research relates to the work of Tomo Korošec and that, alongside
theoretical stylistics, it is important to include school stylistics as part of general
education on all levels.
Keywords: linguistic stylistics, history of stylistics, media stylistics, journalism
stylistic, stylistic of advertising, linguistic education, rhetoric

Živimo v času vedno večjih tehnoloških napredkov, zaradi česar smo vedno bolj povezani s pripadniki drugih držav in kultur. Pogosto lahko v vsakodnevnem življenju opazimo lastnosti ali elemente drugih kultur, ki so se skozi čas zakoreninili v našo kulturo ter s tem pripomogli k prepletanju in tvorbi novih, hibridiziranih, kultur. Kljub vedno večji dostopnosti ter posledičnemu prevzemanju tujih kulturnospecifičnih elementov pa se kulture na določenih področjih med seboj še vedno zelo razlikujejo. Poglavitne razlike se kažejo v dovzetnosti kultur za določene vsebine. Obstaja veliko vsebin, ki jih družba, glede na svojo kulturo, različno dojema. To pogosto privede do težav pri prenosu določenih vsebin iz ene kulture v drugo, zaradi česar se pri premagovanju teh ovir mnogi pogosto poslužujejo uporabe sredstev, kot sta cenzura in lokalizacija. Magistrska naloga obravnava uporabo teh sredstev pri prevajanju besedil kultnih kart iz igre Yu-Gi-Oh! Trading Card Game. Osredinili se bomo na pomen in pogostost pojavljanja cenzure in lokalizacije v angleških in nemških prevodih kart. Igra izhaja z Japonske, zato vsebuje veliko kulturnospecifičnih elementov, ki so pri prenosu vsebine z vzhodnega na zahodni trg bili zamenjani ali popolnoma odstranjeni. Pri prevajanju tovrstnih vsebin ni potrebno le dobro znanje obeh jezikov, temveč je za uspešno lokalizacijo in, posledično, ohranjanje izvorne ideje treba izkazati veliko mero izvirnosti in fleksibilnosti. Z magistrsko nalogo bomo analizirali prevajalske postopke, s pomočjo katerih so pri angleških in nemških prevodih bile prikrite ali spremenjene vsebine iz izvornega besedila kart ter predstavili vpliv teh sprememb, tako na idejo kot tudi sam potek igranja. ; We live in a time of technological advances which makes it seem as if the gap between nations, and cultures is shrinking every day. In everyday life we constantly face traits or elements of foreign cultures which have been imbedded in our own, intertwining different cultures and forming new ones. We call them hybridized cultures. Even though it is getting easier to access other cultures and, consequently, to integrate foreign culture-specific elements into our own, there are certain aspects in which cultures still differ greatly from one another. One of the main differences is the susceptibility of different cultures to certain topics. Society's perception of different discourses varies depending on cultural expectations, which often leads to difficulties with transferring certain topics from one culture to another. This hurdle can often be overcome with censorship or localisation. In this master's thesis we will discuss the use of both these means of text's modification in relation to the translation of card texts in the cult card game Yu-Gi-Oh! Trading Card Game. We will focus on the importance and the extent to which censorship and localisation were used in English and German card translations. Yu-Gi-Oh! Trading Card Game originated in Japan, therefore the game contains a lot of culture-specific elements. During the card game's transition between markets a lot of these elements were either replaced or completely removed from the game. Translating such contents requires not only good knowledge of both languages but also a translator's imagination and flexibility. This master's thesis will analyse different translation strategies used in the English and German card translations to change or eliminate certain elements from the original card texts. We will also analyse how these changes affected the game's original ideas and the way of playing.

Evropska unija je gospodarska in politična povezava 28. evropskih držav, ki svojim članicam omogoča ekonomsko sodelovanje, enotni trg in skupno institucionalno okolje. Nemčija je ena od ustanoviteljic te povezave, Slovenija spada med mlajše članice, Hrvaška pa se je Evropski uniji pridružila komaj leta 2013. Kljub nekaterim skupnim točkam pa obstaja med njimi mnogo razlik. Nemško gospodarstvo je razvitejše od slovenskega in hrvaškega, saj je bruto domači proizvod na prebivalca po pariteti kupne moči za leto 2012 v Nemčiji bil višji od evropskega povprečja za 23 %, v Sloveniji je bil za 18 % nižji od povprečja EU-28, hrvaški pa je zaostajal za evropskim povprečjem za kar 39 %. V tej raziskavi smo želeli ugotoviti, ali se omenjeni razvojni razkorak med Slovenijo in Nemčijo ter Hrvaško kaže skozi razmerja ravni cen storitev. V ta namen smo v tem delu primerjali cene 101 storitve med Slovenijo, Nemčijo in Hrvaško, ki smo jih razdelili v 10 skupin. Na podlagi izračunov smo prišli do naslednjih zaključkov: • Cene storitev so bile v Sloveniji v marcu in aprilu 2012 v povprečju za 30 % nižje kot v Nemčiji. Slovenski potrošnik je v povprečju za opazovano skupino storitev plačal le 70 % zneska, ki ga je plačal nemški potrošnik. • Primerjava cen storitev med Slovenijo in Hrvaško pokaže, da so bile v enakem opazovanem obdobju cene storitev v povprečju za 20 % višje kot na Hrvaškem. • Relativno najcenejša skupina storitev, ko primerjamo Slovenijo z Nemčijo, so obrtne storitve in popravila, relativno najdražja skupina storitev, ko primerjamo Slovenijo s Hrvaško, pa so komunalne storitve. • Obstaja večja stopnja podobnosti cen preučevanega vzorca storitev med Slovenijo in Hrvaško, kot pa med Slovenijo in Nemčijo. ; The European Union is an economic and political union of 28 European countries, which enables its members economic cooperation, single market and common institutional environment. Germany is one of the founders of the Union, Slovenia belongs to its younger members and Croatia joined to the European Union in the year 2013. Despite some common points, there are many differences among these member countries. German economy is more developed than Slovenian and Croatian, as the GDP per capita in PPS for the year 2012 in Germany was 23 % higher from the European average, in Slovenia it was 18 % lower than the average of the EU-28, and Croatia stayed behind the European average by 39 %. In this study, we wanted to determine whether the above mentioned development gap among Slovenia, Germany and Croatia shows through all levels of service prices. With this purpose this thesis compares the prices of 101 services in Slovenia, Germany and Croatia, which were divided into 10 groups. On the basis of calculations we came to the following conclusions: • In March and April 2012 in Slovenia the prices of services were 30 % lower on average than in Germany, thus the aggregate price level was 0.7. This means that the Slovenian consumer paid only 70 % of the amount for the same service as the German consumer did. • The comparison of prices between Slovenia and Croatia shows, that in the same observing period the prices in Slovenia were on average 20 % higher than in Croatia. • Comparing Slovenia and Germany the relatively cheapest group of services were the handcraft services and the services of repairs, the relatively most expensive group of services, when comparing Slovenia and Croatia are the utility services. • The level of price similarity of the observed groups of services is higher when comparing Slovenia and Croatia as in comparing Slovenia and Germany.

V članku je prikazan poskus ureditve mednacionalnih odnosov na istrskem polotoku v letih pred prvo svetovno vojno v širšem kontekstu reševanja nacionalnih konfliktov v avstrijski polovici Habsburške monarhije. Poseben poudarek je na predstavitvi in analizi moravskega kompromisa leta 1905, ki je temeljil na osebnem načelu in je postal nekakšen model za urejanje mednacionalnih odnosov v Cislajtaniji ter na analizi istrskega kompromisa leta 1908, ki je temeljil na teritorialnem načelu. ; The Habsburg monarchy was an absolutist monarchy before 1848, and from the Theresian-Josephine period there was a tendency to introduce a centralised unitary state. However, this was resisted by Hungary, which was able to maintain its special position under constitutional law. In 1867, the Habsurg Monarchy accepted the Austro-Hungarian compromise to be organized as a dual monarchy, as a personal and real union of two equal and more or less centralized states. The Monarchy was renamed to Austro-Hungary, however, in both parts of the states, this caused various national groups to experience a sense of discomfort and threat and consequently revoked their historical rights and national law. After the establishment of the Dual monarchy, the Wienna governments first favoured the correctional measures plans leading to federalism, after the affirmation of the dualism and the centralization, however, the idea of compromises became the central focus of solving the national disputes in Cisleithania. In 1905, German and Czech politicians in Moravia managed to reach an agreement on how to regulate the national situation in the country. The Moravian Agreement, which was conceived by the Regional Committee, was not based on territorial but on personal principles and became a model for the regulation of international relations in Cislaitania. The Istrian peninsula was also a focal point of national conflict, where Slavic deputies, especially after 1883, strongly advocated the realisation of linguistic equality in the country. The Italian majority in the Istrian Regional Assembly consistently rejected linguistic equality in the Regional Assembly. The Italian side became more receptive to Slavic demands only after the introduction of universal male suffrage for the National Assembly (1907), when it became clear that the process of political democratisation was working in favour of the emancipation of the majority Slavic population. In 1908, the Istrian Agreement, or the Regional Electoral Reform, was signed. The Slavs on the Istrian peninsula have thus won a victory. The Istria Agreement was based on the territorial division of electoral districts according to the principle of nationality and ensured that neither side majorised the other.

"Ich habe keine Ahnung." (Kermani, 2009, 86) Das behauptet Navid Kermani in seinem Essay Die Terroristen sind unter uns, der 2009 im Band Wer ist Wir? Deutschland und seine Muslime erschienen ist. Es ist ein sehr wichtiger, ja zentraler Satz, der oft gedacht, aber selten öffentlich ausgesprochen wird. Niemand, der eine leitende Position in der Politik, der Wirtschaft oder beim Militär bekleidet, darf es sich leisten, diesen Satz in den Medien zu äußern, aber auch im Wissenschaftsdiskurs darf er nicht verwendet werden, es sei denn als Zitat. Es gibt mindestens drei Eigenschaften dieser Aussage, die sie für die erwähnten Diskurse ungeeignet machen. Erstens das Sprachniveau: durch den etwas saloppen Beiklang lässt sich die Aussage dem umgangssprachlichen Niveau zuordnen und nicht dem Niveau offizieller oder wissenschaftlicher Reden. Zweitens ihre Struktur: durch die Ich-Form wird der Satz zur Aussage des sprechenden Subjekts über sich selbst, nicht über einen Sachverhalt. Und drittens die Semantik: Das verneinte Substantiv spricht dem Subjekt nicht nur jedes rationale Wissen ab, das sich argumentieren und belegen ließe, sondern auch jede andere Grundlage, auf der sich eine Aussage zu einem Sachverhalt formulieren ließe, also auch Vermutungen, Vorurteile, Spekulationen, Gefühle oder die Intuition. Das Problem dabei ist nicht, dass auch diese alternativen Grundlagen fehlen, sondern dass sie, durch die Wahl des Substantivs "Ahnung", überhaupt als Möglichkeit eingeräumt werden. Wenn durch diese Merkmale die zitierte Aussage aus dem Rahmen fachbezogener Diskurse fällt und sogar für journalistische Textformen unpassend ist, so ist sie im literarischen Diskurs durchaus zulässig. ; The essays of the German writer and professor of Middle East Studies, Navid Kermani, focus on current political and social issues, such as migration, terrorism and the problems of multicultural societies. The article offers an analysis of selected essays and gives a brief overview of their context, including a discussion about the relation between literature and politics as it evolved after World War II in Germany. The analysis makes it possible to see Kermani's essays in the tradition of open dialogical essays that goes back to the writings of Michel de Montaigne, as shown in the theories of Peter V. Zima. The processes of fictionalization that are used by Kermani in his political essays are compared with those used in so called "post-truth" political discourse. Although these processes are comparable and their effects unpredictable, it is possible to locate some basic differences in their narrative structures that can either suggest that the narrator is all-knowing, which reinforces his position of power, or can stress the narrator's tentativeness, which opens the possibility for the reader to enter into a dialogue with him, thus leading to the kind of constructive dialogue that is of fundamental importance for democratic societies. It is the raising of questions and articulation of doubt that Kermani sees as his main task when writing his essays. ; Navid Kermani, nemški pisatelj in profesor orientalistike, se v svojih esejih posveča aktualnim političnim in socialnim vprašanjem, kot so migracije, terorizem in večkulturne družbe. Članek podaja podrobnejšo analizo izbranih Kermanijevih esejev ter jih umesti v tradicijo dialoško odprte esejistike (kakor jo po teoriji Petra V. Zime zastopa na primer Michel de Montaigne) in v kontekst nemških povojnih razprav o razmerju med literaturo in politiko. Nato postopke fikcionalizacije, kakor se kažejo v Kermanijevih političnih esejih, primerja s postopki v tako imenovanih postfaktičnih političnih diskurzih. Čeprav so postopki primerljivi in njihovi učinki načelno nepredvidljivi, je mogoče locirati temeljne razlike v njihovi narativni strukturi, ki lahko sugerira vsevednost pripovedovalca in s tem krepi njegovo pozicijo moči ali poudarja njegovo negotovost ter tako bralcu odpira možnost, da z njim stopi v konstruktiven dialog, ki je temeljnega pomena za demokratične družbe. Prav v odpiranju vprašanj in artikuliranju dvomov Kermani kot avtor esejev vidi svoje pisateljsko poslanstvo.

Magistrsko delo se ukvarja s pojmom geopolitika in obveščevalno dejavnostjo na tem področju. Geopolitika je pojem, ki ga danes zelo pogosto slišimo, predvsem v povezavi z velikimi silami. V zgodovini je verjetno najbolj znan geostrateški cilj nacistične Nemčije, imenovan »Drang nach Osten« (pohod na vzhod), s katerim bi si arijska rasa zagotovila življenjski prostor na območju vzhodne Evrope. Pri geopolitiki gre torej za uresničevanje interesov, ki jih imajo velike sile v določenem trenutku v drugih delih kontinenta oziroma sveta (predvsem zaradi surovin ali prometnih povezav), da bi si tako zagotovile boljše izhodišče od drugih velesil. Velikokrat se ti interesi skrivajo pod drugimi imeni. Tako je danes moderno govoriti o širjenju demokracije, humanitarnih operacijah itd., čeprav so v ozadju drugi interesi, in sicer interesi, s katerimi velesile uresničujejo svojo zunanjo politiko. Geopolitični interesi se uresničujejo predvsem z ekonomskimi pritiski, ki predvsem v primeru, da so le-ti neuspešni, pogostokrat preidejo v vojaško posredovanje. Najpomembnejšo vlogo pri uresničevanju interesov pa imajo obveščevalne službe. Te poskušajo s svojimi taktikami in metodami dela prodreti v posamezno državo in poskrbeti za vzpostavitev »gnezd«, ki delujejo v skladu z začrtano politiko matične države proti državi gostiteljici in tako pridobivajo kvalitetne informacije, ki so potrebne vodstvu države, da se le-to odloči za ustrezno strategijo delovanja. V tem magistrskem delu bomo torej poskušali predstaviti trenutno geopolitično situacijo v svetu, pomembnejše geostrateške lokacije, ugotoviti in predstaviti, kakšna je vloga obveščevalnih služb pri vsem tem, ter na primerih predstaviti delovanje obveščevalnih služb na področju geopolitike. ; The master's thesis deals with the concept of intelligence service in the field of geopolitics. Geopolitics is a term which is frequently used in connection with big countries. Historically, the most known case of geostrategic goal is Nazi Germany which was called »Drang nach Osten« (German for »yearning for the East«) and the idea was to acquire territory for Aryan race at the expense of eastern European nations (Lebensraum). Geopolitics basically means realizing of interests by big countries in a certain moment in other parts of the continent or world (mostly because of raw materials or traffic connections) in order to ensure better starting-points for themselves than for other big countries. Often these interests hide under another name. Nowadays people like to talk about spreading democracy, humanitarian operations, etc., although there are other interests in the background, interests that serve to exercise foreign policies of big countries. Geopolitical interests are especially realized through economic pressure which (if they are unsuccessful) often increase in military operations. When exercising these interests, the intelligence services have the most important role. They try to enter a country with their tactics and methods, they provide »nests« that work in accordance with the policy of the home country against the host country and thus they acquire quality information that is necessary to political elites of a country in order for them to decide for an appropriate operating strategy. In the master's thesis we will try to present current global geopolitical situation, more important geostrategic locations, determine and present the role of intelligence services in all that, and present with examples how the intelligence services work in the field of geopolitics.

Sistemi organizacije državne oblasti se razlikujejo po načinu delitve oblasti, organih, ki so nosilci te oblasti ter njihovih medsebojnih odnosih. Parlamentarni sistem, ki je uveljavljen tudi pri nas, temelji na načelu delitve oblasti. Organi državne oblasti med seboj sodelujejo, se nadzorujejo, med njimi pa je z namenom preprečitve zlorabe oblasti vzpostavljen sistem zavor in ravnovesij. V moderni demokraciji med strankami na volitvah vedno poteka tekma za čim višje število glasov, zmago na volitvah in prevzem oblasti. Zmagovalna večina se poveže ter oblikuje vlado, stranke, ki niso članice koalicijske večine, pa čakajo na svojo priložnost na naslednjih volitvah. Vendar mora biti njihov glas vseeno slišan, saj odločitve večine postanejo tudi odločitve manjšine, ki mora zato imeti možnost vpliva na sprejemanje odločitev, poleg tega je pomembna tudi možnost nadzora dela koalicijske večine in izvršilne veje oblasti, v ta namen pa ima opozicija na voljo različne instrumente nadzora. Opozicija ima možnost uporabe svojih sredstev na različnih področjih, v okviru zakonodajne, volilne ter nadzorne funkcije Državnega zbora. Nosilec izvršilne oblasti je v parlamentarnih sistemih vlada, ki je parlamentu odgovorna za svoje delo, brez njegove podpore pa ne more delovati. Parlament, znotraj njega zlasti tudi opozicija, ima na voljo več instrumentov nadzora nad delom vlade, najpomembnejši so poslansko vprašanje, interpelacija in konstruktivna nezaupnica. Nesoglasja med parlamentom in vlado lahko privedejo do politične krize, v končni posledici pa tudi do razpustitve parlamenta in novih volitev. Obstaja več različic parlamentarnega sistema, razlikujejo pa se po načinu oblikovanja, sestavi in delovanju vlade. Naša ureditev se zgleduje po nemškem modelu, pri čemer pa v smeri skupščinske ureditve od njega odstopa v nekaterih pomembnih elementih. Predvsem je tu mišljeno imenovanje ministrov s strani Državnega zbora ter s tem povezani instrumenti, ki povečujejo individualno odgovornost posameznih ministrov v razmerju do Državnega zbora, kar je neskladno z modernimi parlamentarnimi sistemi, ki poznajo predvsem kolektivno odgovornost vlade. Taka ureditev relativizira pomen instituta konstruktivne nezaupnice, ki smo ga sprejeli iz nemškega modela. Zaradi naše neučinkovite ureditve bi bile smiselne ustavne spremembe, kar je zaznal tudi Državni zbor, saj je skupina poslancev predlagala spremembo ustavnih določb, ki se nanašajo na oblikovanje Vlade, v odzivu na ta predlog pa je nastal še predlog Strokovne skupine, ki je predlog poslancev analizirala. Ta naloga obravnava predlagani spremembi Ustave, predlog poslancev in predlog Strokovne skupine, s poudarkom na učinke predlaganih sprememb na položaj opozicije. Poleg tega so v nalogi predstavljene tudi nekatere druge možne spremembe Ustave, ki se nanašajo na način oblikovanja Vlade. Vsak predlog spremembe Ustave našo veljavno ureditev približuje določeni podvrsti parlamentarnega sistema. Pred sprejetjem kakršnekoli spremembe Ustave je torej vredno razmisliti, kateri ureditvi se želimo približati in kakšen vpliv na našo trenutno ureditev bi imel sprejem določene spremembe Ustave. ; The systems of state authority differ in the way they separate powers, branches of power that are holders of the power and their relations. The parliamentary system, which is established also in Slovenia, is based on the principle of separation of powers. The branches of state authority collaborate with each other and control the work of one another. The system of checks and balances is set up to prevent the abuse of power. In the modern democracy there has always been a race to get as many votes as possible, win the elections and take over the power among parties in the elections. The majority that wins is united and forms the Government, while parties that are not members of the majority coalition wait for their opportunity in the next elections. However, their voice has to be heard, because the decisions of majority become the decisions of minority as well, that is why they have to have an impact on decision-making. Besides, the possibility of supervision over the part of the majority coalition and the executive branch is important, for this purpose the opposition has different instruments of supervision. The opposition has a possibility of the use of its means on various areas, within the legislative, electoral and supervisory functions of Parliament. The government, which answers to the parliament for its work, but without its support cannot work properly, is the holder of the executive body in the parliamentary systems. The Parliament, and within it, also in particular the opposition, has several instruments for controlling the work of the Government, the most important are parliamentary question, interpellation and constructive vote of no confidence. Disagreements between the Parliament and the Government can lead to the political crisis and ultimately to the dissolution of the Parliament and new elections. There are several variants of parliamentary system, they differ in the way of forming, structure and working of the Government. Our system follows the German model's example, but as far as assembly is concerned, it differs in some important elements. This mainly refers to the appointment of ministers coming from the National Assembly and instruments referring to it. These instruments are increasing individual responsibility of individual ministers in relation to the National Assembly and that is inconsistent with modern parliamentary systems which are familiar with collective responsibility of the Government in particular. Such system relativizes the meaning of the institute of constructive vote of no confidence which is based on the German's model. Constitutional changes would be logical due to our ineffective system, this was also noticed by our National Assembly. The group of members of the Parliament proposed a change for constitutional provisions which refer to the forming of the Government. In response to this proposal, the Professional group, which analysed the proposal of the members of the Parliament, formed another one. This master's thesis deals with the proposed change of the Government, the proposal of members of the Parliament and the proposal of the Professional group, with emphasis on the effects of proposed changes regarding the position of the opposition. The thesis also presents some of the other possible constitutional changes that refer to the way of forming the Government. Each proposal of the constitutional change brings about our valid system to get closer to the certain category of the parliamentary system. It is worth considering which system is better and what kind of effect would passing a certain constitutional change cause, before even considering constitutional changes of any kind.