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This article aims to identify the place of military discipline during the creation and then development of a modern military apparatus in Japan in Meiji. It draws on the various instruments, political, administrative, legal and psychological put in place for this purpose by the High Command in order to secure the political 'neutrality' of the new armed forces in this delicate phase of transition. It measures the impact of the wars against China and Russia at a time when the issue of military discipline is becoming a major issue, not only in terms of legitimising military service within the country, but also in order to consolidate Japan's international position as a 'civilised' nation. ; International audience ; This article aims to identify the place of military discipline during the creation and then development of a modern military apparatus in Japan in Meiji. It draws on the various instruments, political, administrative, legal and psychological put in place for this purpose by the High Command in order to secure the political 'neutrality' of the new armed forces in this delicate phase of transition. It measures the impact of the wars against China and Russia at a time when the issue of military discipline is becoming a major issue, not only in terms of legitimising military service within the country, but also in order to consolidate Japan's international position as a 'civilised' nation. ; Cet article vise à identifier la place de la discipline militaire lors de la phase de création, puis de développement d'un appareil militaire moderne dans le Japon de Meiji. Il s'appuie sur les différents instruments, politiques, administratifs, juridiques, psychologiques mis en place à cet effet par le haut commandement afin de sécuriser la « neutralité » politique des nouvelles forces armées dans cette phase délicate de transition. Il mesure l'impact des guerres contre la Chine et la Russie, au moment même où la question de la discipline militaire devient un enjeu majeur, non seulement pour légitimer le service ...

among the games that the Judeo-Spaniards still played in the first half of the 20th century was alhad, at the end of Chabad, the loto (or tomato) was now lost and regretted by the oldest members of the Jewish community in Istanbul. It resembles Napolitan tomato, and is probably of Italian origin. A few advertisements are suitable for numbers in Italian and finally the formula when you have finished a map is Ecco la! For some, everyone, men and women, participated. Others pointed to the lay-off or vulgar nature of tomatoes and stated that only men were playing it. The full interest of the tomato was to choose a man with a beautiful voice to singing the numbers, and boute by train, sangrudo, to lend the assistance by adapting the announcements to those present or by improvising. Each street had its group of players, says Ms Molho, and each group had its kitador which drew and announced the numbers. People knew several announcements in advance and had to foresee the outgoing number as soon as possible in order to complete a card. Fake ads, word games, grey or irrelevant allusions were all opportunities for pleasure. The numbers were singing or psalted and the participants gave the reply. ; International audience ; among the games that the Judeo-Spaniards still played in the first half of the 20th century was alhad, at the end of Chabad, the loto (or tomato) was now lost and regretted by the oldest members of the Jewish community in Istanbul. It resembles Napolitan tomato, and is probably of Italian origin. A few advertisements are suitable for numbers in Italian and finally the formula when you have finished a map is Ecco la! For some, everyone, men and women, participated. Others pointed to the lay-off or vulgar nature of tomatoes and stated that only men were playing it. The full interest of the tomato was to choose a man with a beautiful voice to singing the numbers, and boute by train, sangrudo, to lend the assistance by adapting the announcements to those present or by improvising. Each street had its group of ...

This text aims to think of an issue that is particularly difficult to grasp, but which is at the heart of many present and past wars: the massacre. It defines it as a form of collective action most often aimed at destroying non-combatants, in general civilians. The massacre is perceived as a practice of extreme violence, both rational and irrational, resulting from an imaginary construction of another to be destroyed, perceived by the harbour as a total enemy. The aim of this text is to show the relevance of a comparative reflection on massacre. His bias is to go beyond the case study or rather to put the best of these studies (on the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda, etc.) into perspective in order to gain a better understanding of the processes of the transition to massacrer. To this end, two lines of strength form the basis for the analysis. — Historical depth: it is difficult to try to understand the massacres of the 1990s without taking into account their history in the twentieth century, including those known as 'genocide'. — Transdisciplinary opening: the massacre phenomenon in itself is so complex that it also calls for the attention of the sociologist, anthropologist or psychologist, which these pages would also like to attest. ; This text aims to examine a particularly difficult phenomenon to study -- slaughter --, although it is at the center of many wars today and yesterday. Slaughter is defined as a generally collective form of action that aims to destroy non-combatants, usually civilians. Slaughter is viewed as an extremely violent, both rational and irrational practice growing out of an imaginary construct pertaining to someone to be destroyed, whom the torturer perceives as a complete enemy. The aspiration of this text is to show the relevance of exploring slaughter from a comparative standpoint. It will go beyond the mere case study, or rather it will put the best of these studies (on ex-Yugoslavia, Rwanda, etc.) into perspective. To better understand the process by which the slaughter is put into ...

A 'easy war' is not an easy to win war, but easy to justify before the public, a war of a 'source' response. The US intervention in Afghanistan recalls the 1898 Spanish-American war and the late but decisive participation in the two world wars. The hard-to-justify wars were the wars in Vietnam, the Gulf and interventions in Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia and Kosovo. A poorly elected President, ignoring all foreign policy and strategic military affairs, who, moreover, lost control of the Senate a few months after his election, had no chance: the attacks against the World Trade Center and the Pentagon justified the response, without there being any need to really explain why Ben Laden was the leading enemy and why it was necessary to kill the Taliban regime, even if it was to bind with one of the most cruel war-seigers in the region, General Rachid Doustom (.). ; Une " guerre facile " n'est pas une guerre facile à gagner, mais facile à justifier devant l'opinion publique, une guerre de riposte qui " coule de source ". L'intervention américaine en Afghanistan rappelle en ce sens la guerre hispano-américaine de 1898 et la participation, tardive mais décisive, aux deux Guerres mondiales. Les guerres difficiles à justifier étaient les guerres du Vietnam, du Golfe, et les interventions en Somalie, en Haïti, en Bosnie et au Kosovo. Jamais un président mal élu, ignorant tout de la politique étrangère et des affaires stratégico-militaires, qui de surcroît perdait le contrôle du Sénat quelques mois après son élection, n'a eu autant de chance : les attentats contre le World Trade Center et le Pentagone justifiaient la riposte, sans qu'il fût nécessaire d'expliquer réellement pourquoi Ben Laden était l'ennemi numéro un et pourquoi il fallait nécessairement abattre le régime taliban, quitte à faire alliance avec l'un des plus cruels seigneurs de guerre de la région, le général Rachid Doustom (.).

International audience [Demographic rhythms of Germany and France have been very different for two centuries. In the nineteenth century, the size of the population of Germany joined and surpassed that of France, which had long been the highest in Europe. After the two world wars, the more intense the French demographic renewal was accompanied by a genuine economic revolution, allowing France to compete with the "German miracle." Today, the demographic situation of Germany and France remain strong differences although each country has a similar process: the aging of the population.] ; Repris in extenso dans Problèmes économiques, 19 juillet 1989. Les rythmes démographiques de l'Allemagne et de la France ont été fort différents depuis deux siècles. Au XIXe siècle, l'effectif de la population de l'Allemagne a rejoint et dépassé celui de la France qui avait été longtemps le plus élevé d'Europe. Après les deux guerres mondiales, l'intensité plus grande du renouveau démographique français s'est accompagnée d'une véritable révolution économique, permettant à la France de rivaliser avec le « miracle allemand ». Aujourd'hui, les situations démographiques de l'Allemagne et de la France conservent de fortes divergences même si chaque pays connaît un processus semblable : le vieillissement de la population.

La Seconde Guerre mondiale semble aujourd'hui bien connue. Et pourtant. Les idées reçues sur ce conflit d'airain abondent. Desservant la cause de la connaissance, elles montrent surtout que la propagande de l'Axe comme celle des Alliés a durablement imprimé sa marque, bien au-delà de l'année 1945. Ce volume vise donc à rétablir quelques vérités en revenant, au crible de vingt-trois entrées, sur les grands mythes de cette guerre qui, tenus pour vérités d'Evangile, n'en restent pas moins erronés. Ainsi, combien de Français persistent à croire que la défaite aux jours sombres de 1940 était inscrite dans les astres ? Que Pearl Harbor a signé une écrasante victoire de l'Empire nippon sur les Etats-Unis ou que Hitler n'a fait que devancer une attaque de Staline ? Que les soldats américains ne savaient pas se battre ou que les hommes de la Waffen-SS étaient des combattants d'élite ? Que le débarquement de Provence a été inutile ? Que les armes miracles allemandes auraient pu tout changer ou que Yalta vit le partage du monde entre Churchill, Roosevelt et Staline ? A ces questions essentielles, les meilleurs spécialistes apportent des réponses étonnantes au fil de chapitres courts et enlevés. Ce livre sans équivalent espère ainsi contribuer à porter un nouveau regard sur ce moment décisif dans l'histoire du monde. Souvent inattendues, parfois surprenantes, ses révélations sont toujours passionnantes. Dirigé par Jean Lopez, fondateur et directeur de la rédaction de Guerres & Histoire, et Olivier Wieviorka, membre de l'Institut universitaire de France et professeur à l'ENS-Cachan. Contributeurs : Sébastien Albertelli, Vincent Arbarétier, Nicolas Aubin, Benoist Bihan, Bruno Birolli, François-Emmanuel Brézet, Patrick Facon, Daniel Feldmann, Pierre Grumberg, Hubert Heyriès, François Kersaudy, Julie Le Gac, Jean-Luc Leleu, Cédric Mas, Claire Miot, Jean-François Muracciole, Georges-Henri Soutou, Pierre-François Souyri, Maurice Vaïsse, Fabrice Virgili

This article focuses on the intrinsic vulnerability to environmental militance in the context of abundant society. In the period after the two world wars, the growing success of environmental activism in the United States seems to be largely due to the unprecedented spread of material prosperity. Many US environmentalists after 1945 warn their fellow citizens about the negative externalities of economic growth and mass consumption, effectively trying to eradicate a type of economic organisation that has allowed environmental theories to advance in public opinion. In other words, the environmental movement then seems to depend on the socio-economic conditions it is fighting for. It will therefore be necessary to question the constraints which such tension imposes on environmental activism: if the challenge to material abundance is successful, will there still be a desire to preserve the environment? To answer these questions, this article will focus on the case of David Ross Brower, a great artist of the transformation of the Sierra Club after war and founder of Friends of the Earth, drawing on his archives gathered at the Bancroft Library of the University of California in Berkeley. What is Brower's speech on the socio-economic conditions of his time? What are the limits of his commitment in such a context? ; International audience This article addresses the vulnerability of the American environmentalist discourse during the postwar boom: while the growing success of the US environmental movement can largely be attributed to an unprecedentedly large distribution of material wealth after 1945, many US environmentalists had warned the population about the negative effects of economic growth and mass consumption. Therefore, the success of the environmental movement depended on the very socioeconomic conditions against which it was protesting, which, from a strategic perspective, meant that the end of prosperity might also undermine public appetite for environmental protection. This article aims to analyze the ...

International audience This article assesses the validity of the hypothesis of the culture wars and takes the political controversy over climate change as its case study. It is currently a well-established scientific fact that climate change is real and man-made and that it will have far-reaching detrimental repercussions across the globe should nothing be done to slow down its progress. In the US political arena, however, the fight is far from over, prompting commentators to describe this political controversy as a new front in the American culture wars as analyzed by James Davison Hunter in the early 1990s. This article ultimately examines this culture war as a way of portraying the state of US public opinion and tests the theories of political scientist Morris P. Fiorina which question the validity of such an approach. lt thus seeks to demonstrate the clear discrepancy between the political class and public opinion as a whole as far as climate change is concerned, and concludes by suggesting that the culture war approach may remain relevant if applied, in a more limited fashion, only to the political class.