Suchergebnisse

U ovom se radu istražuje mogu li "građanske tehnologije" (tehnologije koje potiču aktivno građanstvo) na efikasan način razvijati političku učinkovitost građana i mijenjati njihovu percepciju odgovornosti vlade. Anketirani su korisnici "građanskih tehnologija" na mrežnim stranicama iz SAD-a, UK-a, Kenije i Južnoafričke Republike. Temeljno je pitanje bilo jesu li određene građanske akcije nadzora, koje je moguće provesti putem tih mrežnih stranica, utjecale na promjenu mišljenja građana o tome reagiraju li vlade na građanski nadzor. Rezultati ukazuju na poboljšanu građansku učinkovitost, kao i na povećanu percepciju odgovornosti vlade. Između korisnika "građanskih tehnologija" koji dolaze iz proučavanih zemalja uočene su značajne demografske razlike koje su povezane sa širokim spektrom načina na koje građani koriste informacijske i komunikacijske tehnologije (IKT). Ipak, svima im je zajedničko povjerenje u učinkovitost tih tehnologija. Rezultati upućuju na to da objavljivanje i građanski nadzor vladinih informacija putem "građanskih tehnologija" povećavaju osjećaj vanjske učinkovitosti i percepciju odgovornosti vlade, kako u razvijenim zemljama tako i u zemljama u razvoju. ; This article examines whether civic technologies deliver an effective technique for developing the political efficacy of citizens and altering their perceived accountability of governments. Employing a survey-based methodology, a quantitative analysis was performed on the users of civic technology sites in the USA, UK, Kenya and South Africa. The primary question posed is whether the specific citizen monitoring actions facilitated by these sites cause a related effect in altering the extent to which citizens believe that governments are responsive to citizen-audit. The results indicate an enhancement in citizen efficacy and perceptions of government accountability. Notable differences detected in the user demographics between the countries studied demonstrate a wide spectrum of citizen usage; however, with common confidence displayed by respondents in the efficacy of the ICT. The findings indicate that the publication and citizen-audit of government information through civic technologies in developed and developing countries increases feelings of external efficacy and perceived government accountability.

Hrvatska i Slovačka imale su tijekom 1990-ih državnike s autoritarnim tendencijama vladanja. To je na različite načine bilo povezano i s institucijom predsjednika države te je 1999., odnosno 2000. ustavnim promjenama koje su se ticale i te institucije uspostavljen parlamentarni sustav s izravno izabranim predsjednikom. U ovom radu pokušava se utvrditi je li to utjecalo na funkcioniranje sustava vlasti i konsolidaciju demokracije. S obzirom na to da su promjene trebale spriječiti pojavu novih autoritarnih državnika, pretpostavka je da su one trebale pozitivno utjecati na demokratsku konsolidaciju. S druge strane, uvođenje parlamentarnoga sustava s izravno izabranim predsjednikom stvara opasnost da će ustavno slab predsjednik pozivom na svoju veliku legitimnost, dobivenu na izravnim izborima, nastojati zadobiti ovlasti koje mu ne pripadaju. Sustav će zbog toga imati obilježja defektne demokracije, a neće se pretvoriti u konsolidiranu liberalnu demokraciju. Usporedbom ustava i političke prakse pokušava se dobiti odgovor na to. ; In the 1990s, Croatia and Slovakia had statesmen with authoritarian tendencies. This was in many ways associated with the institution of the president and the 1999 and 2000 constitutional reforms, which were connected with this institution, established a parliamentary system with a directly elected president in those countries. This paper tries to determine if that affected the functioning of the system of government and the consolidation of democracy. Given that those changes were meant to prevent the emergence of new authoritarian statesmen, premise is that they should have had a positive impact on democratic consolidation. On the other hand, the introduction of a parliamentary system with a directly elected president created a risk that a constitutionally weak president, by calling on his great legitimacy acquired by direct vote, would strive to get powers that do not belong to him. The system would therefore receive the characteristics of a defective democracy and would not turn into a consolidated liberal democracy. By comparing constitutions and political practice we try to get an answer to this question.

Teritorijalna organizacija lokalne i regionalne samouprave koja je postojala u Hrvatskoj omogućila je centralističko upravljanje javnim poslovima. Analizira se stanje u pogledu položaja općina, gradova i županija i predlažu osnovni pravci reforme teritorijalne organizacije. Posebno se obrazlažu položaj i osnovni sistemski problemi upravljanja Gradom Zagrebom te predlažu moguća poboljšanja. ; The territorial organization of local and regional self-government which existed in Croatia led to centralistic administration of public affairs. The situation with regard to the position of municipalities, towns or cities and counties has been analysed and basic tendencies of the reform of the territorial organization are proposed. The position and main systemic problems of the City of Zagreb administration have been explained in particular and possible improvements are suggested. The territorial organization is only formally polytypical, since in reality differences in the status of municipalities and towns or cities are almost insignificant, two-tier, counties being units of the second tier, with a great number of small municipalities, In each category of local units, from municipalities through towns or cities to counties, there are very considerable differences in size among particular units. It is proposed to stop the tendency of multiplying basic local units (municipalities and towns or cities), widen independence and responsibility of larger towns and gradually reform the organization of counties. The main systemic problems of the City of Zagreb have not been solved satisfactorily. Zagreb is under the tutorship of the central state government, its relations with the closer surrounding area are regulated badly, influence on the city level is concentrated within the executive bodies, particularly the mayor whose responsibility is questionable, and not even incomplete decentralisation in the form of local self-government within the area of the City has been established for more than seven years. It is proposed to establish such a system which would combine elements of strong and efficient political leadership and an appropriate level of democracy, with the direct election of the mayor by citizens, independence of the city administration of the central state administration as well as multilevel metropolitan administration which would ensure the realization of the interests of the City, but also its close surrounding area.

U radu se daje kratak pregled ustavnog uređenja Bosne i Hercegovine i Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine te položaja lokalne samouprave u vertikalnom ustroju vlasti. Pored toga, tretira se pitanje organizacije i nadležnosti jedinica lokalne samouprave. U radu se obrađuje pitanje prava na lokalnu samoupravu koju garantira Ustav Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine. Fokus istraživanja je usmjeren na službeničko pravo u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine, odnos političkih struktura prema službeničkoj profesionalnoj neovisnosti i ulogu i značaj koji državni službenici treba da imaju u postupcima ostvarivanja građanskih prava, odnosno prava na lokalnu samoupravu. Autor ukazuje na nužnost harmonizacije kantonalnog zakonodavstva iz oblasti službeničkog prava sa federalnim zakonodavstvom, te potrebu utemeljenosti službeničkog prava na načelima i dostignutim standardima u Europskoj uniji. ; A brief overview of the constitutional order of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the position of local self-government in the vertical structure of government is provided in the paper. In addition, the issue of the organization and jurisdiction of local self-government is treated. The issue of the right to local self-government guaranteed by the Constitution of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina is addressed in this paper. The right of civil servants in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the attitude of political structures to professional independence of civil servants and the role and importance that civil servants should have in the processes of exercising civil rights, and the right to local self-government is what the research is focused on. The necessity of harmonization of cantonal legislation on civil service law with federal legislation, and the need to base the civil service law on the principles and standards achieved in the EU is what the paper points out.

U svim dosadašnjim radovima na temu umijeća govorništva istraživala su se verbalna i neverbalna komunikacija, stil, gestovni znakovi, držanje tijela, položaj trupa, pokreti nogu, govori u kontekstu vremena i prostora i sl., no slučaj nepoznavanja ili lošega poznavanja jezika zemlje kojoj je političar na čelu nije istraživan ni razrađen. A upravo je to slučaj s bivšim predsjednikom Vlade Republike Hrvatske Tihomirom Oreškovićem. Ovim se radom željelo ustanoviti kakav dojam ostavlja bivši premijer na javnost u kontekstu nepoznavanja hrvatskoga jezika. Također se pokušalo utvrditi koje odlike u javnome nastupu ima i kakav dojam one ostavljaju na javnost. Kako bi to utvrdili, za potrebe rada autori su proveli dubinski intervju sa stručnjacima iz područja društveno humanističkih znanosti koji su se osvrnuli na javni nastup i dojam koji bivši premijer ostavlja na javnost. Kako bismo kvantitativno argumentirali odgovore dobivene iz dubinskoga intervjua, dodatno je provedeno anketno istraživanje o dojmu koji ostavlja na ispitanike. Radi dodatne argumentacije analiziran je i sadržaj u obliku transkripata javnih nastupa premijera Oreškovića. ; All the previous works on the art of public speaking have investigated the verbal and nonverbal communication, style, gesture signs, posture, position of torso, leg movements, speaking in the context of time and space, etc. But the case of ignorance or poor knowledge of language of the country, whose head the politician is, has neither been investigated nor elaborated. And that is precisely the case with former Croatian Prime Minister Tihomir Orešković. The main intention of this paper is to determine what kind of impression the former Croatian Prime Minister Tihomir Orešković makes on the public in the context of lack of knowledge of the Croatian language. It also tried to find out his characteristics in public appearance and what impression they make on the public. In order to determine that, for the purpose of this paper we conducted in-depth interviews with experts in the field of social and human sciences that made a review of public appearance and impression that former Prime Minister Orešković made on general public. In order to quantitatively argue the answers obtained from in-depth interviews, we additionally conducted a survey where we examined the impression he made on respondents. For the purpose of additional argumentation the authors also analyzed the content in the form of transcripts of public appearances of former Prime Minister Orešković.

The author explains the policy account of government & points out that policy is only one of the many possible accounts of the process of government. The policy perspective is characterized by an understanding of government as a more or less conscious attempt to manage collective problems. Still, even inside the policy camp, there are three different accounts of policy: authoritative choice, structured interaction & social construction. The author concludes that the three accounts are complementary & useful for understanding the process of government. References. Adapted from the source document.

Based on the data from a survey of the administrators whose jobs are involved with FDI attraction in Binh Dinh province, this study examines the scope, extent,benefits, costs, risks, operating environment and governance of the cooperation that Binh Dinh province's government has with others in the Key Economic Zone of Central Vietnam from the perspective of the insiders. Research results imply that the cooperation is still of a narrow scope with low intensity. The factors underlying this performance are diversion in perception about the benefits, costs and risks of the cooperation among the people involved; inherent existence of some unfavorable environmental conditions; as well as current lack of professional cooperation governance. To support the expectation of the government to intensify the cooperation, some implications of policies are raised with an emphasis on the necessity to determine appropriate priorities to promote cooperation activities. ; Dựa trên dữ liệu khảo sát các đối tượng có liên quan đến công tác thu hút FDI của Bình Định, nghiên cứu này đánh giá biểu hiện của phạm vi, mức độ, lợi ích, chi phí, rủi ro, môi trường và nội dung quản trị liên kết của Bình Đình với các địa phương Vùng kinh tế trọng điểm miền Trung trong thu hút FDI dưới góc nhìn của người trong cuộc. Kết quả nghiên cứu cho thấy phạm vi và mức độ liên kết vẫn còn ở mức thấp do nhận thức về lợi ích, chi phí và rủi ro liên kết còn chưa rõ ràng, một số khía cạnh môi trường liên kết chưa có nhiều thuận lợi cũng như tính chuyên nghiệp của quản trị liên kết vùng chưa ở mức cao. Trên cơ sở mong đợi của Bình Định sẽ gia tăng phạm vi, chiều sâu và tính chuyên nghiệp của liên kết, một số hàm ý chính sách được đề xuất trong đó nhấn mạnh cần thiết phải xác định hướng ưu tiên phù hợp để tập trung xúc tiến liên kết.

In this book, the author marshals evidence to support an arena-specific approach towards viewing Vietnam's state-society relations. In practice, the Vietnamese party-states relations with society vary from the hard and uncompromising state, with the bureaucracy getting its way, to society's ability to negotiate the state's boundaries and regimes to make them less harsh. Any analysis of Vietnam's state-society relations needs to recognize and demonstrate both elements of dominance and accommodation, as well as specify the context in which either or both are seen. Alone, neither is adequate. In particular, the idea of the "state" needs to be disaggregated because "state" is not a singular actor that is coherent or uniform through time and space. To demonstrate how state-disaggregation can make our view more nuanced, this book analyses state-society interaction at the ward level of Hanoi, an urban local authority

If the functioning of the fiscal system implies the functioning of democracy, then the interest in its smooth operation is understandable. Particularly important is its segment concerning the financing of local government & self-government. Well-regulated relations between the state & local communities is the basic prerequisite of economic, social, & any other development. The decentralization of the fiscal system in the Republic of Croatia is one of the barriers standing in the way of achieving these goals. The crucial question is the acceptable degree of decentralization, economically & politically. The experiences of other European countries may serve as a basis for regulating the fiscal relations among the higher & lower levels of government. The central government should retain only those responsibilities that cannot be carried out by the units of local government & self-government. 3 Tables, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper deals with the possible impact of globalization & decentralization on the future role of public spending in Croatia. In the first part, the author describes the elements of government intervention in the economic process during the 20th century & the theoretical origin of public goods as a resource that the market is incapable of efficiently providing. Then, the characteristics of the process of globalization & decentralization (localization) are listed. These are the two simultaneous processes whose intensification leads to the reduction of the regulative role of the nation-state & public spending. Discussed in conclusion are the structure of public spending in Croatia, & the possible impact of the two processes on its structure & volume. 6 Tables. Adapted from the source document.