The article is a systematic and exhaustive discussion on the history of onomastics in Slovenia, which is presented in the following chapters: Onomastic corpora, Linguistic treatment of proper names, The institutional status of onomastics, The status of onomastics in relation to other linguistic branches, The most important achievements in Slovenia, The biographies of the most prominent scientists (Franc Miklošič, Luka Pintar, Fran Ramovš, France Bezlaj), The most frequently applied onomastic theories in Slovenia, The typologies of proper names used, The research methods employed, and their evolution, The relation between the methods used in Slovenia and theoretical achievements of onomastics on a global scale, The unity of onomastic terminology, The relation to international terminology from 1983, The status of research - a general overview, The status of the research basis, Dictionaries and monographs. ; V razpravi je sistematsko in izčrpno (z zgledi in bibliografijo) obravnavana zgodovina onomastike v Sloveniji, in sicer v poglavjih Imenski korpusi, Jezikovna obravnava lastnih imen, Institucionalni položaj onomastike, Status onomastike v razmerju do drugih panog, Najpomembnejši dosežki Slovenije, Biogrami najvidnejših znanstvenikov (Franc Miklošič, Luka Pintar, Fran Ramovš, France Bezlaj), Ono-mastične teorije, ki so v Sloveniji najbolj uveljavljene, Uporabljene tipologije lastnih imen, Uporabljane raziskovalne metode in njihova evolucija, Razmerje med metodami v Sloveniji in teoretičnimi dosežki svetovne onomastike, Enotnost onomastične terminologije, Razmerje do mednarodne terminologije iz leta 1983, Stanje raziskav - splošno, Stanje raziskovalne baze, Slovarji in monografije.
Finančna kriza, ki se je začela v ZDA leta 2007, je vplivala na vse panoge svetovnega gospodarstva. Največ pozornosti je bilo v tem obdobju namenjene krizi bančnega sistema, ki ga je kriza prizadela najbolj intenzivno. A tudi zavarovalniškemu sektorju kriza ni prizanesla. V prvem delu magistrske naloge smo ugotavljali značilnosti evropskega in slovenskega zavarovalniškega sektorja, njuno stopnjo razvitosti, strukturo in zgodovinski razvoj. Ugotovili smo, da so krize sestavni del svetovne ekonomije in ugotovili vlogo zavarovalniškega sektorja kot blažilca krize. Vpliv finančne krize na poslovanje zavarovalnic smo v magistrski nalogi raziskali na geografskem področju Evrope in z vzorcem štirideset največjih zavarovalnic po bilančni vsoti. Poslovanje zavarovalnic v obdobju pred in v krizi smo analizirali na podlagi najpomembnejših finančnih kazalnikov, kot so cena delnice, čisti dobiček, celotna sredstva in kapital, tržna kapitalizacija, dobiček na delnico, ROA, ROE, beta, število delnic in multiplikator čistega dobička. Finančne kazalnike smo sprva razložili s teoretičnega vidika, nato pa v sklopu analize izpostavili njihove prednosti in slabosti pri uporabi za nakupne odločitve delnic. Statistično analizo smo opravili s pomočjo enostavne regresijske in korelacijske analize. Rezultati regresijske analize so nam dali odgovor na vprašanja o dejanskem vplivu krize na posamezno zavarovalnico in finančni kazalnik. Prav tako o moči in obsegu krize, ki smo jih nato posplošili na celotni zavarovalniški trg Evrope. Uporabljene statistične analize so nam potrdile vpliv krize na evropski zavarovalniški trg, vendar je bil ta znotraj zavarovalnic in finančnih kazalnikov zelo raznolik. S korelacijsko analizo smo ugotavljali, kakšna je medsebojna koreliranost zavarovalnic pri posameznem finančnem kazalniku. Glede na vse večjo stopnjo globalizacije in integracije evropskega in svetovnega gospodarstva smo ugotovili, da ima to vpliv tudi na zavarovalnice, ki so med seboj v veliko primerih korelirane. V analizo smo vključili tudi slovenski zavarovalniški sektor, in sicer zavarovalnico, ki od leta 2008 kotira na Ljubljanski borzi vrednostnih papirjev, Zavarovalnico Triglav, d. d. Slovenski zavarovalniški sektor smo primerjali z evropskim in tako ugotavljali razlike in podobnosti, ki so se dogajale v analiziranem obdobju. Že v prvem delu smo ugotovili, da slovenski zavarovalniški sektor po razvitosti zaostaja za evropskim povprečjem. Razvojni zaostanek pa se zaradi hitrega razvoja slovenskih zavarovalnic počasi zmanjšuje. Prav razlika v razvitosti slovenskega in evropskega zavarovalniškega trga je močno vplivala na končne rezultate analize, ki so potrdili neznaten vpliv krize na slovenski zavarovalniški sektor. ; Die Finanzkrise, die in Vereinigten Staaten im Jahr 2007 begann, hatte Auswirkungen auf alle Sektoren der Weltwirtschaft. In diesem Zeitraum hatte die größte Aufmerksamkeit die Krise des Bankwesens, die von der Krise am intensivsten betroffen war, aber auch der Versicherungssektor war von der Krise nicht verschont. Im ersten Teil der Masterarbeit schreiben wir über die Eigenschaften der europäischen und slowenischen Versicherungssektoren und über deren Entwicklungsstand, Struktur und der historischen Entwicklung. Wir stellten fest, dass Krisen ein Bestandteil der Weltwirtschaft sind, und dass die Versicherungssektoren die Rolle als Stoßdämpfer einnehmen. In unserer Magisterarbeit erforschten wir die Auswirkungen, die die Finanzkrise in dem geografischen Gebiet Europa, auf die Versicherungsanstalt hatte. Die Forschungsarbeit wurde an einer Stichprobe, die aus vierzig größten Versicherungsanstalten bestand und die mithilfe der Bilanzsumme durchgeführt wurde. Geschäftstätigkeit der Versicherungsanstalten in der Zeit vor und während der Krise wurde auf der Grundlage der wichtigsten Finanzkennzahlen wie Preis pro Aktie, Reingewinn, Bilanzsumme und Kapitalsumme, Marktkapitalisierung, Gewinn pro Aktie, ROA, ROE, Beta und andere. Finanzkennzahlen wurden zunächst von theoretischer Sicht erklärt. Danach untersuchten wir in Rahmen der Analyse ihre Vor- und Nachteile bei der Entscheidung von Aktieneinkauf. Statistische Analyse wurde mithilfe der einfachen Regressions- und Korrelationsanalyse durchgeführt. Die Ergebnisse der Regressionsanalyse gaben uns Antwort auf die Fragen, ob die Krise tatsächlich Einfluss auf die einzelnen Versicherungsanstalten und Finanzkennzahlen hatten und auch über dem Ausmaß und Stärke der Krise, das wir danach auf den gesamten europäischen Versicherungsmarkt verallgemeinert haben. ¬Die genutzte statistische Analyse hat uns den Einfluss der Krise auf dem europäischen Versicherungsmarkt bestätigt, aber er war sehr heterogen innerhalb Versicherungsunternehmen und Finanzkennzahlen. Die Korrelationsanalyse wurde verwendet, um festzustellen, ob die Versicherungsanstalten miteinander bei einzelnen Finanzkennzahlen in Korrelation sind. Mit dem steigenden Niveau der Globalisierung und Integration der europäischen und globalen Wirtschaft, sind wir der Meinung, dass dies eine Auswirkung auf Versicherungsanstalten hat, die sind nämlich in vielen Fällen in Korrelation. Die Analyse umfasste auch den slowenischen Versicherungssektor, und zwar Versicherungsanstalt Zavarovalnica Triglav d.d., die seit 2008 an der Börse codiert ist. Den slowenischen Versicherungssektor verglichen wir mit dem Europäischen, um so Unterschiede und Ähnlichkeiten zwischen den beiden festzustellen. Im ersten Teil stellten wir fest, dass der slowenische Versicherungssektor in der Entwicklung, im Vergleich zu dem europäischen Durchschnitt, im Rückstand ist. Der Entwicklungsrückstand hat sich durch die rasante Entwicklung der Versicherung in Slowenien vermindert. Der Unterschied zwischen der Entwicklung des slowenischen und europäischen Versicherungsmarktes hat einen großen Einfluss auf die endgültigen Ergebnisse der Analyse. Wir fanden heraus, dass die Krise unwesentliche Auswirkungen auf dem slowenischen Versicherungssektor hat.
This paper analyzes the issue of nations without states in contemporary Europe between the Atlantic and the Urals. The political map of the continent comprises forty-seven countries, most of which are nation-states. However, the cultural mosaic of Europe is far more complex; there are around fifty ethnic groups (in addition to historical, territorial, or indigenous ethnic minorities and an enormous number of immigrant ethnic communities) lacking a state-based organization. Together, these people add up to 78 million, or almost 15% of the European population. Twenty-seven groups can be considered nations without states; they are culturally and ethnically based and have various forms of territorial integrity and political organization. However, they did not create a state organization, despite many attempts by some through history. Without a state organization, those communities have poorer opportunities to protect their folk culture and to reproduce various elements of ethnic identity. This is why they seek territorial autonomy or independent statehood through nationalist movements. In many cases, these ambitions are encompassed in regional movements. These movements have been popular in Europe, particularly because the idea of a "Europe of regions" as part of the European Union has had broad political support and acceptance. However, it has not actually succeeded. The EU and Europe as a whole are still a Europe of (nation)-states. In general, regional movements have been successful and through this some nations without states have attained part of their political ambitions in the form of territorial autonomy. The regionalization of former centralist states (e.g., Spain and the United Kingdom) increased the chances of ethnic survival for the Catalans, Basques, Scots, and Welsh. On the other hand, the regionalization of nations without states represented territorial division, a kind of "divide and rule" strategy serving to reduce their ambitions towards national independence. The territorial and political reconstruction of nation-states has been successful, but it did not solve all ethnic problems. The European political map reveals another interesting phenomenon: a double state for some nations. These are particularly typical for the Balkans. Because of political and territorial development after the Second World War and during the transition period in the 1990s and beyond, the principle of immutable political borders (logically encompassing the creation of new nation-states as well) led to further political and territorial divisions and (in fact, paradoxically) fragmentation. Some of these "inner" autonomous territories are functioning as de facto states. The cases of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus or Republika Srpska in Bosnia-Herzegovina are good examples of these processes. This development has not garnered much political support in most European countries or at the EU level. However, it is an undesirable reality and is certainly one of changes among the political and territorial (or even greater) challenges for the Europe of tomorrow. It forces a reexamination of the phenomenon and value of nations. The existence of nations without states represents a potential for the creation of new (nation) states.
Eine pluridisziplinäre und interkulturell konzipierte Enzyklopädie der regionalen Kulturgeschichte der Kärntner Slowenen in Österreich mit Beiträgen von über 160 Autoren unterschiedlicher Fachrichtungen und ca. 1000 Schlagwörtern und insgesamt über 2100 konzeptuellen Einträgen aus den Bereichen Geschichte, Rechtsgeschichte, Soziologie, Sprachwissenschaft, Dialektologie, Literaturgeschichte, Ethnologie, Kunstgeschichte, Biographien, Terminologie u.a.m., das ein vernetztes Verständnis der geographischen und kulturhistorischen Räume und gesellschaftlichen Prozesse im Land aus einer innovativen Perspektive ermöglicht ; The Encyclopaedia of Slovenian cultural history in Carinthia (Austria) is conceaved as a pluridisciplinary and intercultural reference work with over 160 authors, some 1000 entries and in total over 2100 conceptual entries covering areas such as history, legal history, sociology, linguistics, dialectology, literature, ethnology, art history, biographic studies, terminology. It provides a cross-linked understanding of the geographical area as well as of the cultural and societal processes in the region from an innovative perspective.
Eine pluridisziplinäre und interkulturell konzipierte Enzyklopädie der regionalen Kulturgeschichte der Kärntner Slowenen in Österreich mit Beiträgen von über 160 Autoren unterschiedlicher Fachrichtungen und ca. 1000 Schlagwörtern und insgesamt über 2100 konzeptuellen Einträgen aus den Bereichen Geschichte, Rechtsgeschichte, Soziologie, Sprachwissenschaft, Dialektologie, Literaturgeschichte, Ethnologie, Kunstgeschichte, Biographien, Terminologie u.a.m., das ein vernetztes Verständnis der geographischen und kulturhistorischen Räume und gesellschaftlichen Prozesse im Land aus einer innovativen Perspektive ermöglicht ; The Encyclopaedia of Slovenian cultural history in Carinthia (Austria) is conceaved as a pluridisciplinary and intercultural reference work with over 160 authors, some 1000 entries and in total over 2100 conceptual entries covering areas such as history, legal history, sociology, linguistics, dialectology, literature, ethnology, art history, biographic studies, terminology. It provides a cross-linked understanding of the geographical area as well as of the cultural and societal processes in the region from an innovative perspective.
Eine pluridisziplinäre und interkulturell konzipierte Enzyklopädie der regionalen Kulturgeschichte der Kärntner Slowenen in Österreich mit Beiträgen von über 160 Autoren unterschiedlicher Fachrichtungen und ca. 1000 Schlagwörtern und insgesamt über 2100 konzeptuellen Einträgen aus den Bereichen Geschichte, Rechtsgeschichte, Soziologie, Sprachwissenschaft, Dialektologie, Literaturgeschichte, Ethnologie, Kunstgeschichte, Biographien, Terminologie u.a.m., das ein vernetztes Verständnis der geographischen und kulturhistorischen Räume und gesellschaftlichen Prozesse im Land aus einer innovativen Perspektive ermöglicht ; The Encyclopaedia of Slovenian cultural history in Carinthia (Austria) is conceaved as a pluridisciplinary and intercultural reference work with over 160 authors, some 1000 entries and in total over 2100 conceptual entries covering areas such as history, legal history, sociology, linguistics, dialectology, literature, ethnology, art history, biographic studies, terminology. It provides a cross-linked understanding of the geographical area as well as of the cultural and societal processes in the region from an innovative perspective.
Evropske države so se povezale v EU na podlagi nekaterih skupnih temeljnih vrednot med katerima vidno mesto zavzemata demokracija in pravna država. S tem v zvezi sta medijsko zelo izpostavljeni Madžarska in Poljska, ki sta v zadnjem času sprejeli vrsto zakonov, ki nasprotujejo evropskim temeljem. Gradita neliberalno demokracijo, saj naj bi bila po njunem mnenju liberalna preživeta. EU pa pri varovanju svojih vrednot za enkrat ni najbolj uspešna, zato se v nalogi sprašujem, kaj vse bi EU morala postoriti, da bi se države vrnile v evropske okvirje. Pri tem pa ne zagovarjam niti ostrih posegov v posamezno državo, niti ne visokih denarnih sankcij. Skozi nalogo ves čas opozarjam, da je potrebno nasloviti problem pri njegovih vzrokih ter da je nujno, da se med vsemi vpletenimi stranmi vzpostavi dialog ter da se skupaj poišče rešitev in skupno pot naprej. ; European countries have connected into the EU on the grounds of common fundamental values, most notably democracy and the rule of law. In regard to the latter two values, Hungary and Poland attract the most media coverage, as they have in the recent time changed a few laws that contradict the European foundations. In their own words, they are building an illiberal democracy, as they believe that the liberal one is outdated. EU is at present not very successful at protecting its values ; this is why I am wandering in this article what does the EU has to do in order to bring the country back into the European frame. I am not in favour of either any intervention into the country neither am I in favour of the high financial sanctions. Through this piece I am continuously arguing that the problem needs to be addressed at its roots and that all the actors involved need to run a dialogue to find a suitable solution together for a united path forward.
Uvod: Demografsko staranje predstavlja v zadnjem času velik izziv, s katerim se sooča večina evropskih držav, tudi Slovenija. Ob daljšanju življenjske dobe se mnogi starejši soočajo z eno ali več kroničnimi boleznimi, odvisnostjo od drugih, oslabljenostjo in krhkostjo. A stanje krhkosti ni nepovratna posledica staranja ; izziv, s katerim se soočamo ob podaljševanju življenjske dobe je doseganje čvrste, nekrhke, zdrave in samostojne starosti. Namen: Namen dela je proučiti razširjenost in pojavnost sindroma krhkosti pri starejših odraslih (starih 65 let in več) v Sloveniji in ovrednotiti razlike v primerjavi z Evropo. Metode: Izvedli smo retrospektivno raziskavo razširjenosti in pojavnosti sindroma krhkosti v Sloveniji in Evropi na podlagi podatkov iz raziskave o zdravju, procesu staranja in upokojevanju v Evropi - SHARE. Uporabili smo podatke za leto 2011 (val 4), 2013 (val 5) in 2015 (val 6), pri čemer smo krhkost ovrednotili na podlagi validirane metode SHARE fenotip krhkosti. Analizirali smo razširjenost in pojavnost sindroma krhkosti v Sloveniji in Evropi, ter izvedli primerjavo razširjenosti med Slovenijo in Evropo, in sicer po spolu, starostnih skupinah, izobrazbi, samooceni zdravja, polifarmakoterapiji, geografskih regijah (v Sloveniji) in državah (v Evropi). Rezultati: Razširjenost sindroma krhkosti med starejšimi odraslimi v letu 2015 je bila v Sloveniji 14,2% (95% CI: 12,7-15,6%), v Evropi pa 15,4% ; 95% CI: 14,8-15,9%). Razširjenost predkrhkosti v Sloveniji je bila 41,8% (v Evropi: 44,4%). Med leti 2011 (18,1%), 2013 (17,0%) in 2015 (14,2%) je razširjenost krhkosti v Sloveniji padala. Štiriletna pojavnost (2011-2015) sindroma krhkosti je bila v Sloveniji 4,4 % (95% CI: 2,1-6,7%), v Evropi 5,4 % (95% CI: 4,9-5,9%). Večja razširjenost in pojavnosti krhkosti je pri ženskah, narašča s starostjo, večja je pri nižje izobraženih ljudeh ter osebah s polifarmakoterapijo. Več kot 45% krhkih posameznikov v Sloveniji in Evropi svoje zdravje ocenjuje kot slabo. Najmanjša razširjenost krhkosti je na gorenjskem (8,5%), največja v pomurski regiji (22,2%), v Evropi pa v splošnem narašča od severne proti južni Evropi. Statistično značilen vpliv na krhkost ima spol (v Evropi), starost, izobrazba (v Evropi), samoocena zdravja, polifarmakoterapija ter tudi nekatere regije v severovzhodni Sloveniji in države v Evropi. Zaključki: V prihodnosti bi bilo smiselno poenotiti metodologijo določanja krhkosti ter poenotiti definicijo pojavnosti krhkosti in predkrhkosti, da bi bili rezultati raziskav v različnih državah lažje primerljivi. ; Introduction: Demographic ageing affects most of the European countries, including Slovenia. Increased life expectancy is associated with higher prevalence of chronic diseases, disability, weakness and frailty. Nevertheless, frailty is not an irreversible one-way process. Current challenge for modern healthcare systems is providing non-frail, healthy and independent aging. Aim: The aim of this master's thesis is to evaluate prevalence and incidence of frailty syndrome in older adults (⡥ 65 years) in Slovenia and examine differences compared to other European countries. Methods: Retrospective study of prevalence and incidence of frailty syndrome in Slovenia and Europe was conducted, using the data from Survey of Health, Ageing & Retirement in Europe (SHARE). We used data collected in 2011 (wave 4), 2013 (wave 5) and 2015 (wave 6). Frailty was defined according to validated SHARE Frailty Phenotype method. Prevalence and incidence of frailty in Slovenia and Europe was analyzed, including comparison between Slovenia and Europe, using variables: sex, age categories, education, self-rated health, polypharmacy, statistical regions (Slovenia) and countries (Europe). Results: The overall prevalence of frailty in Slovenia (2015) was 14.2% (95% CI: 12.7-15.6 %), in Europe 15.4% (95% CI: 14.8-15.9%). Prevalence of pre-frailty was 41.8% (Europe: 44.4%). Prevalence in Slovenia was decreasing throughout years: 2011 (18.1%), 2013 (17.0%) and 2015 (14.2%). Four-year incidence of frailty syndrome (2011-2015) was 4.4% (95% CI: 2.1-6.7%) in Slovenia and 5.4% (95% CI: 4.9-5.9%) in Europe. Frailty prevalence and incidence increased with age, and were more frequent among women and participants with lower education and older adults with polypharmacy. More than 45% of older adults in Slovenia and Europe self-assessed their health as bad. Frailty prevalence varies across statistical regions in Slovenia. The proportion of frailty or prefrailty was in general higher in southern than in northern Europe. The variables that are significantly related to prevalence of frailty are gender (female, Europe), age, education (Europe), self-rated health, polypharmacy, some statistical regions in Slovenia and countries in Europe. Conclusions: Unified methodology for evaluating frailty is necessary for easier comparison of results between countries. Moreover, a harmonized definition of measuring frailty incidence may be useful.
Tale Zbornik prispevkov je večinoma nasledek vsakoletne prireditve v režiji Sinagoge Maribor, ki poteka že več let na dan spomina na holokavst pod naslovom Šoa - spominjajmo se. Vsako leto ta dogodek, enodnevni znanstveni posvet, prinese toliko novega gradiva, spoznanj in sintez, da lahko brez pretiravanja rečemo: čeprav so slovenske judovske študije in študije holokavsta močno finančno podhranjene in v nacionalni shemi financiranja temeljnega raziskovanja komajda tu pa tam pridobijo kak skromen projekt, so prav te študije v Sloveniji med najbolj propulzivnimi. ; Ovaj zbornik radova je najvećim delom rezultat godišnje manifestacije u organizaciji mariborske sinagoge, koja se već nekoliko godina održava na Dan sećanja na Holokaust pod nazivom Šoa - da se setimo. Svake godine, ovaj događaj, jednodnevna naučna konferencija, donosi toliko novog materijala, znanja i sinteze da možemo reći bez preterivanja: iako su slovenačke studije Jevreja i Holokausta ozbiljno finansijski nedovoljno finansirane, a nacionalna šema finansiranja osnovnih istraživanja jedva da postoji, ovaj, iako skroman projekat, jedan je od najzahtevnijih studija u Sloveniji. ; Although the Slovenian Jewish and Holocaust studies which have successfully consolidated during the past decade and a half does not enjoy any systematic support and financing from the part of the Slovenian state, they are nevertheless one of the most propulsive fields of scientific inquiry, with a proliferation of seminal publications. The yearly "Shoah - Let Us Remember" symposium organised by Synagogue Maribor as a central part of the commemorations of the Holocaust Remembrance Day regularly brings to light a wealth of new data, insights and syntheses. The reasons for such flourishing of the Slovenian Jewish and Holocaust studies are perhaps twofold: one, there exists a growing understanding especially among the engaged intellectuals in the social sciences and historiography that Slovenia has yet to embark on, and conclude the process of de-Fascistisation, the process that was nowhere in the western world a particularly swift or immediate one. Two, there exists a growing public awareness that history tends to repeat itself in a cyclic fashion and that the collapse of social and economic structures and the sharp decline of democratic principles such as we have witnessed especially since the 2008 world financial crisis bear striking resemblances to the circumstances that existed in the pre-WWII world, and that caused an unheard of genocide and global war. This volume is yet another in the series of very poignant publications on the Holocaust in Slovenia. It is especially commendable that the authors have taken a decisive step into studying the genocide perpetrated on the Romany who was, next to the Jews, principal victims of systematic Nazi extermination policies. Most appropriately, the volume also examines the more exceptional fates of the Jews who were veteran officers of WWII in the Austro-Hungarian armada, and a portrait of Slovenian resistance fighter Ali Kardoš. Two portraits of Slovenian "Righteous Among the Nations", customs officer Uroš Žun and Catholic priest Andrej Tumpej, complement these historical portraits. All these histories are cast against the backdrop of a huge, tragic canvas of Jewish refugees who have, following the Anschluss of Austria in 1938, flooded Europe, ex-Yugoslavia as well, in their frantic search of an exit from "mousetrap Europe". ; Zbornik je pripremljen u okviru projekta Šoa - da se setimo 2012/2013, koji je finansijski podržala Međunarodna alijansa za sećanje na holokaust (IHRA). Objavljivanje zbornika sufinansirala je Opština Maribor (the collection was prepared as part of the Shoah project - let's remember 2012/2013 financially supported by the International Holocaust Remembrance Association (IHRA) Holocaust Remembrance Alliance. The publication of the proceedings was co-financed by the City Municipality Maribor).
Magistrsko delo analizira delovanje male države, ko je ta na čelu Organizacije za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi (OVSE), v okviru enega od glavnih področij delovanja institucije – upravljanja in preprečevanja konfliktov. Analizira, kako lahko mala država s pametno uporabo svoje mehke moči deluje kot agent preventivne diplomacije in s katerimi ovirami se pri tem srečuje. Magistrsko delo kot študijo primera obravnava krizo v Kirgiziji leta 2005, ki sovpada s predsedovanjem Slovenije OVSE. Delo pokaže, da ima mala država ravno zaradi svojih specifičnih lastnosti primerjalne prednosti pri delovanju v okviru preventivne diplomacije, saj jo druge države pogosto dojemajo kot razmeroma nepristranskega akterja, ki se v reševanje krize ne vpleta aktivno zato, da bi zasledoval (ozko definirane) nacionalne interese, kar je pogost očitek velikim državam. Prav tako se pokaže, da je zaslomba, ki jo mali državi daje institucija (v našem primeru OVSE), lahko ključnega pomena, saj se mali državi pod okriljem institucije s tem krepi legitimnost. Analiza delovanja Slovenije v primeru krize v Kirgiziji še pokaže, da je ena od glavnih nalog male države kot predsedujoče mednarodni instituciji skupnostno delovanje, ki mora upoštevati pravila odločevalskega procesa, obenem pa ravno skupnostno delovanje prinaša mali državi možnost, da se v mednarodnem okolju izkaže kot zanesljiv partner in deluje kot most med različnimi interesi. S tem krepi svoj mednarodni ugled in posledično svojo mehko moč. ; The thesis analyses activities of small states (focusing on Slovenia) during their Chairmanship of Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), in the field of conflict management and conflict prevention as one of the main areas of the OSCE. It analyses how a small country can put its soft power to smart use and act as an agent of preventive diplomacy and what the main obstacles for its activities are. The thesis deals with a case-study of the Kyrgyz revolution in 2005, which coincided with Slovenia's Charimanship of the OSCE. The thesis shows that a small country's specific characteristics bring comparative advantages in preventive diplomacy, because small countries do not engage actively in crisis resolution in pursuit of their (narrowly defined) national interests as it is often associated with big states. It also shows that organizational backing (in our case the OSCE's) is vital for small states, because it provides legitimacy. With the analysis of Slovenia's Chairmanship, the thesis shows that one of the main tasks for a small country, chairing an international institution, is a community action with an emphasis on the decision-making process. A successful community action brings about opportunities for a small country to prove itself in an international environment and to act as a bridge builder between different interests. With this, the small country can strengthen its international reputation and its soft power.
EU je prva regionalna organizacija, ki si je v GS OZN prizadevala za nadgradnjo svoje opazovalne funkcije in 3. maja 2011 z resolucijo GS OZN št. A/RES/65/276 pridobila okrepljen status opazovalca. Ker je sprejetje omenjene resolucije vzpostavilo okvir, ki prinaša spremembe za delovanje EU v GS OZN, je cilj moje magistrske naloge analizirati, kakšen vpliv je imela resolucija na koherentnost glasovanja DČ EU v GS OZN pri resolucijah, povezanih z jedrskim orožjem. Ker je nesoglasje med DČ EU v GS OZN najvišje glede resolucij, ki obravnavajo jedrsko orožje, sem raziskovala, v kolikšni meri je sprejetje resolucije GS OZN št. A/RES/65/276 prispevalo k sposobnosti EU, da v GS OZN predstavi skupno stališče oziroma »govori z enim glasom«, ko se razpravlja o tako kontroverzni temi. To ugotavljam na podlagi mešane metode in sicer kvantitativne analize glasovanja DČ EU na temo resolucij GS OZN, ki obravnavajo jedrsko orožje in kvalitativne analize morebitnih sprememb stališč DČ EU o jedrskem oboroževanju, v osemletnem obdobju pred in po sprejetju A/RES/65/276. Ugotavljam, da resolucija GS OZN št. A/RES/65/276 ni prispevala k večji stopnji koherentnosti glasovanja DČ EU v GS OZN pri glasovanju o resolucijah jedrskega orožja. DČ EU ostajajo razdeljene glede vprašanj jedrskega razoroževanja, pri čemer tako jedrske kot nejedrske države ohranjajo močne nacionalne preference. ; The EU is the first regional organization that has strived to upgrade its observer function in the UNGA and on 3rd May 2011, with the UNGA resolution A/RES/65/276 gained an enhanced observer status. Since the adoption of this resolution has created a framework that brings changes to the functioning of the EU in the UNGA, my master's thesis aims to analyze the impact of the resolution on the EU MS' voting coherence in the UNGA on nuclear-related resolutions. Since the disagreement between the EU MS in the UNGA is the highest regarding resolutions dealing with nuclear weapons, it seems appropriate to analyse to what extent the adoption of A/RES/65/276 contributed to the EU's ability to present a common position in the UNGA or the ability to »speak with one voice« when discussing such a controversial topic. I intend to identify this on the basis of a mixed method, i.e. a quantitative analysis of the EU MS' vote on the subject of resolutions dealing with nuclear weapons and qualitative analysis of possible changes of the EU's nuclear arms standpoints in the eight year period before and after the adoption of A/RES/65/276. Findings show that the UNGA Resolution no. A/RES/65/276, did not contribute to a greater coherence in the EU MS's voting in the UNGA when voting on nuclear weapons resolutions. EU MS remain divided on nuclear disarmament issues, with both nuclear and non-nuclear states maintaining strong national preferences.
Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; V luči pojava skrajno desne in populistične retorike v Evropi, ki je bila zlasti posledica migrantske krize leta 2015, ter rasističnega in ksenofobnega diskurza, ki je bil premnogokrat odgovor nanjo, članek podaja multimodalno analizo političnih sloganov in plakatov slovenskih strank, ki so na državnozborskih volitvah leta 2018 osvojile parlamentarne sedeže. Volitve so bile namreč poleg osredotočanja na problematike, lastne slovenski politični krajini, prežete z govorom o tem, kako se spopasti z izzivi, s katerimi se sooča Evropa. Cilj raziskave je preučiti, katerih jezikovnih in vizualnih sredstev so se posluževale stranke na najrazličnejših straneh političnega spektra in ali bi lahko za nekatere elemente dejali, da so značilni za določeno politično usmerjenost. Kratkemu pregledu slovenskih strankarskih dinamik in pogojev, ki so pripomogli k njihovemu razvoju, sledi analiza političnih kampanj strank. Zavzemši držo politične analize diskurza se prvi del osredotoča na leksikalne in skladenjske odločitve strank v političnih sloganih in na podporno slikovno gradivo, medtem ko je drugi del namenjen jezikoslovni analizi načina, kako politične stranke v svojih predvolilnih programih naslavljajo pet glavnih tem: pokojnine, korupcijo, finance, zdravstvo in varnost. Njihova stališča in razlike med njimi glede na politično usmerjenost so ponazorjene z izbranimi izseki iz strankarskih programov.
Palestinski predsednik Mahmoud Abbas je v začetku leta 2011 zaprosil za polno članstvo Palestine v Organizaciji združenih narodov (OZN). Varnostni svet članstva Palestini ni odobril, zato je sledila prošnja za odobritev statusa države opazovalke. Z resolucijo Generalne Skupščine OZN 67/19 so dne 29. novembra 2012 Palestini odobrili status države opazovalke. Ta status je Palestini prinesel pravico do sodelovanja na sejah Generalne skupščine OZN, do vzpostavitve predstavništva v New Yorku, Ženevi in na Dunaju ter pravico postati članica specializiranih agencij OZN ter pogodbenica vseh mednarodnih pogodb, kjer je Generalni sekretar OZN depozitar. Magistrska naloga analizira pravne posledice spremembe statusa Palestine v OZN. Za lažje razumevanje najprej predstavim pot Palestine do statusa države opazovalke v OZN. Nato kratko analiziram ali je palestinska zakonodajna ureditev v skladu z nekaterimi najpomembnejšimi mednarodnimi pogodbami, ki jih je Palestina ratificirala. V zaključku pa raziščem kako sodeluje v Generalni skupščini ter nekaterih specializiranih agencijah OZN, kjer ima položaj članice ali opazovalke. ; The Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbasa had in the beginning of the year 2011 requested for full membership of Palestine in the United Nations (UN). The Security Council did not approve membership of Palestine, therefore a request for granting a status of an observer state followed. With the Resolution 67/19 from the 29th of November 2012 the General Assembly approved Palestine the status of observer state. This status brought Palestine the right to participate in the meetings of the General Assembly, to establish a Permanent Mission in New York, Geneva and Vienna, and the right to become a member of specialized agencies of UN and party to all international treaties, where the Secretary-General is depositary. My Master thesis analyses the legal consequences of the change in status of Palestine in the UN. For better understanding of the topic, I first introduce Palestine's road to the status of observer state in the UN. Then I briefly analyse, if the Palestinian Law is in consistency with some of the most important international treaties to which Palestine ratified. In conclusion, I research the participation of Palestine in the General Assembly and in some specialized agencies, where Palestine holds status of member or observer.
Magistrsko delo raziskuje dejavnike uspešnosti mednarodnih režimov, ki jih preverjam na primeru preprečevanja tihotapljenja ljudi v času migrantske krize. Ta režim je bil med leti 2015 in 2018 na največji preizkušnji v svoji zgodovini, saj je zaradi migrantske krize število migrantov, ki so nezakonito prečkali meje Evropske unije preraslo njene zmogljivosti. Ljudje so se v želji po osnovnih človekovih pravicah začeli množično zatekati k nezakonitim in mnogokrat smrtno nevarnim načinom migriranja. Režim proti tihotapljenju migrantov je prejemal vse več kritik, vendar ga niso razvijali z namenom regulacije problema tako velikih razsežnosti. Zaradi pomanjkanja interesa je njegov namen povečanje državnega nadzora nad migracijami in meddržavnega sodelovanja. Režim je namreč lahko najuspešnejši takrat, ko vsi akterji upoštevajo vse njegove sestavine: norme, načela, pravila in pravila odločanja. V delu preverjam upoštevanje teh sestavin na primeru štirih mednarodnih organizacij: Organizacija za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi, Evropski policijski urad, Mednarodna organizacija kriminalistične policije in Urad Združenih narodov za droge in kriminal ter petih držav: Nemčija, Madžarska, Grčija, Francija in Slovenija. Trenutne politike, usmerjene k povečevanju povpraševanja po tihotapskih storitvah, je treba preoblikovati tako, da bodo identificirani dejavniki uspešnosti zaobjeli tudi izvorne države, ki bodo lahko začele prispevati svoj delež. ; This master's thesis explores the factors of effectiveness of international regimes that I test on the case of smuggling of migrants during the migrant crisis. This regime had its greatest trial in its history between the years 2015 and 2018 why because the migrant crisis increased the number of migrants that could legally cross the borders of the European Union. People, in the desire for basic human rights, began to massively resort to illegal and many times deadly ways of smuggling. The regime against the smuggling of migrants has begun to receive increasing criticism. However, it was not established with the aim to regulate the smuggling problem of such large proportions. Due to the lack of states' interest, its aim was to increase state control over migration and interstate cooperation. The regime can be most effective when all actors are concerned with all its components: norms, principles, rules and rules of decision-making. In the thesis I test the upkeeping of these components on four international organizations: Organization for security and cooperation in Europe, European union agency for law enforcement cooperation, International criminal police organization and United nations office on drugs and crime, and five countries: Germany, Hungary, Greece, France and Slovenia. Current policies are formed to increase the demand for smuggling services and need to be transformed in order for identified factors of effectiveness to capture countries of origin and make them contribute their share as well.
Evropska unija se je na pragu leta 2011 začela srečevati s prvimi begunci, ki so pribežali z bojnih območjih Sirije in drugih držav Bližnjega vzhoda ter islamskih držav Severne Afrike in skušali ujeti svojo svobodo, osebno varnost in prihodnost prav v državah članicah Evropske unije. Politična kriza in vojna na Bližnjem vzhodu nista pojenjali, še več, vsak dan je na tisoče ljudi po sredozemskih in balkanski poti skušalo prebežati v Evropo. Evropska unija je leta 2015 z vrhuncem migracijskih tokov v Evropo doživljala najhujšo begunsko krizo po drugi svetovni vojni. Znašla se je pred hudim migracijskim vprašanjem, na katerega pa je sama našla odgovor v pomoči in sodelovanju Turčije – države, ki je pred 69 leti zaprosila za članstvo v Evropski uniji, vendar do danes še ni postala njena polnopravna članica. Turčija danes gosti največji delež sirskih beguncev na svetu – 3,6 milijona. Z Evropsko unijo sta po mnogih letih njunega intenzivnega političnega delovanja in diplomacije odprli novo poglavje sodelovanja, lahko bi ga poimenovala kar migracijsko sodelovanje, skovali sta skupno migracijsko politiko, le ta pa je bila ovekovečena 18. marca 2016 s podpisom izjave EU-Turčija, katere namen je bil ustaviti tok nedovoljenih migracij preko balkanske poti iz Turčije v Evropsko unijo in ga nadomestiti z organiziranimi, varnimi in zakonitimi potmi v Evropo. Seveda ni ostalo zgolj in samo pri turški uslugi Evropski uniji, le-ta je bila za to pripravljena dobro plačati, skupno je Turčiji namenila tri milijarde evrov in ji obljubila še druge ugodnosti, med drugim vizumsko liberalizacijo. V Evropski uniji se danes nahaja več kot 1,8 milijona beguncev. Mnoge Evropejce skrbi za osebno varnost, Evropsko unijo pa za nacionalno in mednarodno, med najbolj rizične varnostne implikacije, ki so jih s seboj prinesli begunci, se najpogosteje uvrščata terorizem in organiziran kriminal - tihotapljenje migrantov. ; At the beginning of 2011, the European Union faced the first refugees fleeing from the war-torn areas of Syria, other Middle East countries and Islamic countries of North Africa, trying to secure their freedom, personal safety and future in the member states of the European Union. The political crisis and war in the Middle East did not subside, on the contrary, every day thousands of people took the Mediterranean and Balkan routes to reach Europe. In 2015, when migration flows into Europe peaked, the European Union experienced the worst refugee crisis after the Second World War. The EU had to face a grave migration issue and eventually settled it with the help and in cooperation with Turkey – country that 69 years ago applied for the membership in the European Union but has not become its full member to this day. Turkey today hosts the largest share of Syrian refugees in the world – 3,6 million, and after many years of intensive political activity and diplomacy, it started a new chapter of cooperation with the European Union, we could call it migration cooperation. Together, they forged a common migration policy by signing the EU-Turkey Statement on 18th March 2016. Its aim was to put a halt to the irregular migration flows on the Balkan route from Turkey to the European Union and to replace it with organised, safe and legal ways to enter Europe. Of course, Turkey was not merely doing a favour to the European Union and the EU was ready to pay well in exchange, sending 3 billion euros to Turkey and promising other benefits, including visa liberalisation. Today, there are more than 1,8 million refugees in the European Union. Many Europeans worry about their personal safety and the European Union is concerned about the national and international security. As the riskiest security implications brought by refugees are most often mentioned terrorism and organised crime – smuggling of migrants.
