Suchergebnisse

Digitalization has two very different effects on work. On the one hand, it leads to a re-Taylorization of work, de-qualification and a loss of workers autonomy. On the other hand, digitalization of work leads to new forms of indirect control and algorithmic control that can be used to manage and instrumentalize the supposed autonomy of workers to actually enable an unequal and exploitative labour process. This article discusses the questions of heteronomy related to the digitalization of work, presents central aspects of new forms of control (direct, indirect, and algorithmic) and explains why formalization, data centred decision making and flexible structures are used to control the labour process and improve heteronomy of work.

"Recognizing the essential heteronomy of postmodern philosophy of religion, Merold Westphal argues against the assumption that human reason is universal, neutral, and devoid of presupposition. Instead, Westphal contends that any philosophy is a matter of faith and the philosophical encounter with theology arises from the very act of thinking. Relying on the work of Spinoza, Kant, and Hegel, Westphal discovers that their theologies render them mutually incompatible and their claims to be the voice of autonomous and universal resaon look dubious. Westphal grapples with this plural nature of human thought in the philosophy of religion and he forwards the idea that any appeal to the divine must rest on a historical and phenomenological analysis."--

This article analyses the degree-granting economics programs offered in French universities in the period 1970-2009 from a disciplinary socio-historical approach. Archival data was compiled into a database used to map the space of these universities with the help of geometric data analysis (principal component analysis and ascending hierarchical clustering). Interpretation of the resulting space reveals a utilitarian shift in university curricula to the detriment of research, as well as a trend towards modelling studying programs on templates of professional schools. Economics instruction has become increasingly heteronomic, critical economics has been marginalized and professionalized programs are today perceived as the 'gold standard' of teaching.

This article analyses the degree-granting economics programs offered in French universities in the period 1970-2009 from a disciplinary socio-historical approach. Archival data was compiled into a database used to map the space of these universities with the help of geometric data analysis (principal component analysis and ascending hierarchical clustering). Interpretation of the resulting space reveals a utilitarian shift in university curricula to the detriment of research, as well as a trend towards modelling studying programs on templates of professional schools. Economics instruction has become increasingly heteronomic, critical economics has been marginalized and professionalized programs are today perceived as the 'gold standard' of teaching.

The main aim of the paper is the theoretical analysis of the concept of the territorial heteronomy. Conclusions concerning the idea of territorial autonomy, regionalism or federalism easily can be found in the scientific literature. But they are useless to investigate and explain many political processes and political preferences in states of the Central and Eastern Europe. It is because states of this part of the continent did not have a chance to create and develop their own models of classic administration institutions in the nineteenth century, inter alia the local and regional government. Their only experience in this area is limited to the interwar period between 1918 and 1939. They have gained a new chance for a democratic division of public tasks after the collapse of the communist system in the very end of the twentieth century. But in that period they have focused more on the horizontal division of powers than on the vertical one. For that reason up till today political phenomena in the political centre have more importance than the regional policy impact attempts. The inspiration for such a research were electoral results obtained by two regional parties at elections to the Śląskie Voivodeship Assembly in 2018.

The main aim of the paper is the theoretical analysis of the concept of the territorial heteronomy. Conclusions concerning the idea of territorial autonomy, regionalism or federalism easily can be found in the scientific literature. But they are useless to investigate and explain many political processes and political preferences in states of the Central and Eastern Europe. It is because states of this part of the continent did not have a chance to create and develop their own models of classic administration institutions in the nineteenth century, inter alia the local and regional government. Their only experience in this area is limited to the interwar period between 1918 and 1939. They have gained a new chance for a democratic division of public tasks after the collapse of the communist system in the very end of the twentieth century. But in that period they have focused more on the horizontal division of powers than on the vertical one. For that reason up till today political phenomena in the political centre have more importance than the regional policy impact attempts. The inspiration for such a research were electoral results obtained by two regional parties at elections to the Śląskie Voivodeship Assembly in 2018.

The analysis of the historical dynamics of insertion of Latin America in the context of imperialism and its gradual financialization, incites us to evaluate the state's actions in the present century. In this study we seek to demonstrate the persistence of the heteronomous character of the directives of the national policies in Latin America, even during the period of progressive governments. This theoretical essay is supported by critical theories emphasizing a contextual development of the dynamics of the international system. We assess how, since the heteronomous insertion of the Latin-American countries, these characteristics persevere to the beginning of this century, even with the ascension of progressive governments, although eventually some sectorial political policies aimed at alternative ways. In recent years, a bias articulated by neoliberals and conservatives in national governments has been strengthened, which is struggling for increasing heteronomous public policies. ; La historia de inserción de América Latina en el contexto del imperialismo, y su paulatina financiarización, incitan a analizar la acción estatal en el presente siglo. En este estudio buscamos evidenciar la persistencia del carácter heterónomo de las directrices de las políticas públicas en América Latina, inclusive durante el período de los gobiernos progresistas. Este ensayo teórico se sustenta en teorías críticas enfatizando un desarrollo contextual de la dinámica del sistema internacional. Verificamos que, a partir de la inserción heterónoma de los países latinoamericanos, esas características persisten en el inicio de este siglo, con la ascensión de gobiernos progresistas, aunque eventualmente políticas públicas sectoriales apuntaron caminos alternativos. En los últimos años se fortalece un sesgo articulado por neoliberales y conservadores en los gobiernos nacionales que pugna por políticas públicas crecientemente heterónomas.

La ontología política de Ernesto Laclau está profundamente marcada por una lógica violenta. Ella se basa sobre una doble perspectiva que lo lleva a teorizar la primacía de la razón populista sobre el proceso democrático teorizado en los años '80: la estructura del proceso hegemónico y la interpretación holista de la diferencia heideggeriana. Para Laclau el conflicto social instituyente tiene que ser interpretado como negación absoluta de lo que es común (conflicto y creación) y lleva la sociedad a eliminar la alteridad social con un pro- ceso de exclusión antagónica que sigue el imperativo autoritario de restablecer el orden del conjunto social. En este proceso está excluido cualquier papel de la autonomía humana. ; Ernesto Laclau's political ontology is deeply marked by a violent logic. It is based on a double perspective that leads him to theorize the primacy of the populist reason on the democratic process valorised in the years' 80: the structure of the hegemonic process and the Heideggerian "ontological difference" reinterpreted. The social instituting conflict is for him an absolute denial of what we consider as common (conflict and creation) and leads the hegemonic process to eliminate the social alterity with an antagonistic exclusion that follow the authoritarian imperative of restoring the social order. In this process, it is excluded any role of the human autonomy. ; Fil: Profumi, Emanuele. Università della Tuscia, Vi- terbo; Italia.

The aim of this paper is to explore a tension between two concepts designed
to expose social discomforts in Axel Honneth?s mature work, namely social
pathologies and anomie. Particular emphasis will be given to how they
contribute or obstruct Honneth?s apprehension of social tensions. In the
first session of this exposition I will show that Honneth?s interpretation
of social pathologies is based on a conception of society as an organic
whole (I). While this interpretation represents a slight change regarding
Honneth?s understanding of social pathologies in Das Recht der Freiheit, it
does not change the fact that in his work subsequent to that book the
concept of false developments has not been properly theorized. Accordingly,
social discomforts related to deviations from expected patterns of a
normative reconstruction remain largely ignored. This calls for a
perspective more fully able to grasp the heteronomy of social life (II). As
a result, in Honneth?s mature work there seems to be a tension between the
aims of a normative reconstruction and those of social critique, mainly due
to an inability of the author to combine both elements of his social theory.
In its final section (III), the paper will address that tension in order to
critically contribute to Honneth?s attempt to link normative reconstruction,
social analysis and criticism.

Based on the critical analysis of diverse documentary sources, particularly executive decisions and proceedings, this article analyzes the performance of the National Inter-university Council (CIN for its Spanish acronym) in the period 1990-1999. It examines the role of the rectors in the Protocol of the University Concertation; the Commission of Concertation of the State Universities with the National Executive Power; the agreement with the Bureau of University Policies in relation with the Higher Education Law and the involvement of the CIN in the implementation of the main governmental programs of the period. It addresses this process as a form of "concerted heteronomy", in the sense that, on the one hand, intense and asymmetric government policies were promoted from the outside of the university field,but, at the same time, the central core of these policies were discussed and negotiated with the Rectors nucleated in the CIN, these agents intervening actively in the implementation of said policies. ; A partir del análisis crítico de diversas fuentes documentales, en especial sus normativas y actas de funcionamiento, el presente artículo analiza la actuación del Consejo Interuniversitario Nacional (CIN) en el período 1990- 1999. Examina el papel de los rectores en el Protocolo de la Concertación Universitaria; la Comisión de Concertación de las Universidades Estatales con el Poder Ejecutivo Nacional; el acuerdo celebrado con la Secretaría de Políticas Universitarias en 1993 respecto a la Ley de Educación Superior y elinvolucramiento del CIN en la implementación de los principales programas gubernamentales de la etapa. Se procura demostrar que en esta etapa se desplegó un proceso de "heteronomía concertada", en el sentido que, por un lado, se impulsaron intensas y asimétricas políticas gubernamentales sobre el campo universitario, pero, al mismo tiempo, el núcleo central de dichas políticas fueron concertadas con los rectores nucleados en el CIN, siendo estos agentes activos en la implementación de estas.

In international relations, accounts of medieval political authority are divided between those who see a heteronomous patchwork of overlapping authorities and those who claim that the era of the state started in the twelfth century. How can we overcome this divide? I argue that IR's current difficulties in grasping the nature of medieval political authority stem from shortcomings in how the notion of political authority itself has been conceptualized. Thus, rather than starting from a substantive definition of political authority, I focus on contestation over the categorization and authorization of rule, that is, on how authority is produced in historically specific ways as a result of contemporary contestation over what political authority is, who is authorized, and how rulers stand in relation to one another. This reorientation allows us to appreciate how medieval political authority emerged from the competition between four sets of ordering categories: iurisdictio, potestas, lord/vassal, and magistrate. Each one of these four categories understood authority, rulers, and the relation between rulers in different ways. The problem with existing accounts of medieval authority is that they attempt to find the single ordering principle of medieval international relations. In doing so, they not only fail to capture the features of the time but also reinforce a particular approach to political authority that is unhelpful for understanding medieval and modern politics alike.