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Americans have been conditioned to appreciate, cheer, and serve economic growth. Brian Czech argues that, while economic growth was a good thing for much of American history, somewhere along the way it turned bad, depleting resources, polluting the environment, and threatening posterity. Yet growth remains a top priority of the public and polity. In this revolutionary manifesto, Czech knocks economic growth off the pedestal of American ideology. Seeking nothing less than a fundamental change in public opinion, Czech makes a bold plea for castigating society's biggest spenders and sets the stage for the "steady state revolution." Czech offers a sophisticated yet accessible critique of the principles of economic growth theory and the fallacious extension of these principles into the "pop economics" of Julian Simon and others. He points with hope to the new discipline of ecological economics, which prescribes the steady state economy as a sustainable alternative to economic growth. Czech explores the psychological underpinnings of our consumer culture by synthesizing theories of Charles Darwin, Thorstein Veblen, and Abraham Maslow. Speaking to ordinary American citizens, he urges us to recognize conspicuous consumers for who they are--bad citizens who are liquidating our grandkids' future. Combining insights from economics, psychology, and ecology with a large dose of common sense, Czech drafts a blueprint for a more satisfying and sustainable society. His ideas reach deeply into our everyday lives as he asks us to re-examine our perspectives on everything from our shopping habits to romance. From his perspective as a wildlife ecologist, Czech draws revealing parallels between the economy of nature and the human economy. His style is lively, easy to read, humorous, and bound to be controversial. Czech will provoke all of us to ask when we

Women's Political and Social Thought: An Anthology is the first collection of source readings of women's important writings in political and social theory from ancient times to the twentieth century. It fills a major gap in materials available for teaching the history of political thought and opens paths for exploring the rich and diverse contributions of women as creators of theory. Not confined to works of feminist theory, this anthology makes available substantial selections from women's writings across the political spectrum and in varied forms, from epic poetry, fiction, drama, and autobiography to prose works on history, politics, religion, and philosophy. The twenty-five authors represented in the anthology include: the ancient Sumerian high priestess Enheduanna, Sappho of Lesbos, Diotima of Mantinea, Sei Shonagon, Catherine of Siena, Christine de Pizan, Margaret Cavendish, Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz, Mary Astell, Phillis Wheatley, Olympe de Gouges, Mary Wollstonecraft, Angelina and Sarah Grimké, Flora Tristan, Josephine Butler, Vera Figner, E. Pauline Johnson (Tekahionwake), Ida B. Wells-Barnett, Jane Addams, Rokeya Hossain, Rosa Luxemburg, Virginia Woolf, Ding Ling, Simone Weil, and Emma Mashinini. To illustrate the breadth of interests of women political theorists, the selections highlight works ranging from the political poetry and fiction of Enheduanna, Sappho, Sor Juana, Phillis Wheatley, Tekahionwake, and Ding Ling, to the Dialogue of St. Catherine, Christine de Pizan's Book of the Body Politic, Wollstonecraft's Vindication of the Rights of Men, Tristan's The Workers' Union, Butler's Government by Police, Wells-Barnett's Southern Horrors, Hossain's Sultana's Dream, Weil's Reflections Concerning the Causes of Liberty and Social Oppression, and Mashinini's Strikes Have Followed Me All My Life. The broad-ranging texts included in the volume cross many boundaries of time, space, class, race, sex, culture, genre, and ideology. The book includes a general introduction by Berenice Carroll, biographical introductions by Carroll or Smith for each of the authors, suggested readings for individual authors, and a selected bibliography.

In a work that synthesizes crucial developments in international relations at the close of the twentieth century, Bruce Cumings--a leading historian of contemporary East Asia--provides a nuanced understanding of how the United States has loomed over the modern history and culture of East Asia. By offering correctives to widely held yet largely inaccurate assessments of the affairs of this region, Parallax Visions shows how relations between the United States, Japan, Vietnam, North and South Korea, China, and Taiwan have been structured by their perceptions and misperceptions of each other.Using information based on thirty years of research, Cumings offers a new perspective on a wide range of issues that originated with the cold war--with particular focus on the possibly inappropriate collaboration between universities, foundations, and intelligence agencies. Seeking to explode the presuppositions that Americans usually bring to the understanding of our relations with East Asia, the study ranges over much of the history of the twentieth century in East Asian-American relations--Pearl Harbor, Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the Korean War, and more recent difficulties in U.S. relations with China and Japan. Cumings also rebuts U.S. media coverage of North Korea's nuclear diplomacy in the 1990s and examines how experiences of colonialism and postcolonialism have had varying effects on economic development in each of these countries. Positing that the central defining experience of twentieth-century East Asia has been its entanglement first with British and Japanese imperialism, and then with the United States, Cumings ends with a discussion of how the situation could change over the next century as the economic and political global clout of the United States declines.Illuminating the sometimes self-deluded ideology of cold war America, Parallax Visions will engage historians, political scientists, and students and scholars of comparative politics and social theory, as well as readers interested in questions of modernity and the role of the United States in shaping the destinies of modernizing societies in Asia.

In recent years, black neoconservatism has captured the national imagination. Clarence Thomas sits on the Supreme Court. Stephen Carter's opinions on topics ranging from religion to the confirmation process are widely quoted. The New Republic has written that black neoconservative Thomas Sowell was having a greater influence on the discussion of matters of race and ethnicity than any other writer of the past ten years. In this compelling and vividly argued book, Ronald Roberts reveals how this attention has turned an eccentricity into a movement. Black neoconservatives, Roberts believes, have no real constituency but, as was the case with Clarence Thomas, are held up—and proclaim themselves—as simply and ruthlessly honest, as above mere self-interest and crude political loyalties. They profess a concern for those they criticize, claiming to possess an objective truth which sets them apart from their critics in the establishment Left. They claim to be outsiders even while sustained by the culture's most powerful institutions. As they level attacks at the activist organizations they perceive as moribund, every significant argument they advance rests on fervent mantras of harsh truths and simple realities. Enlisting the ideal of impartiality as a partisan weapon, this Tough Love Crowd has elevated the familiar wisdom of Spare the rod and spoil the child to the arena of national politics. Turning to their own writings and proclamations, Roberts here serves up a devastating critique of such figures as Clarence Thomas, Shelby Steele, Stephen Carter, and V. S. Naipaul (Tough Love International). Clarence Thomas and the Tough Love Crowd marks the emergence of a provocative and powerful voice on our cultural and political landscape, a voice which holds those who subscribe to this polemically powerful ideology accountable for their opinions and actions.

Making Peace provides a fresh context for understanding gender relations in interwar Britain, seeing in the emergence of a powerful ideology of motherhood and a reemphasis on separate spheres for men and women a corollary to the political and economic restructuring designed to reestablish social order after World War I. The war had often been explained and justified to the British public by means of images that portrayed women as hostile or frightening—or as victims of sexual assault, as in the Belgian atrocity stories. These sexualized interpretations of war then shaped postwar understandings of gender, as psychiatrists, psychologists, and sexologists drew on metaphors of war to talk about relationships between men and women, likening any conflict between the sexes to the terrible chaos of the war years.Drawing on materials from posters to popular songs, from government reports to journalistic accounts, from memoirs and novels to diaries and letters, Making Peace is a penetrating analysis of how gendered and sexualized depictions of wartime expereinces compelled many Britons to seek in traditional gender arrangements the key to postwar order and security. In the interwar period, many feminists compromised their earlier positions in an effort to contribute to postwar recovery, and justified their demands—for birth control and family endowment, for example—in conservative terms that ultimately hampered their movement.Susan Kingsley Kent is Associate Professor of History at the University of Colorado at Boulder. She is also the author of Sex and Suffrage in Britain, 1860-1914 (Princeton).Originally published in 1993.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905

In the historical literature of the American Civil War, the president, the generals, and the cabinet secretaries have won the war of words. Of the hundreds of men who served in the House of Representative during this great struggle, only a handful appear typically in general discussions of the period. Yet without a deeper understanding of the contributions of the members of Congress to the successful prosecution of the war we cannot fully appreciate the desperate nature of that conflict and its significance in the building of the nation. This book explores important aspects of the Civil War from the perspective of Capital Hill. It is an effort to reconnoiter some of the possibilities for understanding the congressmen, their relations with one another, and their interaction with President Lincoln. Designed as an exploration rather than as a full-scale history of the Civil War Congress, this book reveals a legislature in which the average length of service was very short, although a relatively small core of national public figures provide continuity. The era was one of strong ideology and fateful policy decisions, but the congressmen continued to think also as politicians. The author suggests that not one but many political agendas were at issue in Congress during the Civil War. The Republicans had significant success in achieving the goals represented by their national platform of 1860, but the necessity of developing an ad hoc wartime agenda resulted in major struggles between party leaders and between elements in Congress and in party caucuses, as well as between the legislative and executive branches. In such activity neither the president nor any particular congressional group was the clear victor, and the war ended with momentous issues still undecided. While public attention focused on such issues and great armies marched to victory or disaster, the federal lawmakers fulfilled their institutional roles to their own best advantages and thought in terms of patronage, personal power, and career advancement

1. Education and training for and in South Africa beyond apartheid / by David Adler. 15 S.; 2. Investment, savings and the capital market in South Africa / by Jesmond Blumenfeld. 35 S.; 3. The dismantling of the apartheid war machine / by Horace Campbell. 31 S.; 4. Growth, crisis and change in the South African economy / by Fuad Cassim. 51 S.; 5. Economic policy issues in the education sector / by James Cobbe. 24,11 S.; 6. The land question in South Africa / by Matthew Cobbett. 26 S.; 7. Ownership and control of agriculture in South Africa / by David Cooper. 47 S.; 8. Bantustan agriculture in South Africa : obstacles to development under a post-apartheid government / by Kevin Danaher. 44 S.; 9. Nationalisation, socialisation and the Freedom Charter / by Robert Davies. 29 S.; 10. Stabilisation policies and the health and welfare of children in Zimbabwe / by Rob Davies (u.a.). 39 S.; 11. South African business ideology, the crisis and the problem of redistribution / by W. M. Freund. 21 S.; 12. Regional development in South Africa : past and present patterns, future possibilities / by Daryl Glaser. 39 S.; 13. Alternative urbanisation strategies in South Africa : a critical evaluation / by Doug Hindson. 30 S.; 14. The incorporation of African women into the industrial workforce : its implications for the women's question in South Africa / by Georgina Jaffee (u.a.). 51 S.; 15. A comparative analysis of South Africa as a semi-industrialised developing country / by J. B. Knight. 29 S.; 16. Trade unions and national liberation in South Africa, past perspectives and current strategies / by Rob Lambert. 25 S.; 17. The state as economic actor : a review of the divergent perceptions of economic issues / by Pieter Le Roux. 31 S.; 18. Economists, apartheid and the "common society" / by Hugh Macmillan. 41 S.; 19. South African education after apartheid / by Mona Macmillan. 14 S.; 20. Some limits to redistribution / by Michael McGrath (u.a.). 51 S

1. Political will, self-reliance and economic development : the Eritrean experience / Girmai Abraham. - 21 S.; 3. Technological self-reliance strategies in sub-Saharan Africa / Kofi Afriyie. - 25 S.; 6. The Nkomati accord in retrospect / Douglas G. Anglin. - 16,8 S.; 17. Negotiator queens : market leaders in Kumasi, Ghana / Gracia Clark. - 16 S.; 21. The civil war in the Sudan / Robert O. Collins. - 19 S.; 24. Botswana's Southern African security policy, 1966-1985 / Richard Dale. - 23 S.; 26. Changing donor strategies in the 1980's : a view from the middle ; the case of the Gambia River Development Organization / William Derman. - 20 S.; 31. Methodology in the study of female roles : demographic surveys and Nigerian women / Barbara Entwisle (u.a.). - 17 S.; 34. Small scale enterprises in Zambia / Yacob Fisseha (u.a.). - 22 S.; 60. The closing of a labour frontier : black migrants to the South African gold mines, 1920-1985 / Alan Jeeves (u.a.). - 23 S.; 80. Ideology and praxis in Thomas Sankara's populist revolution of 4 August 1983 in Burkina Faso / Guy Martin. - 22 S.; 87. Nationalism, class, and neo-colonialism : the lessons of Kenya and Tanzania / Charles McKelvey. - 13 S.; 92. Poverty, women and cooperatives in Kenya / Roberta Mutiso. - 18 S.; 98. Domestic crises, regional politics and economic collapse in the Sudan / Marina Ottaway. - 17 S.; 118. Food for work : food aid for development projects ; does it help prevent future famines? / Robert T. Snow. - (ca. 20 S.).; 119. Communication needs in a changing rural environment : Gambian women / Leslie B. Snyder (u.a.). - (ca. 25 S.).; 120. Seychelles economic planning / Donald L. Sparks. - 13 S.; 130. Modes of production, health and health care in Southern Africa / Gloria Waite. - 19 S.; 133. Rural Development from Zambian villager's perspectives / Lee E. Weissling. - 14 S.; 135. Force and political legitimation in Africa : the role of the military / Claude E. Welch, jr. - 28 S.; 139. Ngugi wa Thiong'o's "A grain of wheat" as source of insights for development specialists / Carl Wood. - 13 S

This book examines the intrusion of imperialist modes of thought into the domestic politics of the Edwardian period and the war years. The author analyzes the fusion of social-imperialist ideology with the Lloyd George insurgency in the Liberal Party and reinforces the hypothesis that European imperialism in this era aligned itself with progressive Liberalism to form the chief defense against rising democratic and socialist forces. Major events of the war years such as the collapse of the Liberal Party and the dispute over war aims are shown to be the products of the continuing conflict between these forces rather than merely the result of the circumstances of war.The author describes the development of the body of social-imperialist ideas and strategies between the Boer War and the formation of the Lloyd George Coalition of 1916. The political course of the Coalition idea is traced past the crisis of 1910 into the war years and the debate over plans for reconstruction. Thus, the Coalition of 1916 is seen mainly as an outgrowth of the prewar political crisis-a device originally designed as a response to domestic issues and adapted only later to the pressures of war. This original interpretation of the Coalition and its origins establishes the historical significance of social imperialism and places Lloyd George and the British right in new perspective.Originally published in 1975.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

The dissertation includes four studies broadly connected to the causes and consequences of the Global Financial Crisis of 2007-8 from a political economy perspective. Following the intro-duction, Chapter 2 analyzes the political roots of massive foreign reserves accumulation, which has contributed to the American credit boom before the financial crisis. The study shows that elections tend to explain why democracies have acquired less foreign reserves than authoritarian regimes. Basel III was a regulatory consequence of the Global Financial Crisis, which is scheduled to impose liquidity requirements as a prudential measure for commercial banks. Chapter 3 examines whether these liquidity requirements could have an unintended negative effect on monetary stability. Based on a new dataset of reserve and liquidity requirements, the results show that inflation is more robust to changes in the velocity of money if reserve and liquidity requirements are low. Increases in the velocity of money are associated with higher inflation rates if reserve and liquidity requirements are high. The ability of partisan politics to shape economic policies according to ideological goals has been regularly questioned in an era of globalization and austerity. Chapter 4 suggests that government ideology still has a pronounced impact on economic policy-making based on a sample of OECD and new EU member states. Chapter 5 analyzes why major business leaders in France and Germany have publicly supported the euro in the weeks before a bailout program got enacted by the European Council in July 2011. The study shows that direct corporate interest did not appear to matter. Instead, business leaders appeared to be more likely to join the campaign if they were well-connected in business and political networks. The findings suggest that managers disregarded their short-term economic interest to improve their long-term ties with political decision-makers.

The dissertation includes four studies broadly connected to the causes and consequences of the Global Financial Crisis of 2007-8 from a political economy perspective. Following the intro-duction, Chapter 2 analyzes the political roots of massive foreign reserves accumulation, which has contributed to the American credit boom before the financial crisis. The study shows that elections tend to explain why democracies have acquired less foreign reserves than authoritarian regimes. Basel III was a regulatory consequence of the Global Financial Crisis, which is scheduled to impose liquidity requirements as a prudential measure for commercial banks. Chapter 3 examines whether these liquidity requirements could have an unintended negative effect on monetary stability. Based on a new dataset of reserve and liquidity requirements, the results show that inflation is more robust to changes in the velocity of money if reserve and liquidity requirements are low. Increases in the velocity of money are associated with higher inflation rates if reserve and liquidity requirements are high. The ability of partisan politics to shape economic policies according to ideological goals has been regularly questioned in an era of globalization and austerity. Chapter 4 suggests that government ideology still has a pronounced impact on economic policy-making based on a sample of OECD and new EU member states. Chapter 5 analyzes why major business leaders in France and Germany have publicly supported the euro in the weeks before a bailout program got enacted by the European Council in July 2011. The study shows that direct corporate interest did not appear to matter. Instead, business leaders appeared to be more likely to join the campaign if they were well-connected in business and political networks. The findings suggest that managers disregarded their short-term economic interest to improve their long-term ties with political decision-makers.

Was ist Realität? Was bedeutet es, real zu sein? Die Fragen scheinen heute aktueller und zugleich schwieriger als je zuvor. Die Auffassung der Realität als Macht, im Unterschied zur Realität als neutraler Gegebenheit oder als Geflecht verfügbarer Interpretationen, öffnet einen neuen Zugang zu brennenden Fragen der Gegenwart - zu der Frage nach der Motivation eines Wissens, das mit dem neuzeitlichen Streben nach Vorteil und Nutzen nicht zusammenfallen würde; zu dem Problem, wie man nicht nur den alten, sondern auch den neuesten Ideologien widerstehen könnte; zu unserem Selbstverständnis als freie Menschen, die Spielräume für ihre Handlungen suchen. Indem der vielfältige Sinn der Macht untersucht wird, erhält das alte philosophische Problem der Realität immer neue Wendungen.

Dieser Insight Report des Forschungsprojekts DISLEX 3D widmet sich den ersten im Rahmen der Interviewerhebungen identifizierten Distanzierungsbeobachtungen und diskutiert diese anhand von zwei Fällen exemplarisch. Der Fokus dieses Reports liegt auf den sogenannten blinden Flecken in Bezug auf die Distanzierungsbeobachtungen, die aus den unterschiedlichen Erzählungen und Wahrnehmungen der einzelnen Beobachtungsperspektiven hervorgehen. Bislang zeichnen sich sechs Kategorien ab, die für die Beobachtung von Distanzierungsprozessen aus dem islamistischen Extremismus von Bedeutung sein können. Der vorliegende Report hat zum Ziel, interessierten Leser*innen einen ersten Einblick in den bisherigen Stand des Forschungsprojekts zu ermöglichen und eine Grundlage zur Diskussion erster Interpretationsmöglichkeiten zu bilden.

Die internationale Entwicklungszusammenarbeit kann die Digitalisierung in ihrer Vielfalt nutzen, um ihre Ziele besser und schneller zu erreichen. Mit der Digitalisierung sind aber auch Risiken im Bereich Datenschutz, Arbeitswelt oder Zugang zum Internet verbunden. Wer profitiert von der "digitalen Dividende", und wie lässt sich die "digitale Spaltung" der Welt überwinden?Mögliche Antworten auf diese Fragen bieten die Beiträge dieses Bandes aus den Perspektiven von Wissenschaft und Praxis.Zu den Herausgebern:Prof. Dr. Hartmut Sangmeister ist emeritierter Hochschullehrer für Entwicklungsökonomik am Alfred-Weber-Institut für Wirtschaftswissenschaften der Ruprecht-Karls-Universität Heidelberg.Dr. Heike Wagner ist Leiterin des Fachbereichs Internationale Beziehungen und Repräsentantin der Akademie der Diözese Rottenburg-Stuttgart im Tagungshaus Weingarten.