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The article examines the problems of countering radicalism in modern Russia, defines the role of educational institutions in the implementation of modern Russian policy to counter the spread of the ideology of extremism and terrorism, identifies methodological features of the prevention of extremism among young people, analyzes the dynamics of offenses and crimes of extremist orientation among Russian youth and offers innovative tools for the prevention of extremism in universities.

Anhand von Befragungsdaten untersucht die vorliegende Studie, durch welche ideologischen Einstellungen und weltanschaulichen Haltungen die Studienanfänger der Wirtschaftswissenschaften charakterisiert sind. Generell wird von der These ausgegangen, daß die Wahl des Studienfachs durch "ideologische Bezüge" entscheidend beeinflußt wird. Die Fragen richten sich auf folgende Themen- und Problemkomplexe: Persönliche Mitverantwortung für wichtige gesellschaftliche Bereiche; Verbundenheit mit wichtigen politischen Makrogruppen; Bereitschaft zur Verteidigung der DDR; Einstellung zur Machtausübung in der DDR; Weltanschauliche Position und Mitgliedschaft in der SED. Bei Studenten mit "niedriger" weltanschaulicher Position wird die Frage gestellt, "ob die richtige Auswahl getroffen wurde bzw. nach objektiven Kriterien bei der Auswahl und Zulassung zum Studium". (pmb)

Der vorliegende Beitrag geht der Frage nach, inwieweit Unterschiede oder Ähnlichkeiten in den Einstellungen von Ost- und Westdeutschen situationsbedingt sind oder auf unterschiedliche Sozialisationsbedingungen zurückgeführt werden können. Anhand des ALLBUS-Datenreport werden die Einstellungen zu folgenden Themenkomplexen verglichen: Arbeit und Beruf; die Rolle der Frau zwischen Beruf und Erwerbstätigkeit; Ungleichheit sowie die Toleranz gegenüber der Zuwanderung von Ausländern; die Bewertung von Erziehungszielen. Die vorliegenden Daten legen den Schluß nahe, daß Einstellungsunterschiede zwischen Ost- und Westdeutschen nur in den Bereichen auftreten, die sich auch hinsichtlich der objektiven Lebensbedingungen unterscheiden. (pmb)

The United States recently focused on the methamphetamine "epidemic," but little research has examined policies resulting from this increased attention. This study explores influences of state-level methamphetamine legislation during 2000-2007, with the goals of understanding themes of legislative responses, and assessing political, social, and media-related predictors on legislation. Nine themes of methamphetamine legislation were identified through a legal database: pharmacy precursor regulations, precursor sentencing, manufacturing/trafficking, possession, research/task force, prevention or treatment, law enforcement, environmental cleanup, and child protection. Logistic regression results largely support the moral panic literature by finding media's influence and methamphetamine manufacturing on legislation. Findings also suggest that law enforcement agencies participate in constructing the drug problem, which then drives legislation. Moreover, the drug problem is defined in terms of methamphetamine manufacturing rather than use and treatment, which are largely nonsignificant. Surprisingly, conservative political ideology predicted decreased legislation, suggesting that liberal candidates also raise concerns over methamphetamine.

This paper attempts to reconstruct how the category of aesthetic experience has become central in contemporary aesthetics. Drawing from the contribution of different theorists and philosophers of art we approach the potential and limits of this category, paying attention to both proposals that defend it, and to criticisms that accuse it of having become a new form of ideology. Apparently, the concept of work of art has become obsolete, and the understanding of contemporary art has been channeled through the concept of aesthetic experience. ; El artículo intenta reconstruir de qué modo la experiencia estética se habría convertido en una categoría central de la estética contemporánea. A partir del aporte de distintos teóricos y filósofos del arte, pretendemos acercarnos a las potencialidades y límites de esta categoría, prestando atención tanto a los planteos que la defienden, como también a aquellos que la acusan de constituirse en una nueva forma ideológica. Al parecer, el concepto de obra de arte se ha vuelto obsoleto y la comprensión de los procesos del arte actual se ha canalizado mediante el concepto de experiencia estética.

Nowadays, according to the ungodly worldviews, most of the time governments strive to increase their power and interests based on realistic and neorealistic theories. They are also after their multilateral dominance and expanded empire. In these situations- where the world is in chaos and separation of ethics from politics comes to the fore thereby showing its impact at the international level- Islam considers ethics as the basis of politics and at the level of international relations, it also seeks to establish an ideal, spiritual and moral relationship. Therefore, by emphasizing the role of epistemological and ideological beliefs and divine worldview, Islam stresses the importance of intensifying political ethics within the field of international relations. These epistemological beliefs include monotheism, prophecy and apostleship of the divine prophets, the eschatology and resurrection. In this article, the plan is to concentrate on the common points of the divine religions through examining the verses, hadiths and traditions of the divine saints regarding the emphasis of Islam on this issue. Therefore, this study attempts to deepen the political ethics in the aspect of people's relations, as well as the relation among Muslim and non-Muslim governments based on the basic and epistemological beliefs of Islam. This will (hopefully) lead to the peaceful coexistence among the followers of the divine religions and it will also lead to a peaceful living without any war and conflict.

The article analyses the impact of present-day Russian internal structural factors, searching national ideology and shaping "Russian conservatism" line formation marked the links between this ideology and Russian foreign policy. The main focus is designated to Russia's politics after the Russia-Georgia conflict in 2008, highlighting the response of Vladimir Putin's regime to several domestic policy tensions related with: 1) the structure of the Russian regime and the domination of siloviki group in the power structures; 2) the etno-federalist structure of Russia and the growing nationalism; and 3) the competition of several ideologies, which increasingly turns to the support of Eurasianist ideology line and its transformation into "Russian conservatism". Theoretically, this analysis is based on the internal and external factors that have an impact on the state's policies (e.g. Walter Carlsnaes concepts), as well as on the theories analysing Russian etno-federalism and informal networks/relations. This article argues that Russian internal structural factors strongly support the Russian Eurasianist direction as the dominant policy doctrine, and this doctrine defines the Russian foreign policy, limits its balancing and influences the dynamics of foreign policy. It shows how, during the recent years, Russia's assertive foreign policy has become influenced by neo-imperialist vision of a strong, conservative, and alternative Russia, which actively uses the "Russian conservatism" as an ideological justification, supports active protection of Russia's interest in the post-Soviet region (e.g., war with Ukraine) increasing the use of foreign policy in the post-Soviet region (e.g., war with Ukraine) or raising the question about the multipolar world order. Other competing ideological lines (pro-Western liberalism and Slavic nationalisms) are still included in the balancing if there is demand, however, it remains non-typical forms of current Russia's ideological framework. Since the Russia-Georgia war in 2008, the aggressive Russian foreign policy depends not only on the external factors, but it also increasingly reacts to internal factors, especially to Putin's interest to maintain the vertical power and ensure further legitimacy of the regime. Russia's "electoral authoritarianism", which actively used the concept of "sovereign democracy" last decade, faced serious challenges in 2011– 2012. After public protests for electoral fraud, Putin's circles have perceived that Russia's ruling elites need to initiate a new turn for the country, either to a wider democracy development or to find other resources to mobilise society. By reacting to the interest of siloviki group and seeing the confrontation between Russian ethnic and minorities' nationalism manifestations, Putin's regime strengthened its orientation towards the new Eurasianism, which emphasized the special path of Russia's civilization: being alternative to the Western world, adjusting only "appropriate for Russia" democracy standards, opposing human rights development, and seeing it as a harmful foreign influence. State patriotism was framed under the new "Russian conservatism" line, which emphasized strong authority of central power, Russian imperial identity, Russia's interest in Eurasian regions, support for multipolar world, and the spread of conservative values as opposition to Western cosmopolitism. It helped to mobilise Russian society, integrate the great old and the new military victories of Russia's state and received a new support and greater legitimacy for Putin's regime. This ideology leaves room for integration of separate narratives from various ideological lines (from the Soviet nostalgia and technocratic modernisation to "old Russia" traditionalism). Military actions in Ukraine in 2014–2015 have illustrated that imperial approach effectively mobilises not only the Russian society but a certain part of the other post- Soviet societies (e.g., the idea of the Russian world). This "Russian conservatism" also attempts to respond to other internal tensions, such as ethnic conflicts, by promoting a more intensive Russian state identity instead of an ethnic identity. The situation, when various ethnic minorities and their leaders (e.g., R. Kadyrov) actively supported Russia's actions in Ukraine and the new Putin's activism, revealed that under this ideological umbrella, such local actors as in Putin's circle, leaders of ethnic regions, Orthodox church, and media authorities find themselves in the state's ongoing narratives. Under this situation, Putin's regime effectively marginalises their opponents. Non-systemic liberal-democrats are presented as acting against Russia's interests. The discourse for keeping the relationship with Western partners, which emphasizes the modernisation or stresses the importance of economic developments, is still valid, and it is still used for balancing, but current ideological trend has clearly prioritised the imperial identity over democracy development. ; Straipsnyje analizuojamas šiandienės Rusijos vidaus struktūrinių veiksnių ir vidaus veikėjų poveikis nacionalinės ideologijos paieškai ir "ru­siškojo konservatizmo" linijos formavimui, nužymint ir šios ideologijos sąsajas su Rusijos užsienio politika. Pagrindinį dėmesį skiriant Rusijos po­litikai nuo Gruzijos ir Rusijos karo 2008 m. iki 2016 m. yra išryškinama, kaip Vladimiro Putino režimas, atsakydamas į vidaus politikoje kylančias įtampas, susijusias su: 1) Rusijos režimo struktūros specifika, silovikų do­minavimu; 2) etnofederalizmo struktūra ir stiprėjančiu nacionalizmu bei 3) ideologijų konkurencija, vis aktyviau imasi eurazianistinę kryptį transfor­muoti į valstybine doktrina tampantį "rusiškąjį konservatizmą". Šiai anali­zei yra naudojamos vidaus ir išorės struktūrinių veiksnių poveikio politikai (pvz., Walterio Carlsnaeso konceptai), etnofederalizmo tyrimų bei neforma­lių ryšių teorinės priegos. Straipsnyje tvirtinama, kad Rusijos vidaus struk­tūriniai veiksniai formuoja Rusijos eurazianistinę kryptį kaip dominuojančią politikos doktriną, kuri apibrėžia (riboja) Rusijos užsienio politikos balan­savimą ir padeda paaiškinti jos dinamiką. Parodoma, kaip pastarųjų metų Rusijos agresyvėjanti užsienio politika tampa persmelkta valdžioje neoimpe­rialistų vizijos apie "stiprią, konservatyvią ir alternatyvią Rusiją", kuri lemia "rusiškojo konservatizmo" plėtojimą ir didėjantį naudojimą užsienio politi­kos kontekste, pagrindžiant Rusijos aktyvumą (agresyvumą) posovietiniame regione (pvz., kare su Ukraina), keliant daugiapolio pasaulio tvarkos klau­simą. Kitos konkuruojančios idėjinės linijos (provakarietiškas liberalizmas ir slavofiliškas nacionalizmas) yra įtraukiamos į balansavimą pagal poreikį, tačiau išlieka netipinėmis formomis, tam tikrais ideologiniais kraštutinumais.

Whereas many advanced democracies have a long-standing tradition of collaboration between parties and interest groups, it is still contested what drives such collaboration. Linking data on political parties with survey data from over 750 Danish and Dutch interest groups we find evidence of groups focusing on collaboration with large and ideologically moderate parties in both systems. However, our findings also indicate that the importance of power and ideology for interest group-party collaboration is conditioned by crucial aspects of the institutional context in which such collaboration occurs related to party system dynamics and coalition governance. In Denmark, where governments tend to alternate between left and right, collaboration between parties and interest groups is more likely to follow a similar left-right division. In contrast, such collaboration is more likely to reflect a division between core and marginal parties in the Netherlands, where change in government composition is typically only partial.

En este artículo se analizan los relatos sobre la integración europea de los principales partidos comunistas de Europa Occidental: España, Francia, Italia y Portugal. El objetivo del trabajo se centra en el estudio de las similitudes y diferencias de dichos actores políticos en la percepción del proceso de integración desde sus inicios a comienzos de la década de 1950 hasta la de 1970. Se parte de la hipótesis de que la actitud ante Europa de los distintos partidos comunistas está relacionada con un tronco ideológico común, pero también con las respectivas políticas nacionales y con la influencia que el propio desarrollo comunitario ejerció sobre estas. Mediante una metodología comparativa que analiza la actitud de los partidos comunistas ante los distintos hitos y fases del proceso integrador se obtienen resultados y conclusiones que ponen de relieve la tensión entre ideología y estrategia política como factor explicativo relevante del comportamiento político de los partidos comunistas de España, Francia, Italia y Portugal ante la integración europea. ; This article analyzes the stories about European integration of the communist parties of Western Europe: Spain, France, Italy and Portugal. The objective of the work focuses on the study of the similarities and differences of these political actors in the perception of the integration process from its beginnings in the early 1950s until the 1970s. It is based on the hypothesis that the attitude towards Europe of the various communist parties is related to a common ideology but also to the respective national policies and to the influence that the community development itself exerted on them. Through a comparative methodology that analyzes the attitude of the communist parties before the different stages of the integration process, results and conclusions are obtained that highlight the tension between ideology and political strategy as an relevant explanatory factor of the political behavior of the communist parties in Spain, France, Italy and Portugal in the ...

ABSTRACT In the scope of vocational critical language teaching materials, designing lessons that meet professional requirements at public technical high schools committed with the agenda of critical education for citizenship is something that deserves attention. If, on the one hand, the Critical Literacy framework substantiates practices that engage us with social changes (LUKE; FREEBODY, 1997), promote opportunities for developing critical views over dominant ideologies, cultures, economies, institutions and political systems (TILIO, 2013, 2017), and examine our loci of enunciation in order that we unlearn our privileges and learn from the subaltern (ANDREOTTI, 2007); on the other, the lesson materials available for technical high-school courses seem not to take these premises into account, especially the latter. In order to bridge this gap, I designed a lesson unit (Society Matters?), aimed at technical high-school 3rd graders, wherein Maria Lindalva's autobiography, a subaltern ex-landless activist, creates opportunities for discussions over the ideals of work, effort and success that challenge hegemonic-common-sense ideology. Resorting to constructivist bricolage (DENZIN; LINCOLN, 2005) involving her video-autobiography, the language teaching unit, the memories of my pedagogic encounters with learners from 2015 to 2018, and two different lines of interpretation that were recurrently raised throughout, I examined to what extent the interpretations over Maria Lindalva's narrative reflect and refract neoliberal capitalist ideologies, thus contributing to developing critical posture, as well as to the selection of texts for critical language teaching materials. The results showed the analysis that validates Maria Lindalva's achievements may be confronted by the viewpoint of her relationship with scarcity (SANTOS, 2017), which favored learners' developing critical posture; and, finally, that it was possible to take her narrative a step further showing what Maria Lindalva teaches us about selecting texts for critical language teaching materials.

International value surveys and misconception studies reveal the crucial role of individual value orientations for political judgment abilities. But in Civic Education, political opinions are generally merely asked for or remain superficial, non-committal statements that don't get analyzed to foster identity development, perspective-taking and tolerance. Thus, this article discusses Kitschelt's coordinate system of political preferences as an outstanding solution to fill the ideology gap in Civic Education and therefore to enhance political literacy. At first, I will explain and outline the landscape of the four political ideologies: market-liberalism, conservatism, democratic socialism and left-libertarianism. In addition, I will trace left-libertarianism to its merely known anarchist roots. After that, I will explain how our basic political values are shaped by economic and cultural developments and how they combine to become political ideologies, social milieus and party families. As a third point, I will outline possible applications of Kitschelt's model for the subject of Civic Education. For that, I propose a map of fundamental controversial issues to help students to discover their own political position. Finally, I will introduce the "Found-a-Village-Project" as highly interactive and controversial scenario to foster political identity formation.

This study investigates worldview and ideology during the late Terminal Formative period (A.D. 100 – 250) in the lower Rio Verde Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, through an analysis of iconography found on grayware ceramic serving vessels. The sample includes 457 vessels and sherds from 17 lower Verde sites obtained through excavations and surface collections between 1988 and 2009. Drawing upon theories of semiotics and style, this thesis identifies a suite of icons suggesting that ceramics were a medium for expressing regionally shared beliefs. Chatino potters carved common Formative period Mesoamerican themes into the walls of graywares, such as depictions of maize and climatic phenomena, which may have been part of a religious worldview rooted in the belief that humans and non-human deities shared a reciprocal relationship. People at Rio Viejo, including elites, may have attempted to exploit this relationship, thought of as a "sacred covenant" or agreement between humans and deities, to create a more centralized political entity during the late Terminal Formative Chacahua phase. By using iconographic graywares in socially and politically significant ritual activities such as feasting and caching events, elites imbued graywares with a powerful essence that would have facilitated the spread of the coded messages they carried. Based on statistical analyses of the diversity of iconographic assemblages from various sites, I argue that the assemblage of icons at Rio Viejo, a late Terminal Formative political center in the lower Verde, indicates ideas likely originated at or flowed through this site. ; 2011-05-01 ; M.A. ; Sciences, Department of Anthropology ; Masters ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

Part I. Romantic embryos, radical monsters, and racial others in evolutionary theorising -- "Metaphorical mystifications": the romantic gestation of nature in British biology -- A question of property rights: Richard Owen's evolutionism reassessed -- The "moral anatomy" of Robert Knox: the interplay between biological and social thought in Victorian scientific naturalism -- A political anatomy of monsters, hopeful and otherwise: teratogeny, transcendentalism, and evolutionary theorising -- Part II. Darwinian science, good wives, the "shrieking sisterhood", suffering animals, and radical birth control: Darwin and the descent of woman -- Huxley and woman's place in science: the "woman question" and the control of Victorian anthropology -- Redrawing the boundaries: Darwinian science and Victorian women intellectuals -- "The greatest of all possible evils to mankind": Annie Besant vs. Darwin at the Knowlton trial and beyond.