The resources of Customary Forest play an important role for Talang Mamak Indigenous People to survive. The exploitation of the forest by private company and investor has caused a violent conflict. The situation of the indigenous people becomes worsen since local government does not fully protect their rights on the forest. Even, Local government tends to defend private company and investor in addressing the conflict. Customary forest of Talang Mamak indigenous people is in the oligarchs grip and conflict of interest with their elder. The Indigenous people are in crossroad, to preserve or to release their heritage and right. This study aims to determine the efforts of Talang Mamak Indigenous People to maintain their existence in the customary forest resources battle with private company and investor. This study used qualitative descriptive method. The data collection were documentation analysis and other relevant literature. This study used Theory of Oligarchy (Winters 2011) as grounded theory. The result found that the efforts of the indigenous people to fight for their rights getting weak. Some of them begin to accept compensation from the company and investor, in other word, some of them are willing to release their heritage and right on the forest. ; The resources of Customary Forest play an important role for Talang Mamak Indigenous People to survive. The exploitation of the forest by private company and investor has caused a violent conflict. The situation of the indigenous people becomes worsen since local government does not fully protect their rights on the forest. Even, Local government tends to defend private company and investor in addressing the conflict. Customary forest of Talang Mamak indigenous people is in the oligarchs grip and conflict of interest with their elder. The Indigenous people are in crossroad, to preserve or to release their heritage and right. This study aims to determine the efforts of Talang Mamak Indigenous People to maintain their existence in the customary forest resources battle with private company and investor. This study used qualitative descriptive method. The data collection were documentation analysis and other relevant literature. This study used Theory of Oligarchy (Winters 2011) as grounded theory. The result found that the efforts of the indigenous people to fight for their rights getting weak. Some of them begin to accept compensation from the company and investor, in other word, some of them are willing to release their heritage and right on the forest.
Food security is still becoming a crucial issue in developing countries nowadays, either in urban or rural areas. There are many factors triggered this condition, such as the increase in population pressure and conflict, privatization and changing tenure arrangements, poverty, social differentiation and also environmental degradation. It's undeniable that food security is a multidimensional problem, especially for people who lived in rural or isolated areas. In Mentawai Islands, a district located in the western part of Indonesia, the indigenous people depend on forest product (sago) as their main source of food. However, since 2012, the government has destroyed their food culture by establishing the 'National Food Security Improvement Program' and conducting the agricultural intensification as well as establishing 600 hectares of new rice fields in six sub - districts; South Pagai, North Pagai, Sikakap, South Sipora, North Sipora, and South Siberut. This study is conducted comprehensively using the Food Security and Vulnerability Analysis (FSVA) to understand and describe the exact profiles of food-insecurities and vulnerable households. Furthermore, it also identified the risks and vulnerabilities of food consumption in Mentawai communities. Findings depict that shifting or transforming the food culture from sago to rice is a serious issue because socio-cultural aspects influence it and surely the government has to make a parallel policy that can accommodate the people needs, not only prioritize the national development agenda. ; Food security is still becoming a crucial issue in developing countries nowadays, either in urban or rural areas. There are many factors triggered this condition, such as the increase in population pressure and conflict, privatization and changing tenure arrangements, poverty, social differentiation and also environmental degradation. It's undeniable that food security is a multidimensional problem, especially for people who lived in rural or isolated areas. In Mentawai Islands, a district located in the western part of Indonesia, the indigenous people depend on forest product (sago) as their main source of food. However, since 2012, the government has destroyed their food culture by establishing the 'National Food Security Improvement Program' and conducting the agricultural intensification as well as establishing 600 hectares of new rice fields in six sub - districts; South Pagai, North Pagai, Sikakap, South Sipora, North Sipora, and South Siberut. This study is conducted comprehensively using the Food Security and Vulnerability Analysis (FSVA) to understand and describe the exact profiles of food-insecurities and vulnerable households. Furthermore, it also identified the risks and vulnerabilities of food consumption in Mentawai communities. Findings depict that shifting or transforming the food culture from sago to rice is a serious issue because socio-cultural aspects influence it and surely the government has to make a parallel policy that can accommodate the people needs, not only prioritize the national development agenda.
Political participation is the participation of society or certain parties in political activities. And when politics is defined as a policy and when we associate with public participation then we will arrive at how public participation in making a policy. Politics Partisipas actively in policy-making becomes an absolute requirement, since participation would give birth control community over the course of government. This study aimed to describe the political participation of indigenous village of Kuta in public policy formulation in the Village District Karangpaningal Tambaksari Ciamis district. Research method used is descriptive qualitative method. In this study the techniques of data collection was done by in-depth interviews (Indeepth Interview), direct observation and documentation, purposive sampling technique is a technique used for sampling. Data analysis using the method of interactive analysis and validity of data used is the technique of data triangulation. The results of this study show that, this result shows that the growing political participation of indigenous peoples in the village of Kuta in policy formulation can be viewed in two processes. First, political participation in the process of internal policies in indigenous communities, and second, political participation in policy formulation processes at the village level. Political participation in indigenous communities, are more closed to the elitist model, Kuncen was instrumental in setting policy, while in access planning, policy control indigenous communities are not involved at all, it is in because of the strength of tradition Kuncen positioned as the main actor who issued the customary policy . While political participation in policy formulation process stages or levels in the Village Karangpaninggal already running with the following democratic values. This means that in this process of political participation open space area . However, space for perpartisipasi is not utilized optimally. This is because the human resources and the level of understanding of the political partisitisipasi low.
Technology transfer in terms of business is an asset created through investment with high risk and large costs. On the other hand, mastering technology enables the owner to gain strength not only in the economic field, but also socially, as well as politically. Therefore, it is natural for technology owners to try to maintain the technology they have. However, due to dependence on technology, developing countries have to pay high prices for the purchase of these technologies. In addition, developing countries are also not able to exercise control of the industries built, and also will not succeed in develop"indigenous technological capability".
The Westphalian system refers to the shifting of the supreme political authority from medieval practices to modern sovereign states and related concepts such as sovereignty, non-intervention, and international law. While the system has shaped the Western political environment since 1648, it has in fact not been validated for the rest of the world. In this paper, the idea that the Westphalian system has not opened a new avenue in the discipline of International Relations is exemplified by the case of the British occupation of the Mosul Vilayet. Contrary to the terms of the Mudros Armistice and Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points, the British illegally occupied Mosul. The occupation was a clear violation of the Westphalian principles and thus the British mandate regime encountered resistance from both the Ottoman Empire and further the Republic of Türkiye. Despite all resistance, Mosul was ceded to the Iraqi government under the British mandate after the war.
This reseach aims to analyse the implementation of the entertainment tax-voting system in Cirebon. method using descriptive analysis. The subject of the Sub-Division head of indigenous revenue, the regional field staff of indigenous revenue, the budget agency, the Regional Representative Council of Cirebon. The result of data obtained that the voting mechanism is initiated from registration and logging, determination, depositing, accounting and reporting as well as billing tax collection conducted by the financial agency of the city of Cirebon in accordance with the prevailing regulations, as well as the procedure of objection and appeal, correction, cancellation, reduction of provisions, elimination or reduction of administrative sanctions and refund of overpaid entertainment tax . ; Key words: Tax Voting system Entertainment.
The indigenous society of Lampung is divided into two large groups; Saibatin and Pepadun. Both societies has many diversities in origins, so the local government arrangements is stimulated in the consultative mechanism represented by punyimbang at each level within the representative agency called Perwatin ( Proatin ). With anthropologic analysis , this paper would like to emphasize the meaning , role and function of institutional of Perwatin and Kepunyimbangan for indigenous peoples of West Lampung, its relevance to contemporary of democratic values, and the opportunities and the existence of the traditional institutions in the implementation of the reform of Regional Autonomy Law . According to the findings of the research, prowatin and punyimbangan are still very important to be implemented in local communities in West Lampung. This is case due to democratic values and local wisdom in prowatin institutions and kepenyimbangan accordance with the conditions of the community and institutional environment in which it arise.
In the middle of district head's euphoria to float and move forward province of Bangka Belitung's island by brought in the palm oil investors conduce the new conflict of society, i.e agrarian conflicts. The presence of palm oil investors in the middle that in the beginning has been designed to give a profit for society, especially the societies around the oil palm plantation, but precisely harm the soci- ety a lot. For local society, indigenous forest is symbol of nature conservation and the place of animal Seizure and claims over land often happens between the palm oil investors with local society. One of them is the conflict between Air Abik society with PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari. The main factor of this conflict is there a logging, indigenous forest clearance, destruction of 11 ancestral graves belong to society conducted by PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari in their efforts to oil palm expansions. This thing then triggered public protest action. survival. Whereas, ancestral grave is symbol of local wisdom and cultural heritage that must be preserved and maintained. Besides, if we see the conflict between both sides, it can be analyzed with contentious politics theory. The use of contentious politics theory because this conflict involves the collective interaction between the claimant, i.e PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari and claim object, i.e customary land and the land where the 11 ancestral graves stand. In contentious politics theory, there is also depletion of resources. This depletion of resources in the end will influencing people to get involved in the political tensions, like the high level of public complaints, legacy of previous protest, political opportunity structure, and the mechanism relation to help society resistance. ; In the middle of district head's euphoria to float and move forward province of Bangka Belitung's island by brought in the palm oil investors conduce the new conflict of society, i.e agrarian conflicts. The presence of palm oil investors in the middle that in the beginning has been designed to give a profit for society, especially the societies around the oil palm plantation, but precisely harm the soci- ety a lot. For local society, indigenous forest is symbol of nature conservation and the place of animal Seizure and claims over land often happens between the palm oil investors with local society. One of them is the conflict between Air Abik society with PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari. The main factor of this conflict is there a logging, indigenous forest clearance, destruction of 11 ancestral graves belong to society conducted by PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari in their efforts to oil palm expansions. This thing then triggered public protest action. survival. Whereas, ancestral grave is symbol of local wisdom and cultural heritage that must be preserved and maintained. Besides, if we see the conflict between both sides, it can be analyzed with contentious politics theory. The use of contentious politics theory because this conflict involves the collective interaction between the claimant, i.e PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari and claim object, i.e customary land and the land where the 11 ancestral graves stand. In contentious politics theory, there is also depletion of resources. This depletion of resources in the end will influencing people to get involved in the political tensions, like the high level of public complaints, legacy of previous protest, political opportunity structure, and the mechanism relation to help society resistance.
Religious and cultural pluralism in society can initially Posoacculturation establish the values among migrants with indigenous peoples,on further developments, have taken place between the social disintegrationAmong of them, as a result of the escalation of conflicts horizontal, for a variety of interestsgrowing, especially the expansion of economic and political institutions apparatussecurity. (Military and police) and religious and cultural pluralism imagedas a zone of still volatile, so that the imaging strengthen. The existence of a conflict region as a market force.A balanced division of strategic positions in government withrepresenting Christian and Muslim communities should be governed by clearlocal regulation and other rules or mechanisms in mind The conflict became a powerful issue. The security forces should be acting professionally make Indonesia secure and peaceful, the circulation of the various means of violence, such as firearms and bombs in Indonesia also business security forces in the conflict zone is security indicators are not handled in a professional manner. On the other hand required maximum effort and courage attitude of the government, especially the law enforcement agencies to bring those involved in cases of corruption and military violence should be given a participation in the strengthening of base- civil basis, such as combating corruption and strengthening peace program division of tasks and functions of a clear distinction between the security forces and society civilians can help realize a peaceful ofIndonesia
The state is obliged to strive for the realization of justice for traditional fishing communities. Traditional communities are fishing communities whose traditional rights are still recognized in carrying out fishing activities or other legal activities in certain areas located in archipelagic waters following the international law of the sea. Coastal space areas and small islands that indigenous/traditional communities have managed from the obligation to have location permits and management take national interests and laws and regulations into account. Article 26 A of the Republic of Indonesia Number 1 of 2014 makes it easy for outsiders to control small islands that regulate the use of small islands and surrounding coasts through investment forms based on a ministerial permit that must prioritize the national interest. Positive law must protect traditional fishing communities and indigenous peoples. This research aims to analyze the regulation of fishermen's protection from deprivation of their rights in earning a living and livelihood. The research method used is normative research, meaning the implementation of legal provisions in the form of legislation in activities for certain legal events in the community, especially the fishing community. Normative research refers to and examines laws and regulations related to the research being conducted. The research locations cover coastal areas throughout Indonesia, especially Banda Aceh, Padang, Jakarta, Semarang, Surabaya, Manado, Kupang, Ternate, and Mataram. The state can provide knowledge, guidance, and protection for fishermen from various actions of deprivation of their rights to earn a living and protection such as piracy, the practice of fishing theft, abuse of trawling, transshipment activities, threats, and violence by foreign parties to Indonesian fishers. The central government and local governments are obliged to provide facilities for guaranteeing fishing areas or fishing coverage areas that are safe and do not overlap with other fields. ; Negara berkewajiban mengupayakan terwujudnya keadilan bagi masyarakat nelayan tradisional. Masyarakat tradisional adalah masyarakat perikanan yang masih diakui hak tradisionalnya dalam melakukan kegiatan penangkapan ikan atau kegiatan lainnya yang sah di wilayah tertentu yang berada di perairan kepulauan mengikuti hukum laut internasional. Wilayah pesisir dan pulau-pulau kecil yang dikelola masyarakat adat/tradisional dari kewajiban izin lokasi dan pengelolaannya memperhatikan kepentingan nasional dan peraturan perundang-undangan. Pasal 26 A Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 1 Tahun 2014 memberikan kemudahan bagi pihak luar untuk menguasai pulau-pulau kecil yang mengatur pemanfaatan pulau-pulau kecil dan pesisir sekitarnya melalui bentuk penanaman modal berdasarkan izin menteri yang harus mengutamakan kepentingan nasional. Hukum positif harus melindungi masyarakat nelayan tradisional dan masyarakat adat. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis peraturan perlindungan nelayan dari perampasan haknya dalam mencari nafkah dan penghidupan. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian normatif, artinya penerapan ketentuan hukum berupa peraturan perundang-undangan dalam kegiatan untuk peristiwa hukum tertentu dalam masyarakat, khususnya masyarakat nelayan. Penelitian normatif mengacu pada dan mengkaji peraturan perundang-undangan yang terkait dengan penelitian yang dilakukan. Lokasi penelitian meliputi wilayah pesisir di seluruh Indonesia, khususnya Banda Aceh, Padang, Jakarta, Semarang, Surabaya, Manado, Kupang, Ternate, dan Mataram. Negara dapat memberikan pengetahuan, pembinaan, dan perlindungan bagi nelayan dari berbagai tindakan perampasan hak untuk mencari nafkah dan perlindungan seperti perompakan, praktik pencurian ikan, penyalahgunaan trawl, kegiatan transshipment, pengancaman, dan kekerasan oleh pihak asing kepada nelayan Indonesia. Pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah wajib menyediakan fasilitas untuk menjamin wilayah penangkapan ikan atau wilayah jangkauan penangkapan ikan yang aman dan tidak tumpang tindih dengan bidang lain.
Bu çalışmada Orta Asya'da meydana gelen Modernleşme süresi kapsamında bölgede ve Özbekistan'da yaşanan Modernleşme süreci, bu sürecin sebep ve sonuçları incelenmektedir. Bu kapsamda Çarlık Rusyası tarafından bölgeye taşınan Batı tarzı Modernleşmenin Orta Asya/Özbekistan'daki gelişimi, Modernleşmeye verilen tepkiler ve cevaplar, bölgenin Modernleşmeye verdiği cevaplardan birisi olan Ceditçilik Hareketi temel alınarak analiz edilmektedir. Bunu yaparken dönemselleştirmeye gidilmiştir. Orta Asya bölgesi ile Özbekistan'ın ve Modernleşme sürecinin izlediği tarihi seyir Çarlık Rusyası İdaresi, Sovyetler Birliği Dönemi, Bağımsızlık Sonrası Yeni Bağımsız Özbekistan olarak dönemlere ayrılmış ve bu dönemleri incelemek için Ruslaşmak, Sovyetleşmek, Özbekleşmek ve İslamlaşmak isimli dört ana başlık kullanılmıştır. Ancak bu konu başlıkları açıklanmaya çalışılan süreçler tarihi seyir içinde bir arada bulunabildiği için Sovyetleşmek-Özbekleşmek, Özbekleşmek-İslamlaşmak gibi kavram çiftleri türetilmiş ve kullanılma yoluna gidilmiştir. Orta Asya ve Özbekistan'a Batı tarzı Modernleşme Çarlık Rusyası tarafından bu bölgedeki mevcudiyetini desteklemek için getirilmiş ve yönetiminin kalıcı olmasına yardımcı bir araç olarak görülmüştür. Bu yönetimin Orta Asya toplumunun bir kesiminde yarattığı etki Ceditçilik Hareketini ortaya çıkarmıştır. Bölgede modernizmin kendisi ve sebep olduğu etkilerle başa çıkabilmek için onun usul ve yöntemlerini kullanmayı ve Modernizmle uyumlu olmayı savunan Ceditçilere tepki gelişmiştir. Bu tepkinin kaynağı olan Muhafazakâr grup-Kadimciler ise çözümün korumacı ve muhafazakâr bir tutum geliştirmekte yattığını savunmuşlardır. Sırasıyla Ceditçilere ve Modernleşmeye ayrıca Çarlık Rusyası ve Sovyet İdaresine tepki olarak Modern olan her şeyin reddini savunmuşlardır. Ancak bu tutumu istikrarlı bir şekilde sürdürmemişler karşı oldukları bu sisteminin sağladığı faydaları kullanma konusunda pragmatik bir tutum takınmışlardır. Buna en güzel örnek II. Dünya Savaşı ve sonrasındaki dönemde parti kadrolarında oluşan boşlukların muhafazakârların yoğun olduğu kırsal kesimden gelen gençlere açılmasıdır.Modernleşme taraftarları Ceditçiler arasındaki önemli isimlerden birisi olan İsmail Gaspıralı ve ilk kuşak Ceditçiler Çarlık Rusya'sının bir gün devrini tamamlayıp dağılacağını, bu yüzden de o güne eğitim faaliyetleri yoluyla hazırlanılması gerektiğini savunurken, onlardan sonraki kuşak Ceditçiler ise bu amaçtan uzaklaşmaya ve Çarlık İdaresi içinde hak sahibi olmaya sıcak bakmaya başlamıştır. Bu durum 1917 Ekim Devriminden sonra daha da aleni bir hal alacak, Ceditçilerin bağımsızlık talepleri yerini yeni sistem içinde bir mevki işgal çabalarına bırakacaktır. Ancak bu kuşak daha sonraki yıllarda Sovyet idaresi tarafından yeteri kadar sadık bulunmadıkları için toptan tasfiye edilecektir. Bu tasfiye hareketine devam edilmesine Avrupa'da patlak veren II. Dünya Savaşı engel olmuş, Sovyetler Birliğini Orta Asya ile ilgili planlarını değiştirmeye mecbur bırakmıştır. Sovyetler Birliği kendini Nazi Almanya'sının saldırısından koruyabilmek için Sovyet sistemi yanlısı kadroları savaş meydanında kullanmıştır. Orta Asya ve Özbekistan'da onlardan boşalan kadrolara ise kırsal kesimden gelen eğitimsiz gençleri istihdam etmeye mecbur kalmıştır. İşte bu sayede kırsal bölgeye çekilen ve daha sonraki dönemlerde radikal hareketlerin de temelini oluşturacak olan Kadimci-radikal düşünce ve onun yansımaları devlet bürokrasisi içinde kendine yer bulabilmiştir. İlk olarak Brejnev dönemindeki kısmı gevşemeden yararlanarak varlığını hissettiren radikal hareketler 1991 yılında Sovyetler Birliğinin dağılmasından sonra yeniden gündelik ve siyasi hayatta söz sahibi olmaya çalışacaktır. Ancak bu girişimleri Sovyet Döneminde yetişen ve bağımsızlık sonrasındaki dönemde iktidarda kalmayı başaran Sovyet dönemi bakiyesi yönetici eliti endişelendirmiştir. Bunun sonucunda Özbekistan yönetimi kendisine muhalif gördüğü her şeyi önce baskı altına almayı denemiş daha sonra da ezmeye çalışmış, bunda da büyük oranda başarılı olmuştur. Özbek Devleti ve yönetiminin bu sert ve müsamahasız tutumu ülkedeki ılımlı ve barışçı kanat da dâhil olmak üzere muhalefetin tüm unsurlarının zamanla marjinalleşmesi ve radikalleşmesini beraberinde getirmiştir. Özellikle muhafazakâr gruplar içindeki radikal unsurlar Modernizmin ürünü ve yansıması olarak kabul ettikleri ülke yönetimi ve otoriter siyasi sisteme karşı sert bir tutum geliştirme yoluna gitmişlerdir. Gördükleri siyasi-psikolojik şiddetin de etkisi ile ülke muhalefeti ve bunun içindeki radikal unsurlar kendilerinin de Özbekistan'da yaşanan Modernleşme sürecinin bir sonucu olduklarını gözden kaçırır hale gelmiştir.Sonuç olarak birbirlerinden çok farklı gözükseler de, 20. Yüzyıl Orta Asya'sının Modernleşme yanlıları olan Ceditçiler ve onların muhalifi Kadimciler ve bağımsızlık sonrası dönemin radikalleri de dâhil olmak üzere, bahsedilen grupların hepsi Modernleşme sürecinin bir sonucudurlar. İşte bu çalışmada siyasi denklemin farklı taraflarında yer alan bu aktörlerin birbirlerini besleyen ve üreten, değiştirip, dönüştüren bir süreç ortaya çıkardıklarına ve bu sürecin sonucu olduklarına vurgu yapılmaktadır. --- In this doctoral dissertation, the modernization process which Central Asian region and Uzbekistan experienced in the late 19th and early 20th centuries will be discussed under the title of Uzbek Modernization. Tsarist Russia was the agent of Modernization and carried out Western style Modernization version to Central Asia. While Central Asia's indigenous population's response to Modernization occurred as a Jadidism (Usul-u Cedit) movement, which is one of the main components of that Modernization effort, will also be included and examined under the title. The unique Central Asian-Uzbek Modernization experience divided into 4 periods. Those periods are named as follows: Tsarist Russia Administration, Soviet Era, Construction of Uzbek ethnicity and Re-Islamization. But in order to explain the periods, dual concepts like Sovietness-Uzbekness, Uzbekness-Islamizaiton created and used together. Because those social and cultural evaluations can be found together in the same period.Western style Modernization perception was brought to Central Asia by Tsarist Russia to strengthen its presence in that region, and it was accepted as a necessity for the permanent rule in Central Asia. But because of that mandatory regulations opposition to Modernization process starts quickly. Inconvenience from the Modernization led disadvantaged ones look for a possible solution. In search for the possible options there has raised questions about how to recover the lost superiority in the Central Asian region. As in other parts of the world, the effects and reflections of the Modernization process have been experienced in Central Asia and Uzbekistan. The best solution to that unwanted situation, which failed to combat this new political and cultural structure that formed a new world order and reshaped the international space according to its own understanding, was the adoption of the ideas, discourses and methods of Modernization. This process worked similarly also in Central Asia, and a Modernization movement emerged among the Muslims of Russia in order to counter the threat from the Western Civilization and Tsarist Russia, regarded itself as the representative of Modernism in Asia. That unique Muslim modernization movement was called Jadidism.Although there has been a reaction to Jadits-Progressives. The Conservative ones-Kadimciler, argued that in order to avoid the possible damages of the Modernization a protectionist and conservative attitudes must be developed. Central Asian community must be sealed itself from the Modern world and lay in a perfect isolation. Within that context Conservative group advocated a rejection of all the notions of Modernization as a response to Jadids, as well as Tsarist Russia and Soviet Union, respectively. However, the did not maintain this attitude constantly, and they choose to took pragmatic attitude while gathering the benefits of the system, which they opposed.While İsmail Gaspıralı and the first generation of Jadits argued that one day the tsarist Russia would complete its life cycle and fall, so that Muslim Population of Tsarist Russia should be prepared to that situation through educational activities. But the following generations of Jadits began to move away from this aim and choose to have a post in Tsarist Administration bureaucracy. This situation will become more common after the October Revolution of 1917, and Jadits demands of self-determination and autonomy will be abandoned. However, this generation will be liquidated by the Soviet administration in the following years because they were not considered sufficiently loyal enough. That liquidation or Purges interrupted because of the II. World War II in Europe. That Purges forced the Soviet Union to change its plans for Central Asia. In order to protect itself from the attack of Nazi Germany and overcome uneasy situations in the battlefields the Soviet Union wasted its pro-Soviet cadres on the battlefield. The vacant positions form that enlisted cadres were filled with uneducated young people from rural areas in Central Asia and Uzbekistan in order to continue to governmental activities. That's the turning point for the radical thought that were retreat to the countryside and forced to go underground in order to survive. Thus, those radical thoughts which would later become the basis of radical movements, could sweep into state bureaucracy. The intransigent radical thoughts first express their presence during the Brezhnev era, because of the loosening state control and after the independence 1991, they did express their presence in daily life and in political stage more fearlessly and aggressively. However, the remaining Soviet-era ruling elite, that experienced Soviet style state bureaucracy and managed to stay in power in the post-independence period, panicked with the opposition actions. As a result, the Uzbek State administration first tried to suppress the opposition normally, and then crushed them bitterly. This harsh and intolerant attitude of the Uzbek State forced and marginalized the opposing parties. Because of the marginalization some of the strict elements of the opposition, those elements became radicalized. Those radicalized elements adopted a Post Modern attitude towards the authoritarian political system, which they regard it as the product and reflection of Modernism. With the effect of the political-psychological violence, Uzbek opposition groups and its radical elements have missed the point that they're also components and results of the Modernization process in Uzbekistan.As a result, although they appear to be very different from each other, Jadits and Conservatives and the radicals of the post-independence period are all the result of the Modernization process in the region. In this dissertation, it is emphasized that those actors on different sides of the political equilibrium generate a process that feeds and produces, changes and transforms each other and that they are the products of the Modernization epoch.
