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"Gegenstand des Bandes sind Ethnostereotype über China bzw. Chinesen in der deutschsprachigen Medienöffentlichkeit. Im Fokus stehen dabei die kulturellen, sprachlichen und medialen Konstitutionsbedingungen stereotyper Perspektivierungen, ihre besonderen Ausprägungen seit der Jahrtausendwende sowie qualitative und quantifizierende, computergestützte Verfahren zu ihrer Untersuchung. Der Band gibt einen Überblick zur bisherigen Forschung, dokumentiert die Ergebnisse eines dreijährigen Projektes zur Linguistischen Imageanalyse Chinas und formuliert Vorschläge für die zukünftige deutsch-chinesische, interkulturelle Kommunikation und Zusammenarbeit. Der Band richtet sich nicht nur an Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftler, sondern auch an Praktiker aus Politik, Wirtschaft und interkultureller Kommunikation"--

上卷. 工商城市的上海, 1949-1978 -- 中卷.中心城市的上海, 1979-2009 -- 下卷. 全球城市的上海, 2010-2039.

自1840年清廷與英國簽訂《南京條約》以來,長久以來東亞地區傳統國家對於人身的掌握方式以及以朝貢冊封作為手段所建立的天下秩序便日漸被削弱且重新被編入近代西方國際法秩序之中。在此過程中,當時的東亞各國,皆曾嘗試一方面遵行近代西方的國際法秩序,一方面使用西式的法律將自身塑造為符合西方意義下的近代國家以達到可以完全在其「國」內外掌控其臣民之人身並同時受到西方列強所承認的目的。而所謂的近代西方國際法秩序,特別是在其秩序下主權國家所代表的對外擁有獨立性以及對內之臣民與領土擁有排他性權力等特質,更被明治維新之後的日本政治家與知識分子視為是國體存在的憑藉與證明,是使日本得以與歐美列強建立平等外交關係的前提之一。換句話說,日本近代法秩序中具有明顯地使日本作為一個主權國家融入近代西方國際法秩序的企圖。 ; 然而自1890年《大日本帝國憲法》正式實施以來,日本先後在甲午戰爭以及日俄戰爭後領有臺灣與朝鮮。日本帝國在法律上所須支配的範圍不再僅限於日本列島,同時更包含了以上在帝國轄下這些地域的人身流動。在此種情況下,本研究企圖解決兩個問題,即:第一,當時什麼是「臺灣人」?而臺灣人在帝國內被日本政府以法律的方式賦予怎樣的法律地位?而這個法律地位在治安法律的適用上與帝國內的其他人群,特別是日本內地人之間又具有怎樣的差別,而其成因又是什麼?第二,當《治安維持法》作為當時日本帝國下日本與臺灣兩地域所共同擁有的治安法律時,帝國的裁判機構是如何根據帝國下各地域在地社會的情形而處理在各地域的治安法律案件的?而這些法院的判例又對於當時「臺灣人」族群意識的形成具有怎樣的影響?以及這些法律關係對於了解整個日本帝國的發展所具有的意義上有什麼幫助? ; 而經由本研究,筆者得出結論,認為帝國下的「臺灣人」的法律地位與其治安法律的適用是與日本帝國權力秩序之結構有著深刻的關係。而當時帝國權力秩序之結構事實上即是近代西方國際法秩序在東亞的滲透、天皇制國家的國體論述、兩地各自過往治安法律的實施背景,以及當時日本國內外的臨時事件的各個因素所形成的,並且影響了「臺灣人」作為一個族群意識的形成。 ; Ever since the mid-19th century, the traditional East Asian Hua Yi (華夷) system has been weakening and was re-incorporated into the modern Western world order because of the rise of the Western powers. This process not only broke the old ruling order (in East Asia connected through the Tribute system), but also made the East Asia countries greatly shaped by the new concept of the International Law, for example the equal status between all sovereign states and the sovereign states had exclusive authorities over their people and territories. In this trend, Japan, China, and other East Asian countries were to some extent, tried to not only comply with the order of the International Law, but also made themselves a sovereign state recognized by the Western powers in order to avoid their diplomatic intervention using the excuse of different concept of law. ; In this pursuit, the legal system, particularly the characteristics in the constitution that a country owning a constitution was independent from external interferences and superior to domestic affairs have attracted many Japanese intellectuals and politicians in the Meiji period (1868-1912). They ...

在國際評鑑計劃中,東亞地區學生的數理能力往往較西方國家為佳。現有學術文獻已就這個現象作深入探討,並提出東亞學生的文化特徵和模型。然而,鮮有研究以縱向的歷史角度,討論東亞教育制度下對於「學習者」的文化概念如何因應全球化的影響而演變。本文嘗試以香港的數學教育為研究個案,探討本地數學課程在教學重心及組織上的轉變。研究發現,該學科在教學上的轉變緣於現代個人主義的制度化過程 ── 社會整體愈益視學習者作為充權和自省的行動者。本研究致用縱向文本分析的研究方法,綜析四十二本於戰後出版的香港高小數學教科書的教學內容。研究結果顯示,歷年來課本及課程的教學愈加著重參與式教學、興趣啟發以及與扣連學生生活等概念。另外,政府官員、老師、本地壓力團體及學術專家等亦援用「以學生為本」的話語,推動課程改革。綜合而言,本研究認為世界政體理論相比歷史主義式的理論視野更有力地解釋數學課程內容的轉變。 ; East Asian learners usually outperform their Western counterparts in international mathematics assessment programs. Although the cultural traits of East Asian learners are well documented and analyzed, the cultural dynamics of the changing conception of "learner" in East Asia, especially under the influence of globalization, is under-explored. Taking Hong Kong as a case study, this paper explores the changes within the emphasis of instruction and organization of local mathematics curriculum across time. I contend that the shift of instruction within the school subject is due to the institutionalization of modern individualism, the process in which the conception of "learner as an empowered and self-reflexive actor becomes culturally legitimate in the society. I employ a longitudinal content analysis to track the changes of the instructional emphasis within 42 senior primary mathematics textbooks published in Hong Kong since World War II. It is revealed that despite the unique cultural and historical trajectory of educational development in Hong Kong, the curriculum embraces the ideas of participatory pedagogical approach, interest stimulation, and social relevance to students. Furthermore, it is found that governmental officials, teachers, local pressure groups and academic professionals draw scripts and models from the discourse of student centrism to drive curricular reforms. Results suggest that world polity theory is more applicable than the historicist perspective in accounting for the changes of the curriculum content. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Yip, Chun Ting Patrick. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese ...

北韓核問題引起世界各國的關注,更觸動了中國的神經。雖然,中國領導人一貫強調支持朝鮮半島無核化及希望朝鮮半島能夠保持和平穩定,但中國在處理兩次核問題的方式及舉措卻完全不同。在第一次核危機(1991至1994年)爆發時,中國主要採取不介入的政策;但在第二次核危機(2002至2005年)時,中國卻完全擺脫被動的角色,主動擔當核危機的調停者。 ; 正因為中國處理兩次北韓核問題採取完全不同的外交方針及策略,而且兩次核危機橫跨十多年的時間,無論是國際格局及中國國力也有重大的改變。因此,筆者會嘗試從東北亞的國際體系及權力分配、中國參與國際組織及多邊機制的情況和中國的身份認同及對國家利益及安全的看法這三方面去探討中國主動舉辦「六方會談」以解決第二次北韓核問題的主要原因。 ; 為了更能有效檢視研究論題,筆者也會分析中國90年代末參與的「四方會談」、中國所構建的上海合作組織及九一一事件,以評估這些中介變項對中國主動舉辦「六方會談」的影響。筆者希望能夠從是項研究去瞭解中國外交政策的走向,以評估及預測未來中國對其他國際事務的取態及方針。 ; As the North Korea Nuclear Crisis is one of the most critical security issues for China, the Chinese leaders always claim to maintain peace, prosperity, stability and a nuclear-free status on the Korean Peninsula. But in the two nuclear crises, China presented different attitudes and used different strategies to deal with this issue. ; In the first nuclear crisis (1991-1994), China served as neither a mediator nor a peacemaker, and claimed that Washington and Pyongyang should settle the dispute bilaterally. However, in the second nuclear crisis (2002-2005), China started to play a proactive role and acted as a chief mediator and an honest broker for initiating a multilateral dialogue - Six-Party Talks as a method to settle the crisis. ; Since China played different roles and used different strategies in these two nuclear crises within 10 years, this thesis aims to investigate this change and explain the reasonsfrom mainly three angles, including the power structure of Northeast Asia, China's participation in multilateral institutions, and China's self-identity and views on national interests and security. ; In order to strengthen the analysis, this thesis will also investigate the influence of the Four-Party talks, Shanghai Cooperation Organization and September 11 Attack on the initiatives of the Six-Party Talks. Through this research, the author aims to illustrate the dynamics of China's foreign policy and predict the trend of China's diplomatic behavior towards different international affairs. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed ...