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胡錦濤在二○一一年訪問美國是極其重要的中美外交事件,作為世界上兩個最大的經濟體,尤其在國際社會的共同命運和國家和國際經濟動盪的時刻,中美關係發揮顯著作用。 ; 本論文特別側重說明美國政府和新聞媒介如何建構胡錦濤訪問美國,並塑造為一個慶祝國際政治媒介事件,說明政府在建構新聞語霸權,且取得美國新聞媒體的合作。它最終引發了媒體社會學的問題,媒體民主問題和人文與經濟價值之間的鬥爭。 ; 這兩個國家之間日益增長的戰略和務實的關係,是突顯社會的政治背景,導致胡錦濤訪問美國作為一個媒介事件,形成一個變贏的和平競賽,以及慶祝和友好熱惰的表現。 ; 胡錦濤訪問美國以及美國電視新聞作為本研究的主要焦點,說明媒體往往採取在媒介事件中互相尊重,雙羸 ,和平和樂觀的態度。美國的電視新聞媒體會在臨鍵的時刻偏向政府。 ; Hu Jin Tao's U.S. visit in 2011 is an extremely important diplomatic event in U.S.-China relations in the past thirty years or so, which calls for bilateral and international attention, as the relations between the world's two biggest economies play a significant role in the common fate of the global community, at a time of national and international economic turmoil. ; This thesis specifically focusing on explicating the journalistic construction of Hu's U.S. visit as a historical and celebrative international political media event, a news discourse constructed out of hegemonic governmental influences and the cooperation of U.S. news media. It eventually raised media sociological questions upon the professionalism of U.S. news media in relations to U.S. foreign policy, media democracy and humanistic question over the struggle between economic pragmatism and individual freedom, especially in international integration. ; The growing strategic and pragmatic relationship between the two nations is the foregrounding social-political context that leads to the journalistic framing of the visit as a media event, a win-win peaceful contest, and an celebrative and friendly welcoming performance. And that the American TV news media tend to pay more reverence towards the government during critical historic political moment, in this case the U.S. visit by Hu. The U.S news media, with TV news as the main focus in this study, tend to adopt the ritualistic media event script in framing the visit in an respectful, peaceful and optimistic manner. There is a discursive news storyline of Hu's state visit as a win-win media event starts from the tension between the two states and then a ...

Cui, Yan. ; Thesis Ph.D. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2015. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 236-251). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Title from PDF title page (viewed on 15, September, 2016).

After World War II, an international military court sentenced 20 Nazi doctors and 3 collaborators with crimes against the humanity at the Nuremberg Trials. For the past 70 years after Nuremberg Trials, the restoration to pre-Nazi's ethical standard has been progressed. The eugenicist theories and the policies of racial hygiene were the fundamental axes of the Nazi euthanasia programs without paying attention to the basic ethics of the medicine. German psychiatry that it enjoyed an extraordinary international reputation, played a capital rôle in these programs and the mental patients supposed the main group of risk for these practices during the Nazi era. In this overview, we deal with, the historical perspective of the euthanasia programs of the mental patients, and the procedures for its execution, and the use of the mental patients as investigation tools. Direct consequence of the mentioned penal process gave birth to the Nuremberg Code, which has been considered as the fi rst international code of ethics for the medical experiments with human subjects. During the last 70 years, it has advanced substantially in the restoration of ethical codes and norms to protect patients in particular in the fi eld of psychiatry and psychopharmacology, and its culmination of advancement has been in the 1996 Declaration of Madrid.

The transition of the global financial governance system is a history of the rise and fall of the Western advanced countries in the post-war international political and economic system. Since the end of the Second World War, the International Monetary Foundation and the World Bank have always taken the dominant role in the field of global financial governance. However, after the beginning of the global financial crisis in 2008, many drawbacks have become apparent concerning these two significant institutions, such as the lack of representatives, the slow and ineffective response to the crisis, etc. Following a strong appeal from the developing countries (with the emerging powers as their representatives), the global financial governance system has experienced several rounds of reforms which have yet to yield acceptable results. Therefore, it is highly necessary to create a new institution which can play a complementary role in the existing financial governance system rather than overthrow it. Complying with the tide of history, the official establishment of the BRICS Bank can be of great significance to the reform of current global financial governance systems such as diversifying the global financial governance bodies, representing the interests of developing countries in a better way, enhancing the status and improving the importance of emerging economies in the international political and economic order. Admittedly, the BRICS Bank also faces great challenges and limits such as the lack of a core leadership and the absence of a unified currency, etc.

這項研究的目的旨在探討香港15歲學生在科學素養上的性別差異及這些差異如何影響男女生在選擇以科學作為升學及職業的動機。 ; 本研究的數據取自2006年在本港舉行的香港學生能力國際評估計劃(Programme for International Student Assessment)。該計劃的4645學生樣本取自146所學校,包括:官立、資助及私立學校,以兩階段分層隨機抽樣的方法選取。 ; 學生能力國際評估計劃如其他大型國際評估一樣,其評估框架採用多維試題架構。本研究採用配合該試題架構及樣本結構的多維試題功能(MDIF)及多層中介變項(MLM)兩個研究方法,去了解15歲男女學生在科學素養(認知和情感)上的性別差異及這些差異如何影響男女生在選擇以科學作為升學及職業的動機。比較常用的均差t-檢定,MDIF具備提高各次級量尺的精確度特質,因而可以更有效和準確地計算出男女學生在科學素養上的性別差異。MLM則以Eccles (1983) 的成功期望價值理論為學理基礎去分析和了解這些性別差異如何影響男女生在選取與科學相關的升學途徑和擇業的動機。 ; 要完成MLM的研究,我們必須先使用單組驗證性因子分析(Single-Group CFA)驗證經濟合作與發展組織(OECD)所建構的六項情意因素,包括:「科學上的自我概念」、「科學的個人價值」、「科學的興趣」、「對科學的喜好」、「學習科學的工具性動機」和「將來工作而學習科學的動機」,以便了解使用這些源自西方社會的情意因素在本土研究的可行性及效度。接着使用本土數據去調整這六項情意因素結構。最後利用多組驗證性因子分析(Multiple-Group CFA)去確定這些因素結構對男女生是否都適用(即測量等同檢驗Measurement Invariance Test)。 ; 由單組驗證性因子分析結果得知,六項情意因素,除了要對「科學的興趣」因素作較大幅度的修改外,其他五項因素都具有良好的心理測量特性。而多組驗證性因子分析的結果亦顯示,六項情意因素都能通過測量等同檢驗,亦即這六項因素結構對男女生都適用。 ; 研究結果顯示除了「鑑定形成科學議題」能力外,本港15歲的男生在「解釋科學現象」及「科學證」等科學認知層面上優於女生。在科學情意發展上,男生比女生亦有更好的發展,其效應值(effect size)更高於認知層面。 ; MLM的研究結果與Eccles的成功期望價值理論預測結果吻合,也就是說,男女生在面向未來升學選科和擇業動機上呈現明顯的性別差異,而這些差異主要是透過情意因素(中介變項)間接影響男女生的選擇意向。就這些因素而言,女生在選取科學作為未來升學途徑和職業動機明顯地較男生為弱。 ; 整體而言,驗證性因子分析結果和MLM的研究結果支持源自西方社會的Eccles成功期望價值理論具備跨文化效度,在香港華人社會的研究結果與西方結果基本吻合。 ; 最後,本文作者將根據本研究的結果,向科學教育的工作者、教師、父母、課程發展人員、政策的制定者和考核機構提供一些可行的建議,希望藉此改善香港男女生在科學生涯規劃上的性別差異。 ; The aim of this study is to investigate the effect of gender differences of 15-year-old students on scientific literacy and their impacts on students' motivation to pursue science education and careers (Future-oriented Science Motivation) in Hong Kong. ; The data for this study was collected from the Program for International Student Assessment in Hong Kong (HKPISA). It was carried out in 2006. A total of 4,645 students were randomly selected from 146 secondary schools including government, aided and private schools by two-stage stratified sampling method for the assessment. ; HKPISA 2006, like most of other large-scale international assessments, presents its assessment frameworks in multidimensional subscales. To fulfill the requirements of this ...

自1840年清廷與英國簽訂《南京條約》以來,長久以來東亞地區傳統國家對於人身的掌握方式以及以朝貢冊封作為手段所建立的天下秩序便日漸被削弱且重新被編入近代西方國際法秩序之中。在此過程中,當時的東亞各國,皆曾嘗試一方面遵行近代西方的國際法秩序,一方面使用西式的法律將自身塑造為符合西方意義下的近代國家以達到可以完全在其「國」內外掌控其臣民之人身並同時受到西方列強所承認的目的。而所謂的近代西方國際法秩序,特別是在其秩序下主權國家所代表的對外擁有獨立性以及對內之臣民與領土擁有排他性權力等特質,更被明治維新之後的日本政治家與知識分子視為是國體存在的憑藉與證明,是使日本得以與歐美列強建立平等外交關係的前提之一。換句話說,日本近代法秩序中具有明顯地使日本作為一個主權國家融入近代西方國際法秩序的企圖。 ; 然而自1890年《大日本帝國憲法》正式實施以來,日本先後在甲午戰爭以及日俄戰爭後領有臺灣與朝鮮。日本帝國在法律上所須支配的範圍不再僅限於日本列島,同時更包含了以上在帝國轄下這些地域的人身流動。在此種情況下,本研究企圖解決兩個問題,即:第一,當時什麼是「臺灣人」?而臺灣人在帝國內被日本政府以法律的方式賦予怎樣的法律地位?而這個法律地位在治安法律的適用上與帝國內的其他人群,特別是日本內地人之間又具有怎樣的差別,而其成因又是什麼?第二,當《治安維持法》作為當時日本帝國下日本與臺灣兩地域所共同擁有的治安法律時,帝國的裁判機構是如何根據帝國下各地域在地社會的情形而處理在各地域的治安法律案件的?而這些法院的判例又對於當時「臺灣人」族群意識的形成具有怎樣的影響?以及這些法律關係對於了解整個日本帝國的發展所具有的意義上有什麼幫助? ; 而經由本研究,筆者得出結論,認為帝國下的「臺灣人」的法律地位與其治安法律的適用是與日本帝國權力秩序之結構有著深刻的關係。而當時帝國權力秩序之結構事實上即是近代西方國際法秩序在東亞的滲透、天皇制國家的國體論述、兩地各自過往治安法律的實施背景,以及當時日本國內外的臨時事件的各個因素所形成的,並且影響了「臺灣人」作為一個族群意識的形成。 ; Ever since the mid-19th century, the traditional East Asian Hua Yi (華夷) system has been weakening and was re-incorporated into the modern Western world order because of the rise of the Western powers. This process not only broke the old ruling order (in East Asia connected through the Tribute system), but also made the East Asia countries greatly shaped by the new concept of the International Law, for example the equal status between all sovereign states and the sovereign states had exclusive authorities over their people and territories. In this trend, Japan, China, and other East Asian countries were to some extent, tried to not only comply with the order of the International Law, but also made themselves a sovereign state recognized by the Western powers in order to avoid their diplomatic intervention using the excuse of different concept of law. ; In this pursuit, the legal system, particularly the characteristics in the constitution that a country owning a constitution was independent from external interferences and superior to domestic affairs have attracted many Japanese intellectuals and politicians in the Meiji period (1868-1912). They ...

在國際評鑑計劃中,東亞地區學生的數理能力往往較西方國家為佳。現有學術文獻已就這個現象作深入探討,並提出東亞學生的文化特徵和模型。然而,鮮有研究以縱向的歷史角度,討論東亞教育制度下對於「學習者」的文化概念如何因應全球化的影響而演變。本文嘗試以香港的數學教育為研究個案,探討本地數學課程在教學重心及組織上的轉變。研究發現,該學科在教學上的轉變緣於現代個人主義的制度化過程 ── 社會整體愈益視學習者作為充權和自省的行動者。本研究致用縱向文本分析的研究方法,綜析四十二本於戰後出版的香港高小數學教科書的教學內容。研究結果顯示,歷年來課本及課程的教學愈加著重參與式教學、興趣啟發以及與扣連學生生活等概念。另外,政府官員、老師、本地壓力團體及學術專家等亦援用「以學生為本」的話語,推動課程改革。綜合而言,本研究認為世界政體理論相比歷史主義式的理論視野更有力地解釋數學課程內容的轉變。 ; East Asian learners usually outperform their Western counterparts in international mathematics assessment programs. Although the cultural traits of East Asian learners are well documented and analyzed, the cultural dynamics of the changing conception of "learner" in East Asia, especially under the influence of globalization, is under-explored. Taking Hong Kong as a case study, this paper explores the changes within the emphasis of instruction and organization of local mathematics curriculum across time. I contend that the shift of instruction within the school subject is due to the institutionalization of modern individualism, the process in which the conception of "learner as an empowered and self-reflexive actor becomes culturally legitimate in the society. I employ a longitudinal content analysis to track the changes of the instructional emphasis within 42 senior primary mathematics textbooks published in Hong Kong since World War II. It is revealed that despite the unique cultural and historical trajectory of educational development in Hong Kong, the curriculum embraces the ideas of participatory pedagogical approach, interest stimulation, and social relevance to students. Furthermore, it is found that governmental officials, teachers, local pressure groups and academic professionals draw scripts and models from the discourse of student centrism to drive curricular reforms. Results suggest that world polity theory is more applicable than the historicist perspective in accounting for the changes of the curriculum content. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Yip, Chun Ting Patrick. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese ...

北韓核問題引起世界各國的關注,更觸動了中國的神經。雖然,中國領導人一貫強調支持朝鮮半島無核化及希望朝鮮半島能夠保持和平穩定,但中國在處理兩次核問題的方式及舉措卻完全不同。在第一次核危機(1991至1994年)爆發時,中國主要採取不介入的政策;但在第二次核危機(2002至2005年)時,中國卻完全擺脫被動的角色,主動擔當核危機的調停者。 ; 正因為中國處理兩次北韓核問題採取完全不同的外交方針及策略,而且兩次核危機橫跨十多年的時間,無論是國際格局及中國國力也有重大的改變。因此,筆者會嘗試從東北亞的國際體系及權力分配、中國參與國際組織及多邊機制的情況和中國的身份認同及對國家利益及安全的看法這三方面去探討中國主動舉辦「六方會談」以解決第二次北韓核問題的主要原因。 ; 為了更能有效檢視研究論題,筆者也會分析中國90年代末參與的「四方會談」、中國所構建的上海合作組織及九一一事件,以評估這些中介變項對中國主動舉辦「六方會談」的影響。筆者希望能夠從是項研究去瞭解中國外交政策的走向,以評估及預測未來中國對其他國際事務的取態及方針。 ; As the North Korea Nuclear Crisis is one of the most critical security issues for China, the Chinese leaders always claim to maintain peace, prosperity, stability and a nuclear-free status on the Korean Peninsula. But in the two nuclear crises, China presented different attitudes and used different strategies to deal with this issue. ; In the first nuclear crisis (1991-1994), China served as neither a mediator nor a peacemaker, and claimed that Washington and Pyongyang should settle the dispute bilaterally. However, in the second nuclear crisis (2002-2005), China started to play a proactive role and acted as a chief mediator and an honest broker for initiating a multilateral dialogue - Six-Party Talks as a method to settle the crisis. ; Since China played different roles and used different strategies in these two nuclear crises within 10 years, this thesis aims to investigate this change and explain the reasonsfrom mainly three angles, including the power structure of Northeast Asia, China's participation in multilateral institutions, and China's self-identity and views on national interests and security. ; In order to strengthen the analysis, this thesis will also investigate the influence of the Four-Party talks, Shanghai Cooperation Organization and September 11 Attack on the initiatives of the Six-Party Talks. Through this research, the author aims to illustrate the dynamics of China's foreign policy and predict the trend of China's diplomatic behavior towards different international affairs. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed ...