U radu se obrađuje koncept mirovnih operacija koji se razvijao u okvirima Ujedinjenih naroda i do danas je najvidljivija aktivnost koja se poduzima s ciljem održavanja međunarodnog mira i sigurnosti. U novije vrijeme u provedbi kompleksnih mirovnih operacija sudjeluju razne međunarodne organizacije i institucionalni dionici, uključujući i civilnu policiju sastavljenu od policijskih službenika iz različitih zemalja. U radu se analiziraju organizacijski oblici i poslovi u kojima sudjeluju policijski službenici kao pripadnici međunarodnih mirovnih operacija. Na primjeru studije slučaja Istočnog Timora istražit će se kakvo je mjesto i ulogu imala policijska komponenta u provedbi sedam međunarodnih operacija različitih tipova i profila na teritoriju ove države u razdoblju od 1999. do 2012. godine. ; This paper analyses the concept of peacekeeping operations which was developed within the United Nations and which has been the most visible activity implemented in order to maintain international peace and security. More recently, the implementation of multidimensional peacekeeping operations includes the cooperation of various international organizations and institutional actors, including the civilian police composed of police officers from different countries. The paper analyses the organizational forms and activities carried out by police officers who are members of international peacekeeping operations. Based on the case study example of East Timor, the analysis will include the position and roles that the police component had in the implementation of seven different types and profiles of international peacekeeping operations on the territory of this country in the period from 1999 to 2012.
Hrvatski sabor donio je 25. lipnja 1991. Ustavnu odluku o suverenosti i samostalnosti i Deklaraciju o proglašenju suverene i samostalne Republike Hrvatske, čime je objavio i formalizirao volju hrvatskoga naroda i građana Republike Hrvatske izrađenu na referendumu održanom pet tjedana prije. Usvajanjem navedenih dokumenata, a u nemogućnosti postizanja novog političkog dogovora kojim bi se razriješila jugoslavenska državna i politička kriza, Hrvatska je ušla u završnu fazu procesa osamostaljenja. No, unutarjugoslavenske i međunarodne prilike i odnosi nisu predstavljali povoljan okvir hrvatskoga osamostaljenja, nego je u tom procesu Hrvatska nailazila na brojne prepreke, opstrukcije, nerazumijevanja, pa i otpore. Dio međunarodnih aktera, pritisnut odlučnošću hrvatskog političkog vodstva kao i brutalnošću srbijanske oružane agresije, postupno je gradio afirmativan stav prema odluci o izlasku Hrvatske iz SFRJ kao jedinom racionalnom odgovoru na jugoslavensku krizu i rastući velikosrpski nacionalizam i ekspanzionizam. Tri desetljeća nakon sudbonosnih odluka Hrvatskoga sabora prigoda je da podsjetimo na ključne državno-političke i međunarodnopravne akte koji su doveli do priznanja te međunarodne i diplomatske afirmacije Republike Hrvatske, kao i da ukratko ukažemo na one unutarnje i međunarodne dionike koji su se tom procesu odupirali, ali i na one koji su ga podržavali. ; On June 25, 1991, the Croatian Parliament passed the Constitutional Decision on Sovereignty and Independence and passed the Declaration on the Establishment of the Sovereign and Independent Republic of Croatia. In doing so, the Parliament declared and formalized the will of the people and citizens of the Republic of Croatia, which was expressed at a referendum held five weeks earlier. By adopting these documents, and without the possibility of reaching a new political agreement that would dissolve the Yugoslav state and solve the political crisis, Croatia entered the final phase of its independence-gaining process. However, inner Yugoslav and additional international circumstances and relations did not provide a favourable framework for the Croatian independence. In this process, Croatia had to overcome a number of obstacles, an overall lack of understanding, even resistance. Having understood the pressure of decisive Croatian political leadership and the brutality of the Serbian armed aggression, a number of actors on the international stage gradually built their acceptance of the Croatian decision to leave the SFRY. They saw it as the only rational answer to the Yugoslav crisis and the growing Greater Serbian nationalism and expansionism. Three decades after these historic decisions of the Croatian Parliament, it is now a good time to remember the key national political and international legal acts that have led to the international and diplomatic affirmation, as well as the recognition of the Republic of Croatia. This is an opportunity to highlight the local and international stakeholders who resisted this process, as well as those who supported it.
Cilj rada je pružiti uvid u specifične izazove vezane uz međunarodno posvojenje te ukazati na situacije kršenja prava djeteta u kontekstu međudržavnog posvojenja. Iako se međunarodnom posvojenju pribjegava tek u okolnostima kada djetetu nije moguće pružiti skrb u državi porijekla, nerijetko u tom procesu dolazi do zloupotrebe instituta međunarodnog posvojenja. Posebice u vremenima kriza kao što su ekonomske i političke krize, ratovi i prirodne katastrofe, kada su zakonske kontrole oslabljene. Nadalje, stvarnost međunarodno posvojene djece karakterizira proživljavanje mnogih gubitaka, emocionalnih i kulturalnih, te je velik izazov s kojim se susreću međunarodni posvojenici formiranje identiteta kao kombinacije kulturalnog nasljeđa države iz koje potječu i države u koju se dijete posvaja. Kako će taj proces teći uvelike ovisi o posvojiteljima i njihovom prihvaćanju različitosti, te spremnosti i vještinama komuniciranja o djetetovoj povijesti i porijeklu, ali i o podršci sustava socijalne skrbi koji ima važnu ulogu u zaštiti prava djeteta. ; The aim of this paper is to provide insight in the specific challenges of international adoption, and to point to situations of violation of the rights of the child in the context of international adoption. Although international adoption is used only in circumstances where a child cannot be cared for in a country of origin, in that process abuses of this institute often occur. Especially in times of crisis such as economic and political crises, wars and natural disasters when legal controls are weak. Furthermore, the great challenge facing all international adoptees is the formation of identity as a combination of the cultural heritage of the country of origin and the country they actually live in. How will this process going on depend not only on adoptive parents and their acceptance of diversity, their willingness to communicate about child history and origin and communication skill they have, but also on the support of the social welfare system, which have an important role in protecting the rights of the child.
Djelatna uloga Međunarodnoga odbora Crvenoga križa (MOCK) do izražaja dolazi u ratnim okolnostima u provođenju aktivnosti utemeljenih na međunarodnom ratnom pravu da bi se osigurala pomoć za sve ratne stradalnike. U osiguravanju uvjeta rada tijekom Drugoga svjetskog rata MOCK je pokušao uspostaviti službene odnose sa svim zaraćenim državama, odnosno svim vojnim snagama bez obzira na to je li im bio priznat status zaraćene strane. Stoga su u radu prikazani i napori koje je MOCK uložio u pokušaje da pripadnici Narodnooslobodilačke vojske i partizanskih odreda Jugoslavije steknu službeni položaj zaraćene strane, odnosno službeni status ratnih zarobljenika, te da se na njih dosljedno primijene odredbe međunarodnoga ratnog prava. Usprkos prethodnim kontaktima MOCK je tek nakon imenovanja stalnoga predstavnika u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj (1943.) započeo opsežne aktivnosti u korist pripadnika partizanskoga pokreta Jugoslavije, od kojih su najvažnije bile praktična primjena odredaba međunarodnoga ratnog prava na zarobljene pripadnike partizanskih jedinica te osiguravanje raznih oblika pomoći. S istom je nakanom predstavnik MOCK-a uspostavio kontakt i s Vrhovnim štabom Narodnooslobodilačke vojske i partizanskih odreda Jugoslavije, a suradnja je olakšana tek nakon potpisivanja sporazuma Tito-Šubašić, što je rezultiralo uspostavom službenih odnosa krajem 1944. godine. Na temelju izvornoga arhivskoga gradiva, objavljenih izvora i literature autor pokazuje i neke aspekte suradnje do završetka rata te u neposrednom poraću. ; The active role of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) comes to the fore in wartime circumstances, in carrying out activities based on international war law (the Geneva and Hague Conventions) regarding providing assistance to all war victims. In securing working conditions during World War II, the ICRC attempted to establish official relations with all belligerent parties regardless of whether they were or were not recognised as belligerent parties. Therefore, the author presents part of the ICRC efforts made in the process of recognising the international war law-regulated status of belligerent party to members of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia, i.e. the status of prisoners of war. Despite some earlier contacts, after the designation of a permanent representative to the Independent State of Croatia (1943), the ICRC launched extensive activities in favour of members of the Yugoslav Partisan movement, the most important of which was the practical application of the international law of war. Permanent representative Schmidlin constantly intervened in the ministries and the prime minister of the Independent State of Croatia through the Central Office of the Croatian Red Cross and as well through prominent figures in the political and social life of the State. However, although the Partisans de facto achieved the position of a belligerent party in their relations with the German military forces, this status was strongly opposed by the ISC authorities. Due to the change in the British attitude towards the Yugoslav Partisans, in the summer of 1943 the ICRC leadership ordered its permanent representative in Zagreb to establish contact with members of the People's Liberation Army of Yugoslavia as soon as possible. Very soon, Schmidlin contacted the Supreme Headquarters of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan detachments of Yugoslavia. In late November 1943, shortly after the beginning of the Allied Conference in Tehran, the ICRC leadership also received an Allied recommendation on the same subject. The existence of the Yugoslav Committee of the Red Cross in London, which had legitimacy and was the only recognised Yugoslav national Red Cross society, was a major problem in establishing relations between the ICRC and the Yugoslav Partisans. The ICRC leadership remained committed to not recognising the new societies created during the war. After the signing of the Tito-Šubašić agreement in mid-June 1944, the ICRC leadership changed its position, and representatives of the Yugoslav government and Marshal Tito sent several letters to the ICRC Permanent Delegation in London in late September and early October 1944. In those letters, they informed the ICRC leadership of the establishment of the Central Committee of the Yugoslav Red Cross on the island of Vis. At the same time, the Royal Yugoslav Red Cross Society in London was dissolved. All of this resulted in the unification of the national organisation of the Red Cross in Yugoslavia, which led to the establishment of official relations between the ICRC and Yugoslav Partisans at the end of 1944. Based on original archival sources and literature, the author points to some aspects of cooperation until the end of World War II and in the early post-war period. One of the main aspects of the ICRC's work during this period was the practical application of the provisions of the international law of war to prisoners of war in Yugoslavia. Tito himself made the same promises, though the Yugoslav Ministry of Social Policy made this conditional: they would be applied only if it was proven that captured members of the Partisan movement had been treated in the same way during the war. The treatment of prisoners of war in Yugoslavia could only be speculated about, and the authorities immediately refused to allow foreign diplomatic or ICRC representatives to gain insight into the treatment of prisoners of war. It is clear that the ICRC faced the same problems in its relations with the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia and the German Reich during the war and the Yugoslav authorities at the end of the war and in the immediate post-war period.
Pravo na samoodređenje naroda jedno je od najspornijih pojmova u međunarodnome javnom pravu. Jednako tako, taj je pojam ne samo pravni već i filozofski, politološki, sociološki i povlači za sobom razna pitanja i reperkusije. Zbog toga se njegovoj analizi treba pristupiti detaljno, postupno i interdisciplinarno kako bi se sagledali razni važni aspekti toga pojma koji dovode do odgovora na pitanje je li samoodređenje naroda princip ili pravo i koga se tiče, je li to pravo jus cogens de facto i de iure ili je uvjetovano i ograničeno drugim pravilima suvremenoga međunarodnopravog poretka. Tu se prije svega misli na kogentnu zabranu narušavanja teritorijalnoga integriteta postojećih država te ugrožavanja međunarodnoga mira i stabilnosti proklamiranih još u Povelji Ujedinjenih naroda. To povlači za sobom razmatranje načela uti possidetis i njegovih korijena i obveznosti primjene, jednako kao i secesije kao najčešće posljedice afirmativnoga ostvarivanja prava na samoodređenje naroda. Također se na to nadovezuje i pitanje disolucije država, najčešće federalnih, za koju se treba proanalizirati ima li ona materijalne razlike s obzirom na secesiju koja također nije izrijekom ni dopuštena ni zabranjena. Autor sve te povezane pojave i pojmove interpretira kroz nama najbliže poznat slučaj, i dalje nedavnoga, raspada bivše Jugoslavije koja je bila moderni presedan za federalne države, a ima odjeka i u aktualnim zbivanjima poput onih u Ukrajini i Španjolskoj. Da bi se imao još potpuniji dojam o povezanosti prava, politike i raznih interesa, progovara se i o konstitutivnosti naroda, manjinama i njihovim pravima na osnovi raznih dokumenata i mišljenja teoretičara te i o državotvornosti i državnom priznanju za koje jednako tako nema konsenzusa o tome je li ono konstitutivni ili deklaratorni akt trećih država i međunarodne zajednice. Da bi se izbjegao najgori mogući scenarij, a to je onaj prihvaćanja pravnoga "statusa quo", treba kroz otvoreno raspravljanje i davanje prijedloga de lege ferenda precizirati pravnu problematiku kako se ne bi političkim i javnim diverzijama ili distrakcijama prikrivali interesi koji su ili suprotni duhu Ujedinjenih naroda ili su, s druge strane, legitimno suprotstavljeni jedni drugima. ; The right to self-determination of peoples is one of the most controversial concepts in public international law. Also, this concept is not only legal, but also philosophical, and also pertains to political science, sociology and entails various issues and repercussions. Therefore, its analysis should be approached in detail, gradually and with an interdisciplinary approach in order to comprehend the various important aspects of the concept that leads toward the answer to the following question - Is the self- determination of peoples a principle or a right and what else in involved here? Is this right jus cogens de facto and de jure or is it conditioned by the organic other rules of contemporary international order? This primarily refers to the cogent ban of breaching the territorial integrity of existing states and jeopardizing international peace and stability as proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations. This entails a consideration of the principle of uti possidetis and its roots, as well as secession, the most common consequence of the affirmative exercising of the right to self-determination of peoples. Also on the continuation and dissolution of states, mostly federal, which is necessary for an analysis whether or not there are any material differences in relation to secession, which is also neither permitted nor prohibited. The author here will interpret our closest known case (one still recent) the breakup of the former Yugoslavia, which was a modern precedent for a federal state and has reverberation in current events like those in the Ukraine. In order to have a more complete impression of law, policy and various interests will also make mention of the constitutionality of peoples, minorities and their rights through a variety of documents and the opinions of scholars and also concepts concerning the nation and state recognition. There is no consensus whether it is a constitutive or declaratory act by third countries and the international community. In order to avoid a worst case scenario, the acceptance of the legal "status quo", it should be openly debated in order to avoid political and public diversions or distractions that hide interests which are either contrary to the spirit of the United Nations or, on the other hand, legitimately opposed to each other. ; Il diritto di autodeterminazione dei popoli è uno dei termini più discussi del diritto internazionale pubblico. Inoltre, questo termine non è soltanto giuridico, ma anche filosofico, politico, sociologico e lega a sé varie polemiche e ripercussioni. È per questo che l'approccio all'analisi del termine dev'essere dettagliato, graduale ed interdisciplinare affinché si possano osservare i vari aspetti del termine che portano alla risposta del quesito se l'autodeterminazione nazionale è un principio o un diritto e relativo a chi, se è un diritto jus cogens de facto e de iure o se è condizionato e limitato da altre norme del diritto internazionale contemporaneo. Qui si parla in primis del divieto cogente di lesione dell'integrità territoriale e della pace internazionale e della stabilità proclamati persino nella Dichiarazione delle Nazioni Unite. Il tutto suppone l'osservazione del principio uti possidetis, delle sue radici e dell'obbligo d'implementazione, come anche della secessione, conseguenza più frequente della realizzazione affermativa del diritto di autodeterminazione dei popoli. Inoltre, ciò è relativo al fenomeno della dissoluzione degli stati, soprattutto federali, per i quali è doveroso analizzare la presenza di distinzioni materiali riguardanti la secessione, la quale di per sé non è esplicitamente né opzionale né vietata. L'autore interpreta i relativi fenomeni e termini per mezzo del caso a noi più vicino e più familiare, la dissoluzione dell'ex Jugoslavia, la quale è stata un precedente moderno per gli stati federali, e che ha ripercussioni anche nei casi attuali dell'Ucraina e della Catalonia in Spagna. Con lo scopo di cristalizzare il legame fra il diritto, la politica e i vari interessi, si parla anche della costitutività dei popoli, delle minoranze e dei loro diritti in base ai molti documenti e alle opinioni degli analitici, ed infine della creazione e del riconoscimento di uno stato, per i quali nemmeno prevale un consenso se si tratta di un atto costituente o declaratorio da parte di terzi e della comunità internazionale. Al fine di evitare degli esiti catastrofici, ossia l'interiorizzazione dello "status quo" a livello giuridico, è opportuno discutere in maniera aperta per precisare la problematica legislativa ed evidenziare gli interessi contrari allo spirito delle Nazione Unite o semplicemente giustificatamente opposti.
Danas u uvjetima globalizacije terorizma, trgovine ljudima i rastuće migracije stanovništva pred međunarodnim snagama UN i međunarodnim policijskim organizacijama stoji niz novih složenih zadataka u okviru borbi protiv zločina protiv čovječnosti. U svom radu navodimo razloge rastuće složenosti tih zadataka i karakteriziramo temeljne smjerove djelovanja međunarodnih policijskih organizacija i međunarodnih snaga UN u uvjetima globalizacije terorizma, trgovine ljudima i ekstremne migracije stanovništva. Posebice razmatramo problem borbe međunarodnih policijskih organizacija protiv trgovine ženama i djecom. ; Today, under the conditions of globalized terrorism, human traffi cking and growing migration of population, international forces of the UN and international police organizations are faced with a series of complex tasks in fi ghtinhg crimes against humanity. In this paper, the authors state reasons for growing complexity of these tasks and characterization of underlying directions of action of international police organizations and international forces of the UN against the eff ects of globalization of terrorism, human traffi cking and forced migration of population. We particularly consider the problem of collision of international police organizations against trafficking in women and children.
U radu je prikazana politika Hrvatske demokratske zajednice u Bosni i Hercegovini od 8. listopada 1991., kada je Sabor Republike Hrvatske reaktivirao svoju odluku o neovisnosti Hrvatske, pa sve do 6. travnja 1992., kada je međunarodna zajednica priznala Bosnu i Hercegovinu. Rad je napisan na temelju stranačkih dokumenata, svjedočenja i medijskih istupa stranačkih vođa. ; The paper describes the policy of the Croatian Democratic Union in Bosnia and Herzegovina from October the 8th 1991 when the Croatian Parliament reactivated their decision on the Croatian independence, until April the 6th 1992 when the international community recognized Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is written on the basis of the party documents, testimonies and media appearances by the party leaders. The Croatian Democratic Union of Bosnia and Herzegovina was the party which had won the absolute political support of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the first democratic elections, and then together with coalition partners–Party of Democratic Action and Serbian Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina they established a joint government on all levels. Consequently, without the reconstruction of their activities in the period which is the theme of this paper, it is not possible to understand the sequence of historical events that had led to the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper therefore attempts to clarify the attitude of the party towards many important political issues of that time, such as the question of the aggression of Serbia, Montenegro and the Yugoslav National Army on Croatia, the collapse of communist Yugoslavia, the cooperation with coalition partners who had different opinions on the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the relation to the party headquarters in Zagreb, but also the reasons of the conflict between the two fractions within the party, which had developed over time due to the different views on the political future of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
U ovom se radu govori o međunarodnopravnom subjektivitetu Bosne i Hercegovine, u pravom smislu riječi. Priznanje državnosti od Ujedinjenih naroda sada već davne 1992. godine, članstvo u velikom broju međunarodnih organizacija, bezbroj programa jačanja institucionalnih kapaciteta, izdašna materijalna i nematerijalna međunarodna pomoć u svim segmentima društva, kao i svi pozitivni društveno-političko-ekonomski procesi implementirani od Daytona do danas nisu rezultirali odgovarajućim pozicioniranjem Bosne i Hercegovine u međunarodnim odnosima, u prvom redu među zemljama jugoistočne Europe. Budući da je taj subjektivitet izuzetno ograničen ili dugoročno neproduktivan, kada se radi o odnosima u regiji, uloga na ''većoj'' međunarodnoj sceni je zanemariva i time se nećemo baviti. Takva pozicija dolazi kao posljedica izuzetno složene unutarnje strukture Bosne i Hercegovine i odnosa između bosanskohercegovačkih političkih subjekata. Geopolitika je prema riječima ''oca geopolitike'' Rudolfa Kjellena praktičan i realističan pristup međunarodnoj politici gdje se poseban naglasak stavlja na ulogu koju za državu imaju teritorij i resursi. Ako ulogu koju neka država može imati u međunarodnoj politici determiniraju njezini resursi, kako to tumači Kjellen, onda Bosna i Hercegovina ima odlične predispozicije da postane važan ''igrač'' prije svega na prostoru jugoistočne Europe, ali i šire. Stvarnost je ipak malo drugačija. ; This paper deals with the international legal subjectivity of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the true sense of the word. Recognition of statehood by the United Nations back in 1992, membership in a large number of international organizations, countless programs of institutional capacity building, generous material and immaterial international assistance in all segments of society, as well as all positive socio-political-economic processes implemented from Dayton until today did not result in an appropriate positioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina when it comes to international relations primarily among Southeast European countries. Since this subjectivity is exceptionally limited or long-term unproductive when it comes to relations in the region, the role on the "bigger" international scene is negligible and we will not deal with it. This position comes as a result of the extremely complex internal structure and the relations between political parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to Rudolf Kjellen's "father of geopolitics", Geopolitics is a practical and realistic approach to international politics, where special emphasis is placed on the role of territory and resources for each state. If the position of state in international relations is determined by its resources as Kjellen explains, then Bosnia and Herzegovina has a great predisposition to become an important player, especially in the region of Southeast Europe and beyond. Reality is, however, a bit different.
Rad se bavi analizom reakcija Ujedinjenih naroda na zločin terorizma u obliku inkriminacije terorizma u nizu konvencija prihvaćenih u krilu te organizacije, no još više u obliku moralnih, ali i pravnih sankcija sadržanih u političkim osudama neobvezujućih rezolucija Opće skupštine, posebice tijekom hladnog rata, kao i u obvezujućim sankcijskim rezolucijama Vijeća sigurnosti počevši od 90-ih godina prošlog stoljeća. Pritom rad upućuje na specifičan razvojni proces koji počinje sankcijama prema državama odgovornima za tzv. "državni terorizam", a u posljednjih 15-ak godina sankcije su se gotovo potpuno usmjerile prema terorističkim organizacijama kao nedržavnim akterima te su razvojem međunarodnoga kaznenog pravosuđa otvorile prostor i individualnoj međunarodnoj kaznenoj odgovornosti za taj zločin. ; This paper analyzes the United Nations' reactions to the international crime of terrorism. It focuses on counter-terrorism international conventions adopted within the UN, as well as on moral and political sanctions contained in non-binding resolutions of the General Assembly during the period of the so-called ˝Cold war˝. However, the main focus of this research is on the analysis of legally binding resolutions adopted by the Security Council starting from the 1990s. The analysis of the development of the Security Council's resolutions adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter indicates that these resolutions, initially addressed to states responsible for the so- called ˝state terrorism˝, gradually became directed exclusively towards terrorist organizations as non-state actors. In this context, the ˝ISIL (Da'esh) and Al-Qaida Sanctions List˝ of the Security Council is being continuously expanded with names of individuals as well as of other non-state ˝entities and other groups˝ affected by these sanctions. Unfortunately, compared to the beginnig of 2015, when only 70 ˝entities and other groups˝ were listed, in March 2017 their number increased to over 360. These ˝entities and other groups˝, which originate from Tunisia, Mali, Albania, Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Bangladesh, the Comoros, Pakistan, Indonesia, Somalia, Kenya, Tanzania, Arabian Peninsula, Libya, Sudan, Egypt, the Caucasus region, Uzbekistan, and even Bosnia and Herzegovina, differ in various ways. Some of the above mentioned ˝entities˝ aim at overthrowing the government of their country, just like ˝classical˝ insurgents as temporary subjects of international law. Other non-state actors' activities are directed towards establishing a new state (for example, Ansar Eddine, Mouvement national de libération de l'Azawad – MNLA in Mali, Sudan People's Liberation Movement – SPLM in South Sudan). International crimes committed by these organizations are not only the object of the resolutions of the Security Council, but they are also in the focus of interest of the International Criminal Court (the ICC). Although the international crime of terrorism is not covered by the jurisdiction of the ICC under the Rome Statute, certain international crimes committed by terrorists or under the auspices of terrorist organizations share some common features with crimes against humanity, which fall under the jurisdiction of the ICC. Thus, the ICC indirectly contributes to the sanctioning for the crime of terrorism. Further evolution of the international criminal justice, both through the jurisprudence of the ICC and other ad hoc international and ˝hybrid˝ courts, will most certainly contribute to the development of international criminal liability of individuals for the crime of terrorism.
Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanosti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te da ti pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the cornerstones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent states. At the beginning of the 21st century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances – the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non- governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed states«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.
Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanos- ti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te dati pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the corner- stones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent States. At the beginning of the 21st Century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances - the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign Investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non/governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed States«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.
Grønlands udenrigspolitiske repræsentanter benytter den store internationale interesse for Arktis til at positionere Grønland som en mere selvstændig udenrigspolitisk aktør. Det er muligt, da Danmark er afhængig af Grønland for at opretholde sin status som "arktisk stat", og fordi Grønlands udenrigspolitiske kompetence er åben for fortolkning. Denne artikel analyserer, hvordan repræsentanter for skiftende grønlandske regeringer har udvidet det udenrigspolitiske handlerum ved i diskurs og praksis at styrke Grønlands position i en arktisk kontekst. Det er blandt andet opnået ved 1) højlydt at italesætte utilfredshed i Arktisk Råd, 2) stiltiende symbolske handlinger ved Ilulissat-erklæringens tiårs jubilæum, og 3) ved at mime suverænitet ved Arctic Circle konferencen, der pga. sin mere uformelle struktur er særligt nyttig til at styrke bilaterale internationale relationer. ; Greenland's foreign policy representatives use the great international attention to the Arctic to appear and act as a more sovereign foreign policy actor. This is possible due to Denmark's dependence on Greenland to maintain its "Arctic state" status and because Greenland's foreign policy competence is open to interpretation. The article analyzes how representatives of shifting Greenlandic governments have expanded the foreign policy room for manoeuvre in discourse and praxis to strengthen Greenland's position at Arctic-related events. This has been achieved by, among other things, 1) outspoken discontent in the Arctic Council, 2) tacit gestures at the Ilulissat Declaration's 10-year anniversary, and 3) by mimicking full sovereignty at the Arctic Circle conference serving as a particularly useful platform for enhancing bilateral international relations due to its more informal setup.
Rad analizira vanjsku politiku Sjedinjenih Američkih Država u mandatu 45. predsjednika Donalda Trumpa, točnije u periodu od 2017. – 2021.g. Glavno istraživačko pitanje propituje u kojoj mjeri su kontroverzne odluke i nepredvidivi potezi predsjednika utjecale na položaj SAD-a u međunarodnim odnosima. Temeljna pretpostavka je da su upravo nepredvidivost, ishitrenost i često neprofesionalnost američkog predsjednika šokirale međunarodnu arenu te oslabile položaj SAD-a. S obzirom na kompleksnost teme u ovome radu neće se analizirati sve vanjskopolitičke odluke jer to iziskuje puno veći prostor već će se analizirati samo odluke koje su najviše utjecale na promjenu položaja SAD-a. ; The paper analyzes the foreign policy of the United States during the mandate of the 45th president Donald Trump, more precisely from 2017 till 2021. The main question is whether and if so how much influence did the controversial decisions and unpredictable moves done by the president have on the position of the United States in international relations. The main hypothesis is that the unpredictable, rash and unprofessional decisions and actions of the American president have shocked the global international arena and therefore have weakened the US position in it. Due to the complexity of the subject, the paper does not analyze all foreign policies of president Trump but instead it focuses on actions that had the greatest impact on the US position in the international order.
Russia's strategy in the Arctic is dominated by two overriding discourses – and foreign policy directions – which at first glance may look like opposites. On the one hand, an IR realism/geopolitical discourse that often has a clear patriotic character, dealing with "capturing", "winning" or "conquering" the Arctic and putting power, including military power, behind the national interests in the area – which is why we, in recent years, have seen an increasing military build-up, also in the Russian Arctic. Opposed to this is an IR liberalism, international law-inspired and modernization-focused discourse, which is characterized by words such as "negotiation", "cooperation" and "joint ventures" and which has as an axiom that the companies and countries operating in the Arctic all benefit the most if they collaborate in peace and friendliness. So far, the IR liberalism discourse has set the trend of the Russian policy carried out in relation to the Arctic. Thus, it has primarily been the Russian Foreign Ministry and, above all, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov that have drawn the overall lines of the Arctic policy, well aided by the Transport Ministry and the Energy Ministry. On the other side are the Russian national Security Council led by Nikolai Patrushev and the Russian Defence Ministry headed by Sergey Shoygu, which both have embedded their visions of Russia and the Arctic in the IR realism/geopolitical discourse. Russia's president, Vladimir Putin, does the same. Nevertheless, he has primarily chosen to let the Foreign Ministry set the line for the Arctic policy carried out, presumably out of a pragmatic acknowledgement of the means that have, so far, served the Russian interests best. Moreover, it is worth noting that both wings, even though they can disagree about the means, in fact are more or less in agreement about the goal of Russia's Arctic policy: namely, to utilize the expected wealth of oil and natural gas resources in the underground to ensure the continuation of the restoration of Russia's position as a Great Power when the capacity of the energy fields in Siberia slowly diminishes – which the Russian Energy Ministry expects to happen sometime between 2015 and 2030. In addition to that, Russia sees – as the polar ice slowly melts – great potential for opening an ice-free northern sea route between Europe and Asia across the Russian Arctic, with the hope that the international shipping industry can see the common sense of saving up to nearly 4,000 nautical miles on a voyage from Ulsan, Korea, to Rotterdam, Holland, so Russia can earn money by servicing the ships and issuing permissions for passage through what Russia regards as Russian territorial water. The question is whether Russia will be able to realize its ambitious goals. First, the Russian state energy companies Gazprom and Rosneft lack the technology, know-how and experience to extract oil and gas under the exceedingly difficult environment in the Arctic, where the most significant deposits are believed to be in very deep water in areas that are very difficult to access due to bad weather conditions. The Western sanctions mean that the Russian energy companies cannot, as planned, obtain this technology and know-how via the already entered-into partnerships with Western energy companies. The sanctions limit loan opportunities in Western banks, which hit the profitability of the most cost-heavy projects in the Arctic. However, what hits hardest are the low oil prices – at present 50 dollars per barrel (Brent). According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), the fields in the Arctic are not profitable as long as the oil price is under 120 dollars per barrel. Whether Russia chooses to suspend the projects until the energy prices rise again – and until it has again entered into partnerships that can deliver the desired technology and know-how – or whether the Russian state will continuously pump money into the projects is uncertain. The hard-pressed Russian economy, with the prospects of recession, increasing inflation, increasing flight of capital, rising interest rates and a continuously low oil price, provides a market economic incentive for suspending the projects until further notice. Whether the Kremlin will think in a market economic way or a long-term strategic way is uncertain – but, historically, there has been a penchant for the latter. One of the Kremlin's hopes is that Chinese-Russian cooperation can take over where the Western-Russian cooperation has shut down. Russia has long wanted to diversify its energy markets to reduce its dependence on sales to Europe. At the same time, those in the Kremlin have had a deeply-rooted fear of ending up as a "resource appendix" to the onrushing Chinese economy, which so far has been a strong contributing reason for keeping the Russian-Chinese overtures in check. The question now is whether the Western sanctions can be the catalyst that can make Russia overcome this fear and thus, in the long term, support the efforts to enter into a real, strategic partnership with China. ; Russia's strategy in the Arctic is dominated by two overriding discourses – and foreign policy directions – which at first glance may look like opposites. On the one hand, Russia have an IR realism/geopolitical discourse that often has a clear patriotic character, dealing with "exploring", "winning" or "conquering" the Arctic and putting power, including military power, behind the national interests in the area – which is why we, in recent years, have seen an increasing military build-up, also in the Russian Arctic. Opposed to this is an IR liberalism, international law-inspired and modernization- focused discourse, which is characterized by words such as "negotiation", "cooperation" and "joint ventures" and which has as an axiom that the companies and countries operating in the Arctic all benefit the most if they cooperate peacefully.
Posljednjih je godina teorijska literatura o međunarodnim odnosima znatno napredovala u proširivanju i preciziranju tipologije revizionističkih država – država koje teže preraspodjeli moći u međunarodnom sistemu i/ili promjeni normativnog poretka. Istovremeno je malo pozornosti posvećeno pojmu status quo države, kojim se označava država koja teži zadržavanju moći i očuvanju postojećeg stanja. Status quo država uglavnom se svodi na status quo predrasudu koja se odnosi na države koje imaju averziju prema riskiranju u vanjskopolitičkim odlukama i ne sudjeluju aktivno u oblikovanju međunarodne politike ili pak na države koje nastoje egzistencijalno preživjeti u anarhičnom sustavu. Literatura pritom previđa ono bitno u opreci kategorija: sukob revizionističke i status quo države. Naime, otvoreno suparništvo s revizionističkom državom i agresivno pružanje otpora promjeni redovito se označava kao još jedan vid revizionizma. U ovom se radu pokazuje da kategorija status quo države nije slučajno u "mrtvom kutu" teorije međunarodnih odnosa. Razlog je tomu što uvjet njezine mogućnosti – konsenzualni međunarodnopravni poredak – u suvremenim okolnostima nije prisutan. Povijesno iskustvo pokazuje da u određenim, veoma rijetkim uvjetima konsenzualnoga međunarodnopravnog poretka države s agresivnim motivima i nerijetko ofenzivnim sredstvima mogu biti status quo države. Pokazat će se da su u moderno doba samo dva razmjerno kratkotrajna međunarodna poretka činila status quo državu mogućom: europski vestfalski sustav ravnoteže snaga u 18. stoljeću i hladnoratovski detant u drugoj polovici 20. stoljeća. ; In recent years, the International Relations theoretical literature has made significant progress in expanding and refining the typology of revisionist states – states that seek to redistribute power in the international system and/or change the normative order. At the same time, little attention is paid to the notion of the status quo state, which denotes a state that strives to retain power and preserve the status quo. The category of status quo states is mainly reduced to either status quo bias referring to the states that have an aversion to risk in foreign policy decisions and do not actively participate in international politics or to the states that seek to survive in the anarchic system. At the same time, the literature overlooks the key aspect of the opposing categories: the conflict between the revisionist state and the status quo state. Namely, open rivalry with the revisionist state and aggressive resistance to change is regularly labeled as another form of revisionism. This paper shows that the category of the status quo state is not accidentally in the IR theoretical "blind spot". The reason for this is that the condition of its possibility – a consensual international legal order – is not present in modern circumstances. Historical experience shows that in certain and very rare conditions of a consensual international legal order, states with aggressive motives and often offensive means can be categorized as status quo states. It will be shown that in the modern age only two relatively short-lived international orders made the status quo possible: the European Westphalian system of balance of powers in the 18th century and the Cold War détente in the second half of the 20th century.
