Suchergebnisse

This research project is based on the empirical data I gathered in the course of a year (2003-2004) of ethnographical fieldwork research conducted in the Northeastern city of Recife in the state of Pernambuco in Brazil. I worked with twenty-five children, eleven girls and fourteen boys from poor, low middle-class and middle class families. The fieldwork research had been conducted primarily in educational settings. I worked once a week at Arco-Íris private primary school, Magalhães Bastos public municipal school and Daruê alungo cultural and literacy centre NGO. I started the research by asking to the children what was important for them. From their answers I selected the most recurrent ones and organised a monthly theme schedule. Each week, the children approach the theme differently; they drew, they told me a story and I filmed images surrounding the theme. With the material I gathered, I produced a DVD composed of five minutes images, sound and drawings for each child that participated most, in terms of time, of the project. I organised this ethnographical research setting with the aim of testing and exploring a series of theoretical issues with direct social and political consequences on doing research with children and more broadly with minority groups. The main hypothesis of this research project is to test the ethnographical application of the schizoanalysis concept of post-structuralist philosophers Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari. The schizoanalysis or micropolitics concentrates on individual singularities from minority groups before going back to dominant institutional discourses and practices. I first questioned the place of children in academic works prior to the category children be granted the status of a minority group. To answer this question I first looked at children position within western philosophical history, psychoanalytic interpretative method as well as traditional socialisation and developmental theoretical models. I also traced back the use of the ethnographical method in cultural/social anthropology and I did an historical survey of the place of children within the discipline. I then concentrated on minority group formation and its definition within academic and political discourses. I took the second wave feminist movement for the definition consolidation and implications of/on minority group formation, and its theoretical echoes within children studies in social sciences. The development of a symmetrical power relation between the children and myself is described through Deleuze philosophical assistance from the so-called "ontology process". Finally these answers also shaped the way I looked at the place of children within Brazilian history and its international media representation as a minority group through three films and one documentary from Brazil. I explored how the schizoanalysis as a method can enlighten and transform the interpretation of ethnographical fieldwork experiment. These observations of children life experiences are made through the prism of a feminist approach applying an interactive grammar in which geographic location, legal rights, socio-economical class, race, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity, and age are brought into consideration. This research has been conducted through the rereading of the post-structuralist philosopher Gilles Deleuze's (1925-1995) concepts of becoming child, difference, experiment, affect, intuition, ethic of life, and nomadism. I concentrated on the singular life narratives, fragments and practices of seven year-old children from the city of Recife, Brazil. I divided the ethnographical material among the themes the children voiced as being important in their lives. The transformation of schizoanalysis or micropolitics into an ethnographical method directed me towards the creation of a new term corresponding to the merging of this philosophical concept with empirical research. I coined this new term Fragmented Becoming. Fragmented becoming is about the positivity of differences and the respect of each singularity as part of a Universal human condition.

The current study, sponsored by UNICEF/Jerusalem, was carried out by the National Plan of Action Secretariat for Palestinian Children and the Institute of Community & Public Health / Birzeit University, between November 2005 and March 2006. One of the objectives of the study was to collect information on existing Child Rights and Protection policies and structures in five selected countries in the MENA region in addition to the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt). The other aim of the study was to carry out a survey of the different child protection services within the oPt that target especially vulnerable groups of children. The methodology included a review of available documents on child protection systems in the five countries in the MENA region and in the oPt. For the survey on service providers, a questionnaire was designed and tested. Two hundred and thirty one institutions ranging from the Palestinian Authority, UNRWA, NGOs to the charitable sector were interviewed, mainly by telephone. Results show wide variations among the different countries analyzed, namely Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, Egypt, and Tunisia, in their approaches to ensuring the rights and protection of children. A major difference lies with the reliance on governmental structures as opposed to nongovernmental ones, while no system has proven to be most effective. Each of these countries has one main body with the primary responsibility to monitor or ensure children's rights. In the oPt, no such body exists. Structures are still rudimentary, with a lack of development and sustained coordination between the main stakeholders and the relevant sectors. The results of the mapping of child protection services in the oPt show that 26% of these focus on disabilities (26%) often targeting adults as well as children. Twenty-two percent of services target the poor, 20% children without family care, 12% victims of Israeli occupation and war, and 11% abuse and neglect. Three percent of services address the needs of children in conflict with the law, 3% child laborers, and 2% provide support for children in Israeli detention. Finally, 4 organizations provide support for children with special problems: children with cancer and their families and victims of substance abuse. Of the institutions interviewed, 53% are charitable organizations. Another 33% of the institutions are Palestinian and international NGOs (60% and 17% of the institutions, respectively), with government institutions at 11% and finally, UNRWA. The overall distribution of services reveals a significant imbalance in favor of the West Bank over the Gaza Strip, with 72% of the surveyed institutions located in the West Bank and only 28% in the Gaza Strip. Distribution of services between districts and by locality is also uneven, leaving the bulk of the rural population most disadvantaged in terms of access to and quality of services. Only about half of the interviewees said they were aware of the Palestinian Child Law, while over 88% of the interviewees reported they had heard of the concept of child protection. More than half of the service providers (55%) said their institutions were unable to reach all children in need. As for challenges, the two most important ones are related to financial constraints (26%) and the Israeli military occupation (26%). Nearly a quarter of the respondents criticized the role of PA institutions, in particular for the lack of law implementation, policies and coordination especially with regard to special needs. In conclusion, the results show a concerted effort to address the issue of child protection in five of the Arab countries. A similar attempt is made in the oPt to address this issue within both the political and social context with NGO's as the main service providers.

In recent years, many researchers engaged in diverse areas and approaches of "cultural-historical activity theory" (CHAT) realized an increasing international interest in Lev S. Vygotsky's, A. N. Leont'ev's, and A. Luria's work and its continuations. Not so long ago, Yrjö Engeström noted that the activity approach was still "the best-held secret of academia" (p. 64) and highlighted the "impressive dimension of theorizing behind" it. Certainly, this remark reflects a time when CHAT was off the beaten tracks. But if this situation begins to change today, in which direction will CHAT be heading? Will it continue to be one of those projects "unique for its practical, political, and civic engagement" committed "to ideals of social justice, equality, and social change" as it was in the beginning (Stetsenko & Arievitch, 2004, p. 58)? Although a positive future of CHAT seems to lie ahead, we consider in this article some of the problematics that may challenge all those who want to pass the "impressive dimensions of theorizing" from "insider" circles to a larger audience and from one generation to another as well as encourage newcomers to become part of this tradition through critical engagement in its theory and practice. A key to these engagements, we suggest, is not only the comprehensive empirical and philosophical basis, but also the role of dialectics as both topic and method. Therefore, the challenge for newcomers (as well as for "old-timers") to take on the tradition of CHAT is not a small one indeed. We assume that a major reason for the increasing interest in CHAT lies in its potential to provide a non-reductionist approach to human development, which is due to its affinity to dialectics; however, the close interrelation to a tradition that reaches back to the theories of Georg W.F. Hegel and Karl Marx, among others, is not the easiest to master.In consideration of these difficulties, the purpose of this article is to investigate how contemporary approaches within CHAT can continue to provide a dialectical framework to preserve and renew the critical intention of this tradition, and how we run the risk of losing this sting. Thereby, we sensitize researchers to the problem of developing a cultural-historical approach within a historical situation that confronts us with new, unanswered questions. In this light, we also problematize the use of scientific language, for it may lead us to speak and argue un-dialectically when in fact we intend or ought to think dialectically.This article seeks to convey insights and arguments of how we can relate our theoretical approaches to a tradition of dialectical thinking and in what ways this is paramount for a critical engagement in theory and practice. In the first part, we therefore discuss not only some major theorems in Hegel's and Marx's work but also, and above all, Vygotsky's way of developing the cultural-historical approach of psychology. Second, we argue that the contemporary, widely known version of CHAT, related to Yrjö Engeström's theoretical and empirical work, neglects different aspects of dialectical thinking and consequently narrows its potential to a socio-critical approach to societal practice and human development. A crucial question of this scrutiny will be the notion of contradictions and how development is supposed to be achieved. In general, our intention is not only to clarify the role of dialectics as a method for activity theory but also to problematize the role of the subjects of research in CHAT and to confront ourselves with the problems of practicing and developing a critical science in face of a complex and challenging societal world.

Madagascar is considered as one of world's highest priority in biodiversity conservation. This is linked not only with the high degree of diversity and endemism but also the ongoing threats of the natural communities. However, efforts have been underway at different levels in Madagascar with the new vision Madagascar Naturally and the proposed five year plan Madagascar Action Plan (MAP), to protect and valorise the unique and rich biological diversity, in collaboration with all stakeholders, including the International communities.The new Protected Areas System of Madagascar represent an important benchmark in an overall plan for conservation and sustainable development, first unveiled by Excellency President Marc Ravalomanana at the World Parks Congress in Durban, South Africa in 2003. The President committed to increase the total size of protected areas to 10 % of the country's territory, from 1.7 million hectares to 6 million hectares, in a five-year period to ensure the conservation of these unique biodiversity. One of the key aims of the new Protected Areas System of Madagascar is to strengthen the integration of Conservation and Development for sustainable management of resources. In addition, the involvement and empowerment of stakeholders, including local communities, traditional leaders, private sectors, government or non government organizations, play an important role in this new system of protected areas. The Ministry of Environment, Water and Forests, has targeted about one million hectares of protected areas to be classified each year, to reach this objective of six millions hectares over five years. The first one million hectares of this system of protected areas has been classified in 2005, and the classification of the next one million hectares for 2006 is going to the right direction. In addition to the declaration of the President of Madagascar in Durban, recently during the General Assembly of the United Nations in New York in September 2005, the President of Madagascar has also announced to allocate 8 % of the cancelled external debt of Madagascar, to support biodiversity conservation and environmental management, for sustainable financing of all efforts in MadagascarConserving the natural communities is critical not only to biodiversity, but also to the people who rely on the resources for their livelihoods. Conservation does not mean full protection, and exclude human being. We all need to understand that conservation includes sustainable management, protection and preservation. The importance of zoning would play an important role in this undertaking. One would need to consider a zoned area that could be harvested with control, another one for ecotourism, another zone for protection and so on. To live in a safe and healthy environment does not only mean protecting species in their natural habitat, but also enhancing the life quality of each citizen. Therefore it is very important that we all work together to achieve this goal and that conservation efforts go hand in hand with development.I welcome this new journal MADAGASCAR CONSERVATION & DEVELOPMENT as it deals largely and exclusively with Conservation and/or Development in Madagascar. Biodiversity Conservation would not go alone without Development and vice versa. I encourage Malagasy researchers, students, decision makers to contribute to this journal as this new journal aims to provide a forum for exchange of information and experiences, about all aspects of conservation and development work in Madagascar. It will also play an important role as an early warning for interested people to threats to nature and culture as they arise. Therefore, this new journal arrives at the right time, as it will provide a kit for both, conservation and development practitioners in Madagascar. I wish a long life to the MADAGASCAR CONSERVATION & DEVELOPMENT new journal, and warm congratulations to its Editorial Board. Sincerely Yours,Joelisoa Ratsirarson, Ph.D.

1.1 The present review of the quality assurance and accreditation policies and practices in the Portuguese higher education was determined by a Ministerial decision of 21 November 2005 in the scope of a comprehensive international evaluation of the national higher education system. In this sense, the review does not fit strictly into the cyclical external reviews of ENQA's member agencies foreseen in the Standards and Guidelines for Quality Assurance in the European Higher Education Area adopted at the Ministerial Summit in Bergen, since it was not an initiative from the higher education evaluation councils or from CNAVES, which are in a process of adaptation to the European standards and at the proper time could decide on the best way to be revised, under the general principles for the cyclical reviews proposed in the European Guidelines, namely in what concerns the subsidiarity principle. Also, in the present circumstances the review must go quite beyond an exercise of conformity with more or less routine procedures. Indeed, the Portuguese quality assurance system was developed under special circumstances, in a contractual way in which the initiative was mainly on the side of the higher education institutions. The evaluation process was first launched as a pilot-project of the Portuguese University Rectors' Conference (CRUP), based on sound underlying principles with the core objective of contributing to the embedding of a quality culture inside the higher education institutions and, for this effect, to involve them strongly in a shared construction and development of the evaluation model. This philosophy was later adopted by a law approved by Parliament, which allowed for the institutions in each higher education sector to organise themselves to coordinate the internal evaluation process and to develop the external evaluation process under specified general requisites. In face of this innovative approach, quite unique in the Portuguese public administration, the most important exercise to carry out at the end of the just finished evaluation round is to analyse its impact on the higher education system, particularly within the institutions, to learn from the successes and from the difficulties in its implementation and to clarify the contractual model, defining more clearly the responsibilities of the political and academic powers. The leitmotif for the structural changes to be introduced in the evaluation system is not the conformity to the European standards, although of course they are important and must be met, but the improvement of the contractual model, keeping its basic principles while addressing its weakness, such as the need for clearer results, more tangible consequences and better information to the society. 1.2 The fact that the review by ENQA is somewhat untimely does not mean that CNAVES and the evaluation councils will not try to make the best of it and learn from the reflections to be made and from the experience and recommendations from the review panel. There was, therefore, a good mobilisation of the main actors which proved to be a great help in the preparation of this self-evaluation report. A Self-Evaluation Group was set up, including two elements from CNAVES (the coordinator of the Group, with the responsibility to draft the report and to act as liaison person with the review panel, and one student) and one element (and a substitute) from each of the four evaluation councils. However, all the executive bodies and secretariats have participated in the work and the report was thoroughly discussed in the evaluation councils and in CNAVES, where very valuable inputs were taken in. The composition of the Self-Evaluation Group with a brief biography of its members is indicated in Appendix 12.1.

The purpose of the study is to analyse the relationship between the capitalist hegemonic order and the mass media, with the latter restricted to two elite newspapers (Swedish DN and Slovenian Delo) and the selection of news materials from three bodies of international media coverage: NATO's military intervention in former Yugoslavia, 1999, the political demonstrations against the IMF and the World Bank in Prague, 2000, and 9/11, 2001. There are two sub-purposes, one theoretical-methodological and one political-democratic. The first sub-purpose is to accomplish an integrative kind of media analysis (Williams 1977) in which the approaches of political economy (emphasising the economic/material) and cultural studies/discourse analysis (emphasising the symbolic/discursive) are supposed to interact. The hypothesis is that such a 'third way' approach is possible to achieve through the qualitative analysis of journalistic modes of writing. The second sub-purpose (the political-democratic one) takes an interest in the modes' political dimensions. In what manners do the identified modes counter-act, or co-produce, miscellaneous political struggles? In addition, the purpose of the study also includes a more practical dimension. In the light of the results, how should one nowadays imagine an emancipating kind of journalism that tries to explain, unmask, or even counteract the mechanisms of the contemporary global capitalist system? The news media material consists of 438 items (articles, photos etc.), which are analysed by means of a cultural materialist CDA (critical discourse analysis). An identified journalistic mode is analysed as: (1) a practice with certain cognitive, discursive and linguistic characteristics, (2) a structural product (as constituted by underlying social and material structures), and (3) a dialectical force, being a potentially active part of an ongoing mode of production (the capitalist or another mode). The last analytical moment is the central one. Two categories of journalistic modes are identified. To begin with, the modes of de-permanence (The Remote control mode, Differentiation, Semiotic compression), which comprises modes that are part of the 'new economy', of reflexivity, individualism, consumption, mobility, and flexibility. The political dimension of these modes is that they counteract radical (leftist) politics by reducing emancipation, freedom, justice etc. to a matter of individualism and privatisation. The second category is the modes of permanence (Disconnection, Cognitive recycling), which involves an opposing structural dimension of the capitalist system: the production of reification, i.e. the repression of the complex nature of reality – how seemingly autonomous 'things' (spaces, objects etc.) are de facto interwoven with a 'complex whole' of various social, material, cultural, economic relations that are in constant motion. More precisely, the here identified modes reify and eternalise an explanatory structure (the modern division of explanatory labour), a particular power (the US) and a particular territory (the nation state), generating the impression that social reality works 'as usual' while repressing the complex network-like development of global capitalism and its impact on our lives. By sustaining these increasingly archaic structures, what is politically counteracted is the emergence of 'the new': transnational politics and democracy (Beck 1998). The analysis of modes (in total 8) furthermore demonstrates that Swedish DN is more integrated with the capitalist system than Slovenian Delo. The study emphasises the democratic importance of creating new journalistic modes endowed with a transnational journalistic epistemology that decisively include the reality of global capitalism in everyday (local) news reporting when covering and explaining social, political, cultural etc. issues.

Türkiye'ye bıldırcının bilimsel ve ticari amaçlı kullanım için Avrupa'dan getirilmesi ve yetiştirilmesi, Japonya'da entansif amaçlı bıldırcın yetiştiriciliğinin başlamasından 50 yıl sonrasına denk gelmektedir. Önceleri üniversitelerde model hayvan olarak kullanılan bıldırcının et ve yumurta gibi ürünleri tüketicin ilgisini çekmiş ve bıldırcın işletmeleri kurulmasına yol açmıştır. Başlangıçta az sayıda araştırmacının gerek model hayvan gerekse üretim amaçlı ilgilendiği bıldırcın; az yem tüketmesi, kısa generasyon aralığı vb. nedenlerden dolayı zamanla kısıtlı araştırma olanaklarına sahip çok sayıda araştırmacının ilgilendiği ve bilimsel çalışmalar yaptığı model hayvan haline gelmiştir. Bu çalışma, zaman içerisinde önem kazanan bıldırcınlarda yapılmış bilimsel makale sayısını ortaya çıkararak, bu konuda çalışan araştırıcı profilini ve potansiyelini ortaya çıkarmak, geleceğe yönelik politikalar oluşturmayı hedeflemektedir. Bu çalışma ile 1994 yıllan ile 2004 yıllan arasında bıldırcınlarda ıslah, manej man, besleme, fizyoloji, sağlık ve diğer alanlarda yapılmış uluslararası ve ulusal bilimsel dergilerde, kongre, sempozyum vb. etkinliklerde yayınlanmış bilimsel çalışmaların çalışma alanlanna göre sayısal envanteri çıkarılmıştır. Yıllar itibariyle dengeli bir dağılım söz konusu olmasa bile yıllar boyunca çeşitli bilimsel dergi ve etkinliklerde yapılmış çalışma sayısında önemli artış olduğu ortaya konulmuştur. 1994-2004 arası web of sciece tarafından taranan dergilerde yayınlanan makale sayısı toplamı 1378, aynı periyotta Türkiye çıkışlı makale sayısı toplamı 104 olup, bu da bu dönemde Türkiye çıkışlı makalelerin dünya makale sayısı toplamının 7.54 %'ünü oluşturduğunu göstermektedir. Ancak 2004 yılında web of science tarafında taranan dergilerde yayınlanmış Türkiye çıkışlı bıldırcınlarla ilgili makale sayısı, dünyada 1994-2004 arası yapılmış çalışmaların 34 %'ünü oluşturduğu görülmüş olup bu oldukça önemli bir rakamdır. Bu yüzden Türkiye'de bu konuda çalışanların daha fazla desteklenmesi, büyük tavukçuluk firmalarının nitelikli damızlık materyal temin ederek hem bilimsel çalışmalara destek vermesi hem de daha büyük üretime yönelmesi gerekmektedir. ; Quails were first imported from Europe and then bred in Turkey for scientific and commercial purposes virtually 50 years later than the initiation of quail breeding for intensive purposes in Japan. Having been utilized as model animals in universities, the quail attracted the attention of consumers with its poultry and eggs leading to the foundation of quail breeding farms. While only a few researchers paid particular attention to quail breeding as model animals as well as commercial production at first, with a low feed consumption level and short generation interval, it soon became a model animal to be studied scientifically for many researchers with limited research facilities. This particular study aims to outline the researcher profile and potential in order to build up prospective policies by disclosing the number of scientific studies on quails, which are becoming a popular issue for study recently. With this study, a nominal inventory of the scientific studies on nutrition, management, breeding, physiology, health and other related areas in regard to quail breeding published in national and international journals and meetings like congresses, symposiums etc. between 1994 and 2004 was made filing them according to the particular field of study. Despite the fact that the number of studies couldn't maintain a stable ascending line during those years, it was proved that the studies presented in journals and meetings illustrated a steady rise in time. The number of articles in the journals listed in the Web of Knowledge was 1378 between 1994-2004, while, in Turkey, it was 130 in the same interval of time showing that scientific studies produced by Turkish scholars comprised 9.43 % of those produced in total. However, only in 2004, the number of articles on quails published in journals listed in the web of knowledge written by Turkish scholars comprised 42.30 % of total number of articles published, which points up a significant rise. Therefore, it is highly suggested to encourage those working in the field and poultry breeders as well so that they can subsidize researches and increase their productive capacity by bringing in some quality studs.

Although many observers consider the Bush administration's "faith-based initiative" a unique breach in the wall of separation between church and state, close ties between the federal government and religious agencies are no novelty in the history of American public policy. Since the end of the Second World War, billions of dollars of public funds have been made available to religiously-affiliated hospitals, nursing homes, educational institutions, and social services - institutions which were regarded as vital to Cold War preparedness. By the same token, government use of religious foreign aid agencies, the donation of surplus land and military facilities to religious charities, and the funding of the chaplaincy in the armed forces have undergirded Cold War foreign policy goals. Based on the principle of subsidiarity, post-war public policy thus integrated religious groups into the framework of the welfare and national security state in ways which underwrote both the expansion of the federal government and the growth of religious agencies. Crucially, public funding relations involved not only mainline Protestant, Jewish and Catholic organizations, but also white evangelicals, who had traditionally been the most outspoken opponents of closer ties between church and state. Cold War Anti-Communism, the fear of Catholic or secularist control of public funds, and pragmatic considerations, however, ushered in the gradual revision of their separatist views. Ironically, the programs of Lyndon Johnson's Great Society, so vilified by the Christian Right, pioneered many of the funding streams most beneficial to evangelical providers. Considering that since 1945 the sprawling and loosely organized evangelical movement has become the largest single religious faction in the US, and that conservative Protestants now form the most strongly Republican group in the religious spectrum, these findings are of particular importance. They suggest that Cold War state-building and the resurgence of Evangelicalism mutually reinforced each other in ways which have been largely ignored by scholarship on conservatism and its focus on the "backlash" against the political and cultural upheaval of the 1960s. Based on newly accessible archival materials and a comprehensive review of secondary literature, this paper suggests that the institutional and ideological ties between evangelicals and the state, which developed in the aftermath of the Second World War, are as important in understanding the political mobilization of conservative Protestants as the more recent "culture war" sentiments. ; Beobachter der amerikanischen Politik deuten die so genannte "faith-based initiative" der Bush-Regierung, die eine staatliche Mitfinanzierung religiöser Sozialeinrichtungen ermöglicht, zumeist als einen Versuch, die traditionelle Trennung von Kirche und Staat in den USA zu unterminieren. Bei näherem Hinsehen zeigt sich jedoch, dass bundesstaatliche Gelder bereits seit dem zweiten Weltkrieg in großem Umfang zum Aufbau religiöser Krankenhäuser, Universitäten, internationaler Hilfsorganisationen und sozialer Dienste beigetragen haben. Unter der Ägide des Kalten Krieges wurden religiöse Gruppen institutionell und ideologisch in die Staatsbildung der Nachkriegszeit integriert, die weder eine Rückkehr zum "Nachtwächterstaat" der zwanziger Jahre darstellte, noch auf dem Staatsbegriff des New Deal beruhte. Stattdessen war das spezifische Merkmal des "Cold War state", dass er auf dem Prinzip der Subsidiarität aufbaute, welches den Staat in erster Linie als Geldgeber für den Aufbau einer von privaten, gemeinnützigen und kirchlichen Einrichtungen getragenen sozialstaatlichen Infrastruktur ansah. Zu den besonderen Charakteristika des sich daraus entwickelnden neuen Verhältnisses zwischen Kirche und Staat gehörte, dass konservative protestantische Gruppen, die bislang auf einer strikten Trennung beider Bereiche bestanden, zunehmend in die subsidiaristischen Strukturen eingebunden wurden. Vor allem die Identifikation der Evangelikalen mit dem Antikommunismus und ihre Furcht vor katholischer Dominanz bei der staatlichen Förderung trug zu ihrer neuen Staatsnähe bei. Darüber hinaus profitierten konservative Protestanten insbesondere während der Ausweitung des Wohlfahrtsstaates in den sechziger Jahren (Great Society), die sie ansonsten als Beginn des moralischen Verfalls und staatlichen Versagens angreifen, zunehmend von öffentlichen Mitteln. Dies wirft die Frage auf, welche Rolle diese neue Hinwendung zum Staat für die politische Mobilisierung der Evangelikalen spielte, die in der Forschung zumeist erst in den achtziger Jahren als Resultat der Ablehnung gegenkultureller Impulse angesiedelt wird. Unter Rückgriff auf Theorien der sozialen Bewegungen zeigt der Beitrag auf, dass die ideologische und institutionelle Integration in den Staatsbildungsprozess seit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg ebenso wichtig war für das politische Wiedererwachen der Evangelikalen wie ihre Reaktion gegen "sex, drugs, and rock'n'roll" seit den späten siebziger Jahren.

This paper investigates the relationship between corruption and capital flight in developing countries. Part I tackles the challenge of defining and measuring capital flight, as well as the various root causes of expatriated savings. Our research contributes to the corruption and capital market literature in several ways. First, the issue of capital flight has attracted less attention than that of external capital inflows in emerging market countries. In particular, capital flight has kept a low profile in academic circles until the late 1990s. In addition, research often looks at capital flight as a portfolio issue, and very few studies consider corruption as a «push factor». Second, our paper looks at why capital flight deserves renewed interest, as the globalization of financial markets broadens investment diversification opportunities for domestic residents. Increasingly, official agencies express concern regarding the recycling of generous development aid flows and heavy borrowing in the international capital markets outside the developing countries' economies. In the aftermath of the G-7 1996 Cologne meeting, larger and broader debt relief, coupled with a strong emphasis on sustainable development policies, focuses on the urgency of capital flight repatriation. Third, we assume that corruption combines two kinds of centrifugal forces for capital leakages: corruption-driven money leaves a country because of fear of being caught by the tax and judiciary authorities; in addition, money leaves a country because of fear that a corrupt government will not provide a stable and conducive environment for safe savings and profitable investment. In Part II of our research, we test the assumption that the higher the level of corruption, the less conducive the national environment for private investment, and the greater the capital leakages. ; Este trabajo investiga la relación entre corrupción y fuga de capitales en países en desarrollo. La parte I trata de definir y medir la fuga de capitales, así como las diversas causas de ahorros en el exterior. Nuestra investigación contribuye de varias formas a la literatura sobre el tema. En primer lugar, en países emergentes la fuga de capitales ha atraído menos atención que la afluencia de capitales desde el exterior. En particular, la fuga de capitales mantuvo un perfil bajo en los círculos académicos hasta finales de los años noventa. Además, los estudios con frecuencia toman la fuga de capitales como un problema de cartera y muy pocos consideran la corrupción como un «factor de empuje». En segundo lugar, nuestra investigación se centra en las razones por las cuales la fuga de capitales merece un interés renovado, considerando que la globalización de los mercados financieros ha ampliado la diversificación de oportunidades para los residentes nacionales. Más aun, las agencias oficiales han expresado su preocupación por la reutilización de generosos flujos de ayuda para países en desarrollo y los grandes préstamos en los mercados internacionales de capital fuera de las economías de los países en desarrollo. Después de la reunión del G-7 en Colonia en 1996, las rebajas de deuda mayores y más amplias, junto con el fuerte énfasis en políticas sustentables de desarrollo, se enfocaron en la urgencia de la repatriación de los capitales fugados. En tercer lugar, asumimos que la corrupción combina dos tipos de fuerzas centrífugas de la huida de capitales: el dinero generado por la corrupción sale del país por temor a ser descubierto por las autoridades tributarias y judiciales y, adicionalmente, por temor a que un gobierno corrupto no proveerá un ambiente estable y favorable para el ahorro y las inversiones rentables. En la parte II del estudio, ponemos a prueba la suposición de que a mayor nivel de corrupción, menor es la inversión privada en el entorno nacional y mayor es la fuga de capitales.

This study is about the comparative behavior of Brazil and Mexico in United Nations (UN) security affairs. It examines why these two Latin American states vary substantially in their commitment to the UN Security Council (SC) and international peacekeeping, despite having similar structural capabilities. In order to analyze this puzzle, this article argues that policy differences between countries are unrelated to the general willingness to cooperate internationally. Most foreign affairs departments probably do tend to have a strong interest in active engagement of their countries in the UN, as it will surely increase their role in government and abroad. Nevertheless, diplomats in foreign ministries across the world face different types of institutional and social constraints, which in turn affect their ability to cooperate with the UN. In this sense, the major difference between Brazil and Mexico is their bureaucratic setting and the role exercised by their respective diasporas. In the former case, the foreign ministry has relative bureaucratic autonomy and is less concerned for developing formal ties with their nationals living abroad. This bureaucratic setting enables Brazilian diplomacy to focus on global issues, where commitment towards UN security affairs plays a key role. By contrast, the Mexican diplomacy is constrained by a highly fragmented foreign policy decision-making process and by their continuous attempts to reach-out diasporas; thus leading diplomats to focus on bilateral affairs, at the expense of security cooperation with the UN. The findings of this study contributes to understand the politics of UN peacekeeping burden-sharing, by providing an explanation of why some middle-powers supply troops and resources in favor of UN peace efforts, while others potential contributors prefer to free-ride. ; Este trabajo presenta un análisis comparado sobre el comportamiento de Brasil y México en la Organización de las Naciones Unidas (ONU), especialmente en el área de seguridad. Se examina por qué estos dos Estados contribuyen de manera desigual al Consejo de Seguridad y a las operaciones de mantenimiento de la paz, a pesar de poseer estructuras y capacidades similares. Para responder a este enigma, el artículo argumenta que las diferencias entre ambos países están disociadas de la voluntad general por cooperar internacionalmente. La gran mayoría de los ministerios de política exterior probablemente suelen estar interesados en involucrarse activamente en el sistema de la ONU, ya que dicha medida incrementa su presencia en el gobierno y en el exterior. No obstante, los diplomáticos en los ministerios de asuntos exteriores enfrentan diferentes tipos de limitaciones institucionales y sociales, las cuales pueden afectar su habilidad de cooperar con la ONU. En este sentido, la mayor diferencia entre Brasil y México está dada por el contexto burocrático y el peso ejercido por sus respectivas diásporas. En el caso brasileño, el ministerio de política exterior posee relativa autonomía burocrática y está menos ocupado en desarrollar lazos formales con sus conacionales en el exterior. Por el contrario, la diplomacia mexicana está limitada por una toma de decisiones fragmentada en materia de política exterior y por los continuos esfuerzos por vincularse con su diáspora. Esta condición lleva a los diplomáticos mexicanos a enfocar su atención en los asuntos bilaterales, a costa de la cooperación multilateral con la ONU. Los resultados de este estudio contribuyen al entendimiento de las políticas de compartición de costos en operaciones de paz, al proveer una explicación del porqué algunas potencias medias suministran tropas y recursos a favor de los esfuerzos de paz de la ONU, mientras que otros contribuyentes potenciales prefieren gorronear.

International audience ; The loss of Cuba, of the Philippines and Porto Rico as a consequence of the defeat of the Spanish Army against the US Navy in 1898 was considered by the public opinion not only as a military humiliation but also as a national disaster. In spite of the subsequent political and moral crisis, the Spanish government and the young King Alfonso XIII intended nevertheless to rebuild the Army according to their strong belief that Spain still remained a great power. But very soon the conscience of the poor technical level of the national industry forced the Spanish government to gain the support of foreign knowledge and financial resources. Because of the traditional links between Spain and Great Britain, the domination of the British interests in the new military industry turned to be almost complete before and even more after the First World War. With the Primo de Rivera's dictatorship and the end of the democratic spirit in 1923, this situation changed considerably. The "Iron Surgeon" expressed immediately his will to put an end to the British hegemony in this vital sector of the economy and to open the military industry to new competitors. After a short time of expectation and the insistence of German agents, the German industry decided to cooperate with the Spanish Army on two specific issues ; firstly, the construction of a new submarine prototype ; secondly, the supplying of chemical weapons so important in the conduct of the war against the Riffan insurgents in Morocco. This intrusion of the German interests in the Spanish industry was followed and observed with discontent and concern by the British authorities and industrialists. They could however count on the friendship of many Spanish officers and benefit of secret information about the aims and real influence of the German industry. ; La perte de Cuba, des Philippines et de Porto Rico, suite à la défaite de la marine espagnole face à la US Navy en 1898, fut non seulement considérée par l'opinion publique comme une humiliation miliatire, mais aussi comme un désastre national. En dépit de la crise politique et morale qui en résulta, le gouvernement espagnol et le jeune roi Alphonse XIII se sont efforcés cependant de reconstruire l'armée avec le sentiment que l'Espagne était toujours une grande puissance. Mais bientôt la conscience du faible niveau technique de l'industrie nationale a contraint le gouvernement espagnol à obtenir le soutien du savoir-faire et des ressources financières de l'étranger. À cause des liens traditionnels entre l'Espagne et la Grande-Bretagne, la domination des intérêts britanniques dans la nouvelle industrie militaire devint presque complète avant et plus encore après la Première Guerre mondiale. Avec la dictature de Primo de Rivera et la fin de l'esprit démocratique en 1923, cette situation devait changer considérablement. Le "Chirurgien de fer" manifesta immédiatement sa volonté de mettre fin à l'hégémonie britannique dans ce secteur essentiel de l'économie et d'ouvrir l'industrie militaire à de nouveaux concurrents. Après un court temps d'attente et sur l'insistance d'agents allemands, l'industrie allemande se décida à coopérer avec l'Armée espagnole sur deux projets spécifiques; premièrement, la construction d'un nouveau prototype de sous-marin; deuxièmement, l'approvisionnement d'armes chimiques si importantes dans la conduite de la guerre contre les insurgés rifains au Maroc. Cette intrusion des intérêts allemands dans l'industrie espagnole a été suivie et observée avec mécontentement et inquiétude de la part des autorités britanniques et des industriels. Ils pouvaient compter toutefois sur l'amitié de nombreux officiers espagnols et profiter de renseignements secrets sur les buts et l'influence réelle de l'industrie allemande.

The implementation of anti-drug policies that focus on illicit crops in the Andean countries faces many significant obstacles, one of which is the cultural clash it generates between the main stakeholders. On the one hand one finds the governments and agencies that attempt to implement crop substitution and eradication policies and on the other the peasant and natives communities that have traditionally grown and used coca or those peasants who have found in coca an instrument of power and political leverage that they never had before. The confrontation about coca eradication, alternative development and other anti-drug policies in coca growing areas transcends drug related issues and is part of a wider and deeper confrontation that reflects the long-term unsolved conflicts of the Andean societies. All Andean countries have stratified and fragmented societies in which peasants and Indians have been excluded from power. In Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru most peasants belong to native communities many of which have remained segregated from "white" society. The mixing of the races (mestizaje) in Colombia occurred early during the Conquest and Colony. Those of Indian descent became subservient to the Spanish and Creoles. The society that evolved was (and still is) highly hierarchical, authoritarian, and has subjacent racist values. The resulting political system has been exclusionary of large portions of the population. Among Indian communities coca has been used for millennia and its use has become an identity symbol of their resistance against what may be looked at as foreign invasion. "The Andean Indian chews coca because that way he affirms his identity as son and owner of the land that yesterday the Spaniard took away and today the landowner keeps away from him. To chew coca is to be Indian.and to quietly and obstinately challenge the contemporary lords that descend from the old encomenderos and the older conquistadors" (Vidart, 1991: 61, author's translation). In Andean literature on illegal drugs as well as in seminars, colloquia and other meetings where drug policies are debated, complaints are frequently expressed about the treatment of coca in the same category as cocaine, heroin, morphine amphetamines and other "hard" drugs. The complainants assert that "coca is not cocaine" and that it is unfair to classify coca, a nature given plant which has been used for millennia in the Andes without significant negative effects on users, in the same category as man made psychotropic drugs. They also argue that coca has manifold social and religious meanings in indigenous cultures, that coca is sacred and that the requirement of the1961 Single Convention demanding that Bolivia and Peru completely eradicate coca within 25 years is limiting Indigenous communities in their freedom to practice their religions. In most debates about drug interdiction, the views of those who oppose that approach are not accepted as legitimate. Indeed, "prohibitionists" demonize drugs and those who oppose drug policies in Latin America frequently demonize the United States as the imperialist power that imposes them. This dual polarization is a main obstacle to establish a meaningful policy debate aimed at broadening the policy consensus necessary for successful policy implementation. This essay surveys the status of coca in the United Nations Conventions, explains why it is confusing, and how a few changes would eliminate some of the sources of conflict and help organize and control licit coca markets in the Andes. The current disorganized and weakly controlled legal coca market in Peru has been analyzed to demonstrate its deficiencies and to illustrate possible improvements in international drug control policies.

Includes bibliographical references ( leaves 192-227). ; In the contemporary era policy-making is increasingly being shaped by non-domestic influences and actors. The mobility of policy ideas and mechanisms across time and space provides a challenge: How best to conceptualise the routes and modes of travelling whereby ideas and instruments are transported from one location to another? Conceptual tools originally designed in public policy circles - such as lesson-drawing, modelling, policy diffusion, policy transfer and convergence - have more recently been introduced into criminological enquiries regarding the convergence of criminal justice policies. This thesis applies the conceptual framework of policy transfer (referring to conscious efforts on the part of social agencies to export-import lessons from one locale to another) to the field of policing with a specific emphasis on South African police reform after 1990. The central focus of this enquiry is the interplay between novel, often externally derived , ideas and practices with a national police force at a time of immense political transition. Selective aspects of South African police reform are explored with specific emphasis on how, in what way, and to what extent, local reform efforts have been influenced by global notions and practices of good policing.Three institutional conduits for reformist policing ideas are considered. In the first instance, the contribution of policing scholars, a knowledge-based community of some importance, to debates on the pathways for police reform are discussed with an emphasis on the theoretical and normative assumptions that have guided their analyses of a policing ethos and system beyond Apartheid. Secondly, the role of an interim policy mechanism, the National Police Board (created in terms of a peace agreement signed in 1991) in setting an agenda for police reform is considered. Thirdly, the discussion profiles the international development community as a constituency of importance in recent police reform efforts. The latter exploration proceeds through a case study method. Three distinct examples of donor aid in support of institutional reform are described with particular reference to the paradigms invoked, the cultural entrepreneurs and policy networks involved, and the contextual factors that facilitated and/or constrained reformist efforts. A wide range of data collection methods were utilised during the course of the research. A literature review of contemporary debates on policy transfer, police and security sector reform in both mature and emerging democracies was undertaken. Furthermore, a wide range of primary documentary sources and various official policy documents were consulted. Face to face interviews with members of various policy constituencies also provided source material. Lastly, participant observation of policy structures and field notes compiled during evaluative research of a number of donor assisted projects provided contextual observations of importance to the analysis. This enquiry supports the conclusion that there is growing convergence in the language and practices associated with democratic police reform. Yet the dilemmas of policy transfer from North to South - particularly (although not exclusively) in the context of aid packages - are often underestimated. Local experiments suggest that whilst policy transfers can facilitate policy change, policies transferred all too easily become victims of domestic contingencies. Empirical enquiries into the context, processes and outcomes associated with reformist interventions are necessary to sharpen our understanding of how exactly policy travels and to what local effect. Recent reform activity aimed at the South African Police illustrates the extent to which policy communities situated at the local, national and transnational level do not exist in isolation but rather stand in a complex and interactive relationship to one another.

In a world that has become increasingly interconnected over the past decades –economically, politically, socially, and culturally– new challenges are posed to development. Since the 1980s, development has increasingly become interpreted in terms of increasing integration into the world economy. Export-oriented manufacturing became widely viewed as the surest recipe for realizing economic growth while reducing income inequality, and the role of foreign direct investments became increasingly important in development strategies worldwide. However, not every region, industry and social group managed to become successfully integrated into the world economy. In order to explain why these processes of economic restructuring have had such a differential impact, this study situates developments within a wider historical social and political context to establish how these processes of globalization are mediated at the regional and local level. The main object of study concerns the drastic socioeconomic transformation that has taken place in the state of Coahuila –situated in the northeast of Mexico, bordering the United States– over the past three decades. In particular since the start of NAFTA in 1994, Coahuila has become one of Mexico's most successful export-oriented manufacturing states, most importantly as a result of the large number of foreign direct investments it received. However, the effects of these developments have been unevenly distributed among its sub-regions. The main research findings have demonstrated that Coahuila's dominant development strategy since the 1970s has become increasingly successful in its own terms. However, this study also indicated that the spread of these investments throughout Coahuila's sub-regions has been highly uneven, both in a quantitative and qualitative sense. These differential outcomes strongly depend on the role of specific local conditions and local actors. The research findings have identified several important social and political key variables that have shaped the specific regional development outcomes, and which hold general value for further study of the global-local nexus: the role of local private initiatives; the role of local industrial traditions; the role of local labor relations and the role of the local political environment. Questions must also be raised about its ability to contribute to sustained, long-term growth with equity. The strong increase in foreign direct investment, as evidenced in Coahuila, had resulted above all from the strong growth of the U.S. economy in the 1990s and the low Mexican wage levels in the aftermath of the 1994-1995 peso crisis, rather than on endogenous economic growth. Since the turn of the century, many foreign-owned export-oriented companies in Mexico, in particular labor-intensive assembly industries, moved their operations to lower wage-regions resulting from decreasing consumer demand in the United States, in combination with the prospect of heightened international competition from Central America and China. The key issue appears to be not whether, but how regions and localities become linked to the world economy. The more capital-intensive and value-added foreign direct investments –which are generally considered to offer the best prospects for local development– usually prefer urban regions that already possess a strong industrial tradition, institutes of higher (technical) education, skilled labor, etceteras. Most labor-intensive assembly industries –which generally tend to counter competitive pressures by cutting costs rather than by innovation and upgrading– are attracted to localities with an abundance of cheap, unskilled labor, which are found mostly in localities with little economic alternatives. This development strategy –at best– only provided short-term economic success.

The Strategic Plan has been accepted for inclusion in 2009 Bird Strike North America Conference (11th Joint meeting of Bird Strike Committee USA & Canada, Victoria BC, Canada, 14-17 September 2009). The international aviation community recognizes the high human and economic costs associated with bird strikes. Hundreds of lives and millions of dollars have been lost in recent years because of this problem. Notably, aviation experts in North America recognize the importance and availability of potential solutions for this problem. Several models and systems such and the USAF's Bird Avoidance Model (BAM) and the Avian Hazard Advisory System (AHAS) as well as the technological development of advanced radar and communications systems have made great progress in addressing the problem of bird strikes. However, many have argued that further and much greater advancement could be made if the current fragmented and competitive efforts could be consolidated in a single cooperative venture. This strategic plan is the initial step in a process of consolidating and integrating the various United States and Canadian civil and military efforts in order to develop and implement North American Bird Strike Advisory System. The plan has been developed based on the collected wisdom and technical knowledge of the top personnel and organizations in the field of aviation safety. If implemented, the plan will represent a critical first step leading to the realization of a North American Bird Strike Advisory System that will help protect aviators and their equipment from the deadly and costly effects of bird hazards. The plan outlines the architecture of a notional bird strike advisory system for North America. It identifies the key agencies that must be involved in the development of the system. It establishes a top level schedule and identifies six key goals in developing an integrated system. The plan describes more detailed objectives and activities required to accomplish these goals. Recommendations are made regarding which agencies might most effectively take the lead in integrating various activities needed to accomplish each goal. It proposes a 5 year budget of approximately $16,000,000 in order to support the initial phases of the effort. The strategic plan and its appendices also outline in considerable detail the key technical challenges, risks, and suggested organizational and technological solutions for these problems. While reviewing this strategic plan, it's important to remember that it is not a detailed blueprint for developing and implementing the final system. Rather, it is a starting point for an evolving project and system that can be continuously developed and improved as technology and organizational systems become more advanced. The relatively modest budget proposed is essentially a "down payment" for the more robust system that will evolve based on this initial consolidation and integration effort. The plan represents an important first step in moving beyond fragmented competitive approaches to consolidated and integrated system that will save hundreds of lives and prevent a great deal of economic loss associated with destroyed or damaged aircraft and equipment. The plan highlights the many advantages of an integrated and consolidated bird strike advisory system. One such advantage is the improvement in the accuracy and fidelity of bird avoidance information to users in the aviation community. Another advantage of the proposed system is the synergistic use of data from new and existing radar and other systems to enhance reporting on bird activity without compromising the current effectiveness of those systems. Throughout the plan, the development of a robust communications infrastructure and network is described to enhance the timeliness and scope of bird advisory information delivery. ; published