Suchergebnisse

Palestinski predsednik Mahmoud Abbas je v začetku leta 2011 zaprosil za polno članstvo Palestine v Organizaciji združenih narodov (OZN). Varnostni svet članstva Palestini ni odobril, zato je sledila prošnja za odobritev statusa države opazovalke. Z resolucijo Generalne Skupščine OZN 67/19 so dne 29. novembra 2012 Palestini odobrili status države opazovalke. Ta status je Palestini prinesel pravico do sodelovanja na sejah Generalne skupščine OZN, do vzpostavitve predstavništva v New Yorku, Ženevi in na Dunaju ter pravico postati članica specializiranih agencij OZN ter pogodbenica vseh mednarodnih pogodb, kjer je Generalni sekretar OZN depozitar. Magistrska naloga analizira pravne posledice spremembe statusa Palestine v OZN. Za lažje razumevanje najprej predstavim pot Palestine do statusa države opazovalke v OZN. Nato kratko analiziram ali je palestinska zakonodajna ureditev v skladu z nekaterimi najpomembnejšimi mednarodnimi pogodbami, ki jih je Palestina ratificirala. V zaključku pa raziščem kako sodeluje v Generalni skupščini ter nekaterih specializiranih agencijah OZN, kjer ima položaj članice ali opazovalke. ; The Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbasa had in the beginning of the year 2011 requested for full membership of Palestine in the United Nations (UN). The Security Council did not approve membership of Palestine, therefore a request for granting a status of an observer state followed. With the Resolution 67/19 from the 29th of November 2012 the General Assembly approved Palestine the status of observer state. This status brought Palestine the right to participate in the meetings of the General Assembly, to establish a Permanent Mission in New York, Geneva and Vienna, and the right to become a member of specialized agencies of UN and party to all international treaties, where the Secretary-General is depositary. My Master thesis analyses the legal consequences of the change in status of Palestine in the UN. For better understanding of the topic, I first introduce Palestine's road to the status of observer state in the UN. Then I briefly analyse, if the Palestinian Law is in consistency with some of the most important international treaties to which Palestine ratified. In conclusion, I research the participation of Palestine in the General Assembly and in some specialized agencies, where Palestine holds status of member or observer.

V magistrskem diplomskem delu je predstavljena Konvencija Združenih narodov proti korupciji, prvi in edini univerzalni mednarodnopravno zavezujoči protikorupcijski instrument. Ta je rezultat večletnih naporov številnih držav in iskanja potrebnega konsenza za njeno sprejetje, danes pa ima že 182 pogodbenic. Konvencija obravnava preventivne ukrepe, inkriminacijo, kazenski pregon, mednarodno sodelovanje, povračilo premoženja, strokovno pomoč in izmenjavo informacij. Vzpostavljen je ocenjevalni mehanizem implementacije Konvencije, ki se v ciklih posveča vsem njenim določbam, tudi pravno nezavezujočim, katerih število in odsotnost strogega režima izvrševanja neizbežno pomeni, da Konvencija sama po sebi ne bo odpravila korupcije. Kljub temu državam nudi skupni okvir na katerega se lahko oprejo ter dodatno vzpodbudo za sodelovanje. Zato je ključno uporabiti in po potrebi nadgraditi regionalne mehanizme, ki lahko kakovostno dopolnjujejo cilje Konvencije. Končno poročilo prvega cikla ocenjevanja implementacije III. in IV. poglavja je za Slovenijo vzpodbudno. Izdana so bila določena priporočila, a hkrati prepoznani številni primeri dobre prakse. Učinki Konvencije bodo vidni postopoma, ko in če bodo države upoštevale izdana priporočila, počakati pa je treba še na zaključek drugega cikla in s tem pregled II. in V. poglavja. Za prihodnost brez korupcije je bistveno, da ob spoštovanju nacionalne suverenosti države ohranijo voljo za skupen mednarodni boj, Konvencija pa zaenkrat deluje kot dober skupni imenovalec na tej poti. ; This master thesis analyses United Nations Convention against Corruption, first and only universal legally binding anti-corruption instrument. The latter is a result of years of efforts made by numerous states in search of required consensus to adopt a document, which has 182 parties by now. Convention deals with preventive measures, criminalization, law enforcement, international cooperation, asset recovery, technical assistance and information exchange. An implementation review mechanism has been established, which will address all the Convention's provisions in cycles, including the non-binding ones. The number of those and lack of a strict enforcement regime inevitably means that Convention on its own cannot put an end to corruption. What is crucial, is a common framework for states to lean on and above all, encouragement for cooperation. Therefore it is vital to utilize and, depending on the needs, upgrade existing regional mechanisms, which can complement goals of the Convention. Final report of the first review cycle of the implementation of chapters III. and IV. is reassuring for Slovenia. Certain recommendations were made, but numerous examples of good practice were also recognized. Effects of the entire Convention will be seen gradually, when and if states follow issued recommendations, plus we need to wait for the end of the second cycle and with it the review of chapters II. and V. For a future without corruption it is crucial that states, while respecting national sovereignty, preserve their will for the joint international fight. And so far Convention works as a good common denominator on this path.

Monografia jest rezultatem wysiłku intelektualnego, którego podjęli się wspólnie naukowcy z Mołdawii, Niemiec, Polski, Rumunii, Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki i Ukrainy podczas Międzynarodowej Konferencji Naukowej "Wspólne dziedzictwo kulturowe i językowe" w Jastrowiu w czerwcu 2019 roku. Na publikację składają się poszerzone wersje wypowiedzi zaprezentowanych podczas tego spotkania. Tom, który oddajemy do rąk Czytelnika, pomyślany jest jako zbiór zróżnicowanych spojrzeń na problematykę dziedzictwa. Języki i kultury Bukowiny stały się inspiracją dla analiz wychodzących poza tematykę tego regionu. Autorzy tekstów reprezentują różne perspektywy i dyscypliny naukowe: językoznawstwo, kulturoznawstwo, literaturoznawstwo, historię, politologię, socjologię, etnologię i historię sztuki. Do tomu zaproszono doświadczonych naukowców i młodych badaczy zajmujących się bogactwem językowym i kulturowym historycznej Bukowiny, obszaru karpackiego oraz Europy Środkowej. Książka składa się z trzech części. Część pierwsza obejmuje teksty poświęcone językowi rozumianemu jako dziedzictwo kulturowe. Część druga poświęcona jest pamięci dziedzictwa. Kolejna część prezentuje dziedzictwo kulturowe w działaniach społecznych i aktywności twórczej. ; This collective monograph comes as a result of intellectual work undertaken jointly by the American, German, Moldovan, Polish, Romanian and Ukrainian scholars who participated in the international conference entitled "Bukowina: Wspólne dziedzictwo kulturowe i językowe" (Bukovina: Common Cultural and Linguistic Heritage), held in Jastrowie, Poland, in June 2019. The present volume, which contains extended versions of their papers, is conceived as a collection providing different perspectives on the issue of cultural heritage. The cultures and languages of Bukovina have also inspired contributions which go beyond the issues of the region but are related to it in the geographical or cultural sense. The invited authors represent various perspectives and fields of study: linguistics, cultural studies, literary studies, history, political studies, sociology, ethnology and art history. The list of contributors includes experienced scholars and young promising researchers studying the cultural and linguistic richness of the historical Bukovina, the Carpathian region and Central Europe. The volume consists of three parts. The first one includes contributions on language as cultural heritage. The second part is devoted to the memory of heritage. Part three presents cultural heritage in social and creative activity. ; Publikacja przygotowana w ramach zadania: "Międzynarodowa konferencja naukowa Wspólne dziedzictwo kulturowe i językowe" – zadanie finansowane w ramach umowy 570/P-DUN/2019 ze środków Ministra Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego przeznaczonych na działalność upowszechniającą naukę. ; The work has been prepared in fulfilment of the task "Common Cultural and Linguistic Heritage – an international conference", financed under contract no. 570/P-DUN/2019 from the funds of the Minister of Science and Higher Education allocated for the dissemination of science.

V magistrskem delu obravnavam vpliv svetovne finančne in gospodarske krize, ki je nastala leta 2007 v Združenih državah Amerike ter se nemudoma globalizirala po vseh celinah, na delovanje nevladnih organizacij. V prvi vrsti gre za pereč problem sodobnega sveta, pri čemer pa je za nevladne organizacije, ki delujejo v človekovo dobrobit, značilno, da so večinoma še bolj aktivne v času raznih kriz. Glavni cilj magistrskega dela je ugotoviti, kako je svetovna finančna in gospodarska kriza vplivala na financiranje ter posledično delovanje nevladne organizacije Greenpeace ter s kakšnimi izzivi se dandanes srečujejo nevladne organizacije. Glavne uporabljene metode raziskovanja so metoda pridobivanja podatkov, statistična metoda in primerjalna analiza. Rezultati analize pokažejo, da je obdobje pred nastankom svetovne finančne in gospodarske krize (od leta 2005 do leta 2007) zaznamoval presežek prihodkov nevladne organizacije Greenpeace nad njenimi odhodki. V obdobju med svetovno finančno in gospodarsko krizo (od leta 2008 do leta 2009) je prišlo do upada presežka njenih prihodkov nad odhodki, obdobje po nastanku svetovne finančne in gospodarske krize (od leta 2010 do leta 2015) pa je zaznamovalo konstantno nihanje presežka njenih prihodkov nad odhodki. Na podlagi ugotovitev je nevladna organizacija Greenpeace v obdobju od leta 2008 do leta 2009 zaradi vpliva svetovne finančne in gospodarske krize beležila upad subvencij, dotacij, regresov, kompenzacij in drugih prihodkov ter posledično namenila manj finančnih sredstev za globalne okoljevarstvene aktivnosti. ; This master's thesis discuss the impact of the global financial and economic crisis, that emerged in 2007 in the United States and immediately globalized across all continents, to the functioning of non-governmental organizations. It represents a pressing problem of the modern world, wherefore non-governmental organizations are more active in times of various crises. The main goal of the master's thesis is to find out how the global financial and economic crisis affected non-governmental organization's Greenpeace financing and functioning and furthermore with what kind of challenges are non-governmental organizations encountered these days. The main methods of research used are the method of data acquisition, statistical method and comparative analysis. The results of the analysis show that the period preceding the onset of the global financial and economic crisis (from 2005 to 2007) was marked by a surplus of the non-governmental organization Greenpeace. In the period between the global financial and economic crisis (from 2008 to 2009) the surplus reduced. The period after the onset of the global financial and economic crisis (from 2010 to 2015) was marked by a constant fluctuation in the surplus. On the basis of the findings non-governmental organization Greenpeace due to the impact of the global financial and economic crisis (from 2008 to 2009) recorded a decline in subsidies, grants, regressions, compensations and other revenues, wherefore devoted less financial resources to global environmental activities.

The current financial and economic crisis has highlighted the inadequacy of existing institutional and policy arrangements at the EU level. Even before this crisis, the EU economic growth was low, by international standards, revealing deep structural problems across EU countries, especially in the Southern flank. Macroeconomic imbalances have been building up, exposing a stratified EU with divergences in productivity and competitiveness, with rigidity of labour markets, impeding efficient market responses to shocks. The Monetary Union does not have adequate institutional arrangements, which may help it manage a major crisis, such as that of a last-call borrower, depreciation and burden-sharing mechanisms of asymmetric shocks, etc; various sui generis formulas are now being tested. Fiscal reactions vary depending on the level of the debts and on the speed these accumulate; at the same time, these are linked to the size of the budgetary expenditure and fiscal revenues as percentage in the GDP. The sooner the growth picks up, the more acceptable is the downsizing of the certain expenditure and/or the rise of some taxes, so that the ratio between the public debt and the GDP stabilizes (reduces, when it is the case).

Pri izpolnjevanju svoje primarne naloge ohranjanja mednarodnega miru in varnosti, ki mu jo nalaga Ustanovna listina Organizacije združenih narodov, Varnostni svet Združenih narodov deluje predvsem v okviru II. in III. stebra odgovornosti zaščititi. Nabor ukrepov, ki jih pri tem uporablja, je kljub temu, da je Varnostni svet edini organ, ki lahko zakonito po VII. poglavju Ustanovne listine odobri izjemo od splošne prepovedi uporabe sile, bistveno širši od gole uporabe sile, ki je bila brez privolitve države doslej odobrena le enkrat, leta 2011 v Libiji. Hipoteza naloge je, da potencial, ki ga odgovornost zaščititi ponuja pri reševanju kompleksnih kriznih situacij, ki lahko vodijo k množičnim grozodejstvom, ni docela izkoriščen zaradi nepopolnega uveljavljanja, ki je predvsem posledica blokade Varnostnega sveta zaradi uporabe veta stalnih članic. Izziv so tudi različne razlage njegovih resolucij, ki so že večkrat privedle do očitkov, da izvajalci resolucij slednje izrabljajo z namenom menjave režima v posameznih državah. Zaradi hudih posledic neaktivnosti z vetom blokiranega Varnostnega sveta, kar se kaže zlasti v primeru Sirije, so se kot alternativne možnosti delovanja mednarodne skupnosti v situacijah, kjer je uporabljiva odgovornost zaščititi, pojavile delovanje preko Generalne skupščine Združenih narodov na podlagi resolucije ˝Združeni za mir˝, regionalnih organizacij (denimo po vzoru Afriške unije) ter intervencija ad hoc koalicij. Ker nobena od navedenih možnosti ne ponuja primerne alternative odločitvi Varnostnega sveta, sta se v okviru odgovornosti neuporabe veta oblikovali dve pobudi za reformo odločanja v Varnostnem svetu, ki predlagata vzdržanje stalnih članic od uporabe veta v primerih štirih grozodejstev, vendar je njuna uspešnost vprašljiva, saj zaenkrat nobena od njiju nima podpore vseh petih stalnih članic. ; Authorized by the Charter of the United Nations, the United Nation Security Council fulfills its primary task of maintaining international peace and security by acting primarily within Pillars II and III of the Responsibility to Protect. Despite the fact, that the Security Council is the only body entitled to legally authorize an exception to the general prohibition of the use of force, this is only one of many measures it can adopt. In fact, the use of force against the will of a state has only been carried out once, in 2011 in Libya. The hypothesis of the present thesis is that the potential that the Responsibility to Protect offers in addressing crisis situations that could lead to mass atrocities is not fully utilized due to a blockage imposed by a veto from a permanent member state. The rising reproaches that those carrying out the resolutions exceed their mandates by changing the regimes in some states also represent a great challenge. This is caused by different interpretations of the language of the resolutions. Due to major consequences of the Security Council's inactiveness, as seen primarily in Syria, some suggestions of alternative actions that could be taken by the international community include acting through the United Nations General Assembly and its ˝Uniting for Peace˝ resolution, regional organizations (following the example of the African Union) and intervention by ad hoc coalitions. Since none of the mentioned possibilities represent a suitable alternative to a decision of the Security Council, two petitions in light of the Responsibility not to Veto have arisen. They suggest the permanent members abstain from the use of veto in the cases of four mass atrocities. Their success, however, is questionable, since neither has so far obtained the support from all five permanent members.

Termin samoodločbe je zapisan v ustanovitvenih dokumentih večine državnih ustav ter mednarodnega prava, prav tako pa predstavlja sredstvo za legitimizacijo države ter nadnacionalnega reda. Točna definicija in njeni parametri pa so v resnici stvar debate, ne glede na to ali izhajajo iz logike notranjosti državniškega sistema ali iz logike njegove zunanjosti. Magistrsko delo najprej sledi "klasičnemu" pojmu samoodločbe v njegovi zgodovinski partikularnosti znotraj mednarodnega sistema, pri čemer poudari veliko napetost med samoodločbo in državno suverenostjo. Nakar se obrne h kritični politični teoriji, da bi izkopalo definicijo samoodločbe, pri kateri popusti poseben odnos samoodločbe z državnim sistemom in pojmom suverenosti. Takšno pojmovanje samoodločbe je za potrebe naloge poimenovano "rizomatično" in se nato uporabi pri analizi štirih primerov z namenom, da se pokaže, kako lahko tak pojem samoodločbe uporabimo za razumevanje možnosti, ki jih vzpostavljajo najnovejša politična gibanja. Temeljni argument magistrskega dela je, da ko jih razumemo v okvirju državnega sistema kot sedanjo ali prihodnjo "aktivno" pravico, se dejanja samoodločbe zreducirajo na normativni determinizem zgodovinsko kontingentnih odnosov sil, saj se bodisi ujamejo v pogoje obstoječih dejavnikov znotraj konstituiranega sistema bodisi njihovo uresničitev pogojuje učinkovitost sile, ki jo lahko izvršujejo, da bi izničili funkcije sistema, ki slonijo na obstoječih pravilih. Ko pa jo razumemo onkraj zaprte logike državnega sistema, lahko samoodločba pomeni izražanje neomejene konstituirajoče oblasti in kolektivne imaginacije, ki sprosti nove vektorje možnosti človeških političnih odnosov. ; The notion of 'self-determination' is enshrined in the founding documents of international law and most state constitutions as a means of legitimating the current state and supranational order. However, its precise definition and parameters are the subject of debate—both when understood from within the logic of the state system and from outside it. This thesis situates the "classic" notion of self-determination within its particular historical position inside the international system, highlighting its deep tension with the norm of state sovereignty, before turning to critical political theory to unearth a definition of self-determination wherein its particular relationship to the state system and the total notion of sovereignty is relaxed. This conception of self-determination is, for the purposes of this thesis, termed 'rhizomatic,' and applied to four case studies to demonstrate how it might be used to understand the possibilities created by recent political movements. The primary argument of this thesis is that, when understood inside the state system as a present or future 'active' right, acts of determination reduce to the normative determinism of historically contingent relations of force because they are either resolved on the terms of existing actors within the constituted system or by the effectiveness of force they can exert to deny the system's function based on its previous rules. However, when understood beyond the closed logic of the state system, self-determination can be taken to mean manifestations of boundless constitutive power and collective imagination that unleash new vectors of possibility for human political relations.

The article is a systematic and exhaustive discussion on the history of onomastics in Slovenia, which is presented in the following chapters: Onomastic corpora, Linguistic treatment of proper names, The institutional status of onomastics, The status of onomastics in relation to other linguistic branches, The most important achievements in Slovenia, The biographies of the most prominent scientists (Franc Miklošič, Luka Pintar, Fran Ramovš, France Bezlaj), The most frequently applied onomastic theories in Slovenia, The typologies of proper names used, The research methods employed, and their evolution, The relation between the methods used in Slovenia and theoretical achievements of onomastics on a global scale, The unity of onomastic terminology, The relation to international terminology from 1983, The status of research - a general overview, The status of the research basis, Dictionaries and monographs. ; V razpravi je sistematsko in izčrpno (z zgledi in bibliografijo) obravnavana zgodovina onomastike v Sloveniji, in sicer v poglavjih Imenski korpusi, Jezikovna obravnava lastnih imen, Institucionalni položaj onomastike, Status onomastike v razmerju do drugih panog, Najpomembnejši dosežki Slovenije, Biogrami najvidnejših znanstvenikov (Franc Miklošič, Luka Pintar, Fran Ramovš, France Bezlaj), Ono-mastične teorije, ki so v Sloveniji najbolj uveljavljene, Uporabljene tipologije lastnih imen, Uporabljane raziskovalne metode in njihova evolucija, Razmerje med metodami v Sloveniji in teoretičnimi dosežki svetovne onomastike, Enotnost onomastične terminologije, Razmerje do mednarodne terminologije iz leta 1983, Stanje raziskav - splošno, Stanje raziskovalne baze, Slovarji in monografije.

International audience ; The article questions, in a skeptical and prospective way, the institutional outcomes of this major trans-national trend of administrative reformism known as "New Public Management". In our view, the main cross-border legacy of the process of acclimatizing NPM precepts and recipes to various national configurations consists essentially in institutional rearrangements and in a repertoire of managerial tools and recipes, embedded into different institutional orders and hybridized with many other key features of various administrative cultures. Backing up major administrative reforms started several decades ago, the NPM rhetoric claimed to furnish the universal cure for the "bureaucratic" disease which was supposedly affecting the developed states at the end of the 1970s. From then on and although it never acquired the inner coherence of a real doctrine, it spread all over the world at the point of becoming both a "policy paradigm" and a "praxeologic". However, once implemented and in order to endure, the NPM-inspired logics, instruments, and methods have fatally begun to suffer a process of routinization which transformed them significantly. Hence, far from achieving their initial goal of "de-bureaucratizing" the state, NPM reformism became part of the endless processes of bureaucratic reproduction inescapably affecting modern states and ensuring their resilience.

Odgovornost zaščititi (R2P) je bila sprejeta kot odziv na humanitarne katastrofe ob prelomu tisočletja, ko države niso zaščitile svojega prebivalstva pred grozodejstvi. Čeprav formalno ne gre za pravno normo, vsebinsko odraža obstoječe mednarodnopravne obveznosti držav, ki vključujejo preprečevanje hudodelstev zoper človečnost, vojnih hudodelstev in genocida. (Ne)spopadanje s pandemijo per se ne sodi v okvir R2P, vendar to ne pomeni, da zanjo ni izjemnega pomena. Izbruh pandemije COVID-19 je mednarodno skupnost postavil pred resen izziv. Poleg zdravstvene je prinesla še ekonomsko in socialno krizo, kar predstavlja resen dejavnik tveganja za pojav ali pospešitev grozodejstev, ki jih morajo države skladno z R2P preprečevati. K dolgotrajnejši prekinitvi sovražnosti, ki bi omogočila dostavo humanitarne pomoči najbolj ranljivim in uspešnejšo zajezitev pandemije, pa jih niso prepričali niti pozivi generalnega sekretarja Organizacije združenih narodov niti Generalne skupščine, Varnostnega sveta ali Sveta za človekove pravice, kar je posledično že tako marsikje težke življenjske razmere prebivalstva le še poslabšalo. Glede na takšno ravnanje držav se postavlja vprašanje, ali bi lahko neustrezno spopadanje s pandemijo rezultiralo celo v hudodelstvu zoper človečnost ali v kontekstu oboroženega spopada v vojnem hudodelstvu. Magistrsko diplomsko delo se tako osredotoča na vprašanja kako, če sploh, se spremeni odgovornost držav v času pandemije, kakšen vpliv ima slednja na R2P, ali je pandemijo mogoče nasloviti v okviru R2P ali pa bi le-to pomenilo izkrivljanje doseženega konsenza iz l. 2005. ; The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) was adopted in response to the humanitarian catastrophes at the turn of the millennium, as States did not protect their populations from atrocities. Although not formally a legal norm, its content reflects the international legal obligations of States, which include the prevention of crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide. Addressing the pandemic itself does not fall within the scope of R2P, however it is of extreme importance for it. The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic presents a serious challenge to the international community, as it not only presents health but also an economic and social crisis, which is a serious risk factor for the occurrence or acceleration of atrocities that States must prevent according to the R2P. However, neither the calls of the Secretary-General of the United Nations nor the General Assembly, the Security Council or the Human Rights Council, convinced them of longer-term ceasefires, which would enable delivery of humanitarian aid to the most vulnerable population and a more successful containment of a pandemic. Consequently, already difficult living conditions of the population have only worsened. Given the States' conduct, the question arises whether inappropriate responses to the pandemic could result in a crime against humanity or in the context of armed conflict in a war crime. The master's thesis thus focuses on how, if at all, the responsibility of the States changes during a pandemic, what impact it has on the R2P, whether the pandemic can be addressed under R2P, or the latter would only distort the 2005 reached consensus.

V času begunske krize leta 2015 se je v Italiji in Grčiji razvil nov način hitrega upravljanja migracijskih tokov, t. i. pristop žariščnih točk, ki temelji na hitri identifikaciji, registraciji in odvzemu prstnih odtisov migrantov ter njihovi nadaljnji preusmeritvi v azilni postopek, postopek vračanja ali premestitve. Čeprav je bil pristop zasnovan kot začasni ukrep, ki naj bi se uporabljal, dokler se izredne razmere ne umirijo, je pristop v praksi implementiran kot trajni mehanizem identifikacije in registracije migrantov, s katerim je Evropska unija (v nadaljevanju: EU) dosegla spoštovanje obveznosti identifikacije migrantov s strani Italije in Grčije, že tako najbolj obremenjenih držav članic. Ker v postopkih identifikacije prihaja do hujših kršitev človekovih pravic, oviranja dostopa do azilnega postopka in diskriminacije na podlagi nacionalnosti, je določenim skupinam de facto odvzeta pravica do mednarodne zaščite. V postopkih vračanja prihaja do kršitev prepovedi vračanja in kolektivnih izgonov, postopki premestitve pa se v žariščnih točkah v praksi ne izvajajo. Uporaba pristopa žariščnih točk tako ni razbremenila Italije in Grčije in ni izboljšala položaja migrantov na poti v Evropo. Odprava sistemskih problemov pristopa, ki so v veliki meri posledica pomanjkanja celovite pravne ureditve in politične volje, bi zato morala zajemati pravno ureditev pristopa v enotnem dokumentu in odpravo spornih praks. Ker so izredne razmere, na katere se uporaba pristopa sklicuje, ob spremljanju političnih in socialnih trendov, v veliki meri predvidljive, bi moral biti poudarek pri izvajanju pristopa na zagotavljanju mednarodne zaščite in ne nadzoru zunanjih meja EU. ; During the refugee crisis in 2015 a new approach of swift migration management developed in Italy and Greece, the so called hotspot approach. The basis of the approach is swift identification, registration and fingerprinting of the incoming migrants for the purpose of redirecting them either to the asylum procedure, returns procedure or relocation procedure. Although designed as a temporary measure, used only until the emergency situation settles down, the approach is implemented as a permanent mechanism for identification and registration of migrants which helped the European union (hereinafter: the EU) achieve compliance from Italy and Greece, already the most burdened states, with their obligation to identify all incoming migrants. Serious human rights violations, obstruction of access to the asylum procedure and discrimination based on nationality occur during the identification process depriving certain groups of migrants of their right to asylum. Violations of the principle of non-refoulment and prohibition of collective expulsions occur during the returns procedures, while relocation procedures are not carried out in the hotspots. The use of the hotspot approach did not relieve the pressure on Italy and Greece nor improve the position of migrants coming to Europe. Systematic problems are largely the result of lack of legal framework and political will and should therefore be addressed with a unified regulation and the end of controversial practices. Since the emergency situation, on which the approach is based, can be largely predicted by observing the current social and political trends the main focus of the approach should be providing international protection instead of control of the EU external borders.

The combination of the words "sustainable development" has become a popular slogan in the discourse of contemporary development. However, despite its ubiquity and the massive popularity it has accumulated over the years, the concept remains to be partially researched. There are still many questions about its significance and history, as well as about what it implies in terms of sustainability from a theoretical and applied point of view. The aim of this paper is to contribute to the research of sustainability approaches in the light of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This is achieved through an extensive analysis of the literature, combining the theoretical aspects of the subject studied with the practical dimensions, which are easier to measure. According to the "Global Survey on Sustainability and the SDGs", the main sustainability benchmarks are essentially anchored on distinct but interconnected three-dimensional pillars, namely the environment, the economy and society. Decision-makers must constantly pay attention to the relationships, complementarities and trade-offs between these pillars and ensure responsible human behavior at international, national and community level. ; Garbuz, Veronica. Abordarea sustenabilităţii prin prisma obiectivelor de dezvoltare durabilă / Veronica Garbuz, Oleg Petelca, Iurie Beşliu // Tradiţie şi inovare în cercetarea ştiinţifică : Materialele Conf. Şt. cu participare Intern., Ed. a 10-a, 8 oct. 2021. – Bălţi : [S. n.], 2022 (CEU US). – Vol. 1. – P. 221-227. – ISBN 978-9975-50-271-9.

It is certain that contemporary higher education institutions have entered the era of great transformation. The environment they operate in has changed fundamentally: professional knowledge and skills have become the main generator of economic development. At the same time, the university is no longer the only provider of high-quality knowledge. Competition on the market of knowledge and academic education services is getting tougher. The efforts made by national education in modernizing and reforming the national higher educational system, in the context of European rigors and exigencies, would not be that obvious if they were not supported by our international partners through various community programs. The successful promotion of reforms in the educational system becomes possible only in terms of identifying, taking over good European practices in the field and implementing/ institutionalizing beneficial and valuable elements for the national higher education system. Good enforcement of reforming provisions is not possible unless there is a cooperative framework between the three main actors. The government shall implement new modern policies in higher education system; the civil society, on its turn shall take the responsibility and availability to be engaged in the reforming processes, and the higher education institutions shall accept the new context and implement the reforms on the institutional level, cooperating in the same way with the other two actors, meanwhile paying attention to the labour market.

In this article is analyzed the essence and importance of soft power in the US foreign speech, as well as directions of activity of this instrument under the conditions of the Republic of Moldova. The soft power concept, its manifestations and its main sources are determined. It is argued that soft power is a mean to obtain favorable results, relying on conviction, voluntary participation, sympathy and attraction, representing the ability to influence other states in order to achieve own goals, through cooperation in certain areas, directed towards persuasion and formation of a positive perception. It is noted that the US government pays particular attention to soft power tools, implemented by both government agencies and a large number of community organizations and individuals, with the purpose of shaping a positive external image of the state. Regarding the implementation of the US soft power instruments under the conditions of the Republic of Moldova, it is concluded that the USA offers real opportunities in order to know and capitalize the achievements of the American nation. Given that the US is a superpower on the international arena, development of a strategic partnership between the Republic of Moldova and the US has a particular relevance in solving several problems that our state cope with, such as state integrity, European integration, democratization of society, etc. US has a rich and successful experience in the use of soft power, that is why the Republic of Moldova should "adopt" some certain aspects of the soft action in its foreign policy.

The Evolution of Ideas About Freedom of Thought. Philosophical-Legal Approach "Thought is free," said Marcus Tullius Cicero in the first century BC. The international society managed to give legal content to the famous quote only at the end of the 19th century, the beginning of the 20th century. Thanks to the titanic efforts of the notorious personalities of all time, philosophers and jurists, mankind has included freedom of thought in the list of fundamental freedoms and civil rights, which belong to every person from birth and which the state cannot deprive. Freedom of thought is an essential condition of a democratic society, of a rule of law. Moreover, this absolutely justified can be considered as the most important value of a prosperous society. Being fully exploited freedom of thought brings benefits only to the individual and to society as a whole. "Gândirea este liberă" afirma Marcus Tullius Cicero în secolul I î.e.n. Societatea internaţională a reuşit să dea conţinut juridic celebrului citat abia la sfârşitul secolului XIX, începutul secolului XX. Datorită eforturilor titanice ale personalităţilor notorii ale tuturor timpurilor, filozofi şi jurişti, omenirea a înscris libertatea de gândire în lista libertăţilor şi drepturilor civile fundamentale, care aparţin fiecărei persoane din momentul naşterii şi de care statul n-o poate priva. Libertatea de gândire este o condiţie esenţială a unei societăţi democratice, a unui stat de drept. Mai mult, aceasta absolut justificat poate fi considerată drept cea mai importantă valoare a unei societăţi prospere. Fiind valorificată plenar, libertatea de gândire aduce doar beneficii, atât individului, cât şi societăţii în ansamblu.