Suchergebnisse

A crise financeira não deveria chegar à América Latina, segundo a maioria dos economistas e governantes: o conjunto de indicadores de vulnerabilidade melhorou na maior parte dessas economias. No entanto, ela chegou e, à medida que os dias passam, anuncia-se cada vez mais severa. Os indicadores de vulnerabilidade, portanto, não são suficientes para estabelecer prognósticos confiáveis. É necessário combiná-los com indicadores de fragilidade mais confiáveis como a apreciação da taxa cambial, as desigualdades mais elevadas. Quanto piores forem esses indicadores, mais difícil será resistir à crise, e vice-versa. Como a crise nos países desenvolvidos adquiriu um caráter sistêmico e os indicadores de fragilidade não são muito bons, suas repercussões serão consideráveis nessas economias emergentes, apesar de indicadores de vulnerabilidade terem apresentado melhoras. ; Most economists and government leaders stated that the crisis was not going to reach Latin America; the indicators of vulnerability have improved in most of these economies. However, the crisis did reach the region and is looking increasingly severe as the days go by. The indicators of economic vulnerability alone cannot, therefore, establish reliable forecasts. More reliable indicators such as exchange rate appreciation and other high inequalities must also be taken into account. The worse these indicators are, the more difficult it is not to fall into the crisis, and vice-versa. In developed countries, the crisis has taken on a systematic character and the signs of fragility are worrying. Therefore, despite an improvement in the indicators of economic vulnerability, the crisis will have significant repercussions in emerging economies.

É surpreendente a resistência da economia brasileira à crise internacional nos primeiros meses de 2009. A queda da produção e dos investimentos foi intensa, mas não houve crise cambial, nem crise fiscal ou abalos no sistema financeiro. O governo conseguiu adotar medidas anticíclicas, com corte de impostos e redução dos juros, favorecido pela arrecadação fiscal elevada e pelo fortalecimento dos bancos, depois de anos de juros elevados, além de dispor dos bancos públicos e dos fundos públicos, instrumentos poderosos herdados do passado. No lado externo, a entrada de capitais é estimulada pela ampla liquidez gerada pelas políticas de expansão monetária dos Estados Unidos, enquanto as exportações refletem a sustentação da demanda chinesa, com forte aumento da participação de produtos primários e redução das vendas de produtos industrializados. A capacidade de reagir à crise é um grande teste para o modelo brasileiro de abertura e liberalização, da mesma forma que as dificuldades para sustentar as exportações de industrializados e para a recuperação dos investimentos e da atividade produtiva são também desafios consideráveis. ; Reviewing the first months of 2009, it's surprising to see the Brazilian economy resistance over the international crisis. The decline on production and investment were intense, however, there has not been neither a foreign exchange crisis nor fiscal and financial system breakthrough. The government could apply anti-cyclic policies, as tax cuts and interest reduction, helped by the actual large extend of tax collection and banks strength, after years of high interest rates, besides using the public banks and the public funds, valuable legacy instruments. Regarding the external side, the capital inflow is stimulated by the wider liquidity generate by the US recent monetary expansion policy, while the exports are due to China demand maintenance, with significant increase in basic commodities and decrease of manufactured products. The capacity of reacting to the crises is a great test for the Brazilian model of economic opening, in the same way that the difficulties to sustain the industrialized good exports and recovery of investment rates in the manufacturing activities are considerable challenges.

OBJECTIVE:To comparatively analyze governmental regulations on embryonic stem cell research among countries. METHODS: The study was performed between March and May 2008, using a direct electronic search through official databases of legislative documents from 25 selected countries, confirmed by email consultation with researchers and authorities from these countries, when necessary. RESULTS: Results showed a trend to allow the practice of embryonic stem cell research, though with strict ethical restrictions. Among the countries analyzed, only Italy and Germany explicitly condemned the extraction of stem cells and only Italy prohibits their subsequent use. Recent judicial decisions in Brazil are in accordance with the international regulatory context of embryo research. CONCLUSIONS: The trend observed represents freedom of research to promote knowledge as a public good, emphasized by the expectation of therapeutic potentiality of embryonic stem cell research to treat and cure diseases without any medical care. ; OBJETIVO:Analisar comparativamente regulações governamentais entre países sobre pesquisa em células-tronco embrionárias. MÉTODOS:O estudo foi conduzido entre março e maio de 2008, por meio de busca eletrônica direta nas fontes oficiais sobre documentos legislativos de 25 países selecionados e confirmada, quando necessário, por consulta por e-mail a pesquisadores e autoridades desses países. RESULTADOS: Os resultados mostraram tendência a permitir a prática de pesquisas com células-tronco embrionárias, embora com rígidas restrições éticas. Dentre os países estudados, apenas Itália e Alemanha explicitamente condenam a extração de células-tronco e apenas Itália proíbe seu uso subseqüente. Decisões jurídicas brasileiras recentes são coerentes com o contexto regulatório internacional sobre pesquisa embrionária. CONCLUSÕES: A tendência observada representa a liberdade de pesquisa para a promoção do conhecimento como um bem público, reforçada pela expectativa de potencialidade terapêutica na pesquisa com células-tronco embrionárias para o tratamento e cura de doenças sem qualquer possibilidade de assistência médica. ; OBJETIVO:Analizar comparativamente regulaciones gubernamentales entre países sobre pesquisa en células madre embrionarias. MÉTODOS:El estudio fue conducido entre marzo y mayo de 2008, por medio de búsqueda electrónica directa en las fuentes oficiales sobre documentos legislativos de 25 países seleccionados y confirmada, cuando era necesario, por consulta por e-mail a investigadores y autoridades de esos países. RESULTADOS:Los resultados mostraron tendencia a permitir la práctica de pesquisas con células madre embrionarias, a pesar de que con rígidas restricciones éticas. Entre los países estudiados, apenas Italia y Alemania explícitamente condenan la extracción de células madre coherentes con el contexto regulatorio internacional sobre pesquisa embrionaria. CONCLUSIONES: La tendencia observada representa la libertad de pesquisa para la promoción del conocimiento como un bien público, reforzada por la expectativa de potencialidad terapéutica en la pesquisa con células madre embrionarias para el tratamiento y cura de enfermedades sin cualquier posibilidad de asistencia médica.

Combinar ideias de autores clássicos da geografia política com autores contemporâneos permite analisar temas ambientais em uma escala internacional. Para regular os diversos interesses em jogo, foram criadas convenções internacionais sobre o ambiente, que oferecem novas formas de intercâmbio, comércio e cooperação entre países. Mas a assimetria das relações entre as partes aponta para a necessidade de discutir soberania, sustentabilidade e segurança ambiental, conceitos centrais que sustentam a ordem ambiental internacional, o conjunto de acordos multilaterais sobre o ambiente. Por isso, é fundamental analisar as matrizes teóricas dos conceitos citados combinados com convenções internacionais elaboradas em reuniões de Cúpula, como as de Estocolmo, do Rio de Janeiro e a de Joanesburgo, para reforçar o diálogo na resolução de problemas internacionais. ; The combination of classical and contemporaneous authors of political geography allow us to analiser an international scale. International Conventions on Environment were created to regulate the different interests at stake. They offer new forms of interchange, commerce and cooperation among countries. However the asymmetric relationship among the parties exposes the need to discuss sovereignty, sustainability and environmental security, central concepts that maintain the international environmental order, the set of multilateral agreements on environment. For this reason, it is instrumental to examine the theoretical matrix of the above mentioned concepts in combination with the international conventions elaborated in Summits, such as the ones held in Stockholm, Rio de Janeiro and Johannesburg, to reinforce the dialogue in the resolution of international problems.

O artigo trata da presente crise do capitalismo internacional, interessando-se pelo nexo entre seus aspectos propriamente econômicos e as questões políticas e institucionais que ela suscita. São discutidos alguns elementos de caráter cognitivo e metodológico importantes para uma agenda de pesquisa da crise, e em seguida é apresentado um panorama do processo de globalização neoliberal que caracterizou o mundo nas ultimas décadas e que está no centro da crise contemporânea. O artigo conclui com uma breve prospecção das mudanças que poderão advir da crise, sobretudo no que diz respeito à revalorização da política e ao fortalecimento do papel do estado. ; The article deals with the current crisis of world capitalism, relating its specifically economic aspects to political and institutional questions raised by the financial crash. It discusses some cognitive and methodological issues which are relevant for a research agenda of the process, followed by an overview of the development of neoliberal globalization. This model, which characterized the world during the last few decades, is in the heart of the contemporary economic problems. The article concludes with a brief prospect of the changes that may be stemming from the crisis, especially those related to the strengthening of politics and the state's role.

This article analyses the Brazilian trade policy and the dilemmas involved in the search of a more dynamic insertion in the world's international trade system. In view of the prevailing tendencies in the direction of globalization and regionalism, new rules and disciplines introduced in GATT's Uruguay Round, proposals coming from the United States and from the European Union, respectively, to become a partner in Free Trade Agreements, Brazil is confronted with strategic choices which will determine its long-term development's possibilities. ; This article analyses the Brazilian trade policy and the dilemmas involved in the search of a more dynamic insertion in the world's international trade system. In view of the prevailing tendencies in the direction of globalization and regionalism, new rules and disciplines introduced in GATT's Uruguay Round, proposals coming from the United States and from the European Union, respectively, to become a partner in Free Trade Agreements, Brazil is confronted with strategic choices which will determine its long-term development's possibilities.

This paper deals with the reasons why the United States have been seeking for the strengthening of the intellectual property rights (IPRs) at recent bilateral and multilateral negotiations, specially during the GATT's Uruguay Round. The hypothesis of this paper suggests that the IPRs' strengthening is part of an attempt made by the United States to revert the present process of weakening of their competitive advantages in the International trade. This hypothesis is investigated through three aspects: (a) the relationship between technological paradigms and the appropriability of innovations; (b) the role of transnational corporations; (c) the challenges to the United States' competitive position. ; This paper deals with the reasons why the United States have been seeking for the strengthening of the intellectual property rights (IPRs) at recent bilateral and multilateral negotiations, specially during the GATT's Uruguay Round. The hypothesis of this paper suggests that the IPRs' strengthening is part of an attempt made by the United States to revert the present process of weakening of their competitive advantages in the International trade. This hypothesis is investigated through three aspects: (a) the relationship between technological paradigms and the appropriability of innovations; (b) the role of transnational corporations; (c) the challenges to the United States' competitive position.

The Brazilian Federation features an accentuated degree of decentralization, as much in terms of the political and institutional configuration as at the level of the tax and fiscal indicators. The majority of the analysts and participants in the national debate do not know the evolution and structure of the government accounts, and, even less, the comparisons with international experience. There is much to do in the administrative arena and in the infraconstitutional legislation to organise and further the process of fiscal decentralization, though all this depends on what the central government (in the sense of its political powers), above anything else, assumes a firm desire to decentralize, transfer power to the state and municipal governments. ; The Brazilian Federation features an accentuated degree of decentralization, as much in terms of the political and institutional configuration as at the level of the tax and fiscal indicators. The majority of the analysts and participants in the national debate do not know the evolution and structure of the government accounts, and, even less, the comparisons with international experience. There is much to do in the administrative arena and in the infraconstitutional legislation to organise and further the process of fiscal decentralization, though all this depends on what the central government (in the sense of its political powers), above anything else, assumes a firm desire to decentralize, transfer power to the state and municipal governments.

Apesar da literatura sobre o recente enfraquecimento de funções básicas do Estado Nacional por obra da globalização, o Estado-nação vem demonstrando admirável resiliência, isto é, flexibilidade e capacidade de adaptação às mudanças. Partindo da perspectiva das relações internacionais, o artigo realiza levantamento da geografia política do mundo contemporâneo, indicando as razões que levaram à criação, no século XX, de nada menos de 150, do total de cerca de duzentos Estados existentes. Analisa o caráter ambivalente dos fatores de mudança, nem sempre no sentido do enfraquecimento do Estado, e se detém no caso da União Européia, única exceção de êxito na construção, ainda incompleta, de configuração pós-nacional. ; Notwithstanding recent studies about the alleged weakening of some basic functions of nation-states on account of globalization, national states have been showing remarkable resiliency, that is, flexibility and adaptability to change. Starting from the perspective of international relations, the article undertakes a review of contemporary world's political geography, pointing out some of the reasons that explain the creation, during the XXth century, of 150 out of a total number of 200 existing national states. It analyses the ambivalent nature of some of the forces for change, not always towards national state weakening, and devotes special attention to the European Union, the only example of a still unfinished construction of a post-national configuration.

No despontar do novo milênio, as necessidades em saúde dos países pobres além de não terem diminuído parecem ter piorado, devido a uma complexa interação entre vários fatores, que resulta em agudas iniquidades, num mesmo país e entre os países. Essa situação crítica questiona, mais uma vez, a cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento e estimula a reflexão. Nesse processo, a cooperação Sul-Sul tem ganhado crescente importância. No início do século XXI, a cooperação internacional, principalmente no âmbito Sul-Sul, passou a ocupar um lugar estratégico na política externa brasileira e a saúde é considerada um tema prioritário nessa agenda. Este artigo discute a concepção brasileira de "cooperação estruturante em saúde" entre os países em desenvolvimento. Apresenta uma breve revisão histórica sobre a cooperação para o desenvolvimento e a cooperação em saúde; elabora o conceito de "cooperação estruturante em saúde", discute a proposta brasileira formulada ao longo da última década e a sua implementação até o presente momento. A abordagem brasileira está centrada no conceito de "construção de capacidades para o desenvolvimento", mas inova em dois aspectos: integra formação de recursos humanos, fortalecimento organizacional e desenvolvimento institucional; e rompe com a tradicional transferência passiva de conhecimentos e tecnologias. É cedo para avaliar o seu impacto, mas essa cooperação vem sendo implementada com base em cinco aspectos estratégicos, políticos e técnicos interrelacionados: (a) priorização da cooperação horizontal; (b) foco no desenvolvimento de capacidades em saúde; (c) iniciativas coordenadas no contexto regional; (d) forte envolvimento de ministros da saúde na construção de consensos estratégicos e políticos; e (e) estimulo à parceria entre saúde e relações exteriores. _____________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT ; At the dawn of the new millennium, not only have poor countries' health needs not diminished, but they seem to have worsened due to a complex interplay among many factors that result in huge inequities within and between countries. This critical situation calls international development cooperation into question once again and prompts new thinking. In this process, South-South cooperation has steadily gained importance. At the start of the 21st century, international – particularly South-South – cooperation has come to occupy a strategic place in Brazilian foreign policy, and health is a priority item on this agenda. This paper examines the Brazilian conception of horizontal "structural cooperation in health". It presents a brief historical review of international development cooperation and health cooperation, explores the concept of "structural cooperation in health", and discusses the Brazilian proposal formulated over the past decade and its implementation to date. This Brazilian approach centers on the concept of "capacity building for development", but innovates in two respects: by integrating human resource development with organisational and institutional development and by breaking with the traditional passive transfer of knowledge and technology. It is still early to evaluate its impact, but this cooperation has been implemented on the basis of five interrelated strategic, political and technical considerations: (a) priority for horizontal cooperation; (b) focus on developing health capabilities; (c) coordinated initiatives in the regional context; (d) strong involvement of health ministers in building strategic and political consensus; and (e) encouraging partnership between ministries of health and foreign relations.

O presente artigo discute as atuais transformações nos sistemas educacionais em todo o mundo. Tendo como foco a União Europeia (UE) e a Organização para a Cooperação e o Desenvolvimento Econômico (OCDE) como atores de políticas, seu argumento é que tais transformações implicam uma tripla "economização" da política educacional, que pode ser constatada em todos os níveis da área educacional. A importância cada vez maior dessas organizações nas questões educacionais configura uma transição para uma "constelação pós-nacional" também na área educacional, na medida em que a soberania educacional nacional está, no mínimo, passando por reajustes. No entanto, a "economização" das políticas educacionais não se limita a aproximar a educação das necessidades da economia e a transformar seus serviços em mercadorias comercializáveis. Ela também afeta o nível operacional da educação. Uma lógica de produção está sendo implementada na descrição realizada pelas próprias instituições do sistema educacional, que deixaram de ser estabelecimentos burocraticamente administrados para ser concebidos como uma atividade comercial gerencialmente controlada, uma atividade na qual uma ação empresarial se faz necessária. Esse novo tipo de administração faz surgir o problema da legitimação democrática das decisões políticas que, em termos ideais, combina três elementos: o democrático, o "expertocrático" e o ético-profissional. O artigo discute as consequências de uma mudança no equilíbrio desses três elementos no caso da Alemanha. ; The article discusses current transformations in the education systems worldwide. Focusing on the European Union (EU) and the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) as policy actors, it argues that these transformations imply a triple economization of education policy which can be observed at all levels of the education sector. The increasing importance of these organizations in educational issues marks a transition to a "postnational constellation" also in the education field insofar as the national educational sovereignty is being at least readjusted. The economization of education policy is however not restricted to bringing education closer to the needs of the economy and to turning its services into tradable goods. Rather, it also impinges on the operative level of education. A logics of production is being implemented in the self-description of the institutions of the education system, which are no longer bureaucratically administered establishments, but are rather conceived of as managerially conducted production business in which entrepreneurial action is needed. This new governance raises the problem of democratic legitimation of political decisions which ideally combines three elements: democratic, expertocratic, and ethico-professional. The article discusses the consequences of a shift in the balance of the three components with reference to Germany.

The logistics went over the century, as noted by Gonçalves (2007), from a fragmented and diluted within and value of organizations profile to a critical role in the strategy of the networks and chains of international business. For the twenty-first century, as will be seen in this article, logistics goes beyond these functions going to represent a social and political role in international relations between countries. The installation of a port located in East Africa near the Red Sea, the critical incident will be reviewed during a technical mission undertaken by a researcher in 2009. This research field, in the form of checklist, appoint the main barriers in infrastructure, information, rules and norms. The results indicate critical constraints of infrastructure and institutional opportunities that impact the implementation of new developments there. We will show that the progressive development of organizational arrangement to a complex undertaking, such as ports, can be key role in reversing the condition of misery and poverty in African countries. ; A logística passou ao longo do século XX, como lembra Gonçalves (2007), de um perfil fragmentado e diluído no interior e no valor das organizações, para um papel crítico na estratégia das redes e cadeias de negócios internacionais. Para o século XXI, como será observada nesse artigo, a logística extrapola essas funções passando a representar um papel político e social nas relações internacionais entre países. A instalação de um porto localizado no leste africano, próximo ao Mar Vermelho, será o incidente crítico analisado durante uma missão técnica empreendida por um dos pesquisadores no ano de 2009. Essa pesquisa de campo, sob a forma de diário de bordo, apontará as principais barreiras no âmbito das infra-estruturas, das informações, das regras e dos princípios culturais. Os resultados indicam restrições críticas de infra-estrutura e oportunidades institucionais que impactam na implantação de empreendimentos naquele local. Será demonstrado que o desenvolvimento progressivo do arranjo organizacional de um empreendimento complexo, como o portuário, pode ser papel chave na inversão da condição de miséria e de pobreza nos países africanos.

This article discusses the concept of Italianity, from phenomenology point and from the theory point. I am trying to deal with this subject so as to demonstrate its heuristic or educative potential to: (a) research the international and intercultural communication; (b) construct educational politics that lean to the formation of a new, responsible and inclusive cosmopolitanism; and (c) develop a wider and longer appreciation of war and peace subjects. ; Este artigo trata do conceito de italianidade, tanto do ponto de vista da fenomenologia como do ponto de vista da teoria. Procurarei tratar desse assunto de modo a demonstrar seu potencial heurístico ou educativo para: (a) pesquisar a comunicação intercultural e internacional; (b) construir políticas educativas que tendam para a formação de um novo cosmopolitismo responsável e inclusivo; e (c) desenvolver uma consideração mais ampla e mais prolongada dos temas da guerra e da paz.

In this text, Jacques Fontanel demonstrates that, only recently, contemporary economists have been concerned with defense economy, as, frequently, peace, in their studies, was considered as something given. The author reviews the five major currents of thought that analyse the economical nature of defense effort, showing what it has been representing along periods of time, for the liberals, Marxists, Keynesian authors, for the Mercantilist School and for the adepts of econometric studies. Following, emphasizes the economy of disarmament, approaching questions such as: the military costs are, actually, external variables? Ali disarmament is necessarily equivalent to a cut in military costs? There exist, in fact, the so called "peace dividends"? Is there possibility of conversion of the military industry? After, the author analyses the fundamental principles of disarmament and the actual International context which lead interrogations from the economists about the substitution of the military war by the economical war. Concluding, J. Fontanel states that the economical factors became permanent armament, where the economy is transformed in an instrument of power used in the conflict of States, as the food weapon. The author, finally, exhorts the influent segments of society to a general concern in favor of peace. ; In this text, Jacques Fontanel demonstrates that, only recently, contemporary economists have been concerned with defense economy, as, frequently, peace, in their studies, was considered as something given. The author reviews the five major currents of thought that analyse the economical nature of defense effort, showing what it has been representing along periods of time, for the liberals, Marxists, Keynesian authors, for the Mercantilist School and for the adepts of econometric studies. Following, emphasizes the economy of disarmament, approaching questions such as: the military costs are, actually, external variables? Ali disarmament is necessarily equivalent to a cut in military costs? There exist, in fact, the so called "peace dividends"? Is there possibility of conversion of the military industry? After, the author analyses the fundamental principles of disarmament and the actual International context which lead interrogations from the economists about the substitution of the military war by the economical war. Concluding, J. Fontanel states that the economical factors became permanent armament, where the economy is transformed in an instrument of power used in the conflict of States, as the food weapon. The author, finally, exhorts the influent segments of society to a general concern in favor of peace.

The process of economic integration between Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay — and so far with Chile and Bolívia —, the MERCOSUR, Is viewed as part of a movement that is changing the relation of economy and space. In this sense, first of all, some theoretical questions about economic development and the territory are pointed out, describing this relationship at the level of accumulation and regulation and picturing the fordist mode of development and its Latin-American contemporary, the national development—commonly identified with import substitution. Secondly, a historical overview of Latin America's South Cone development at the fordist age tries to characterize the regimes of accumulation and modes of regulation prevailing in a national base at each country. Thirdly, the post-fordist era is considered with the changes in the international regime, the accumulation process and the regulation structures and their effects on the economic integration. At least, the hypothesis of the emerging continental block, the MERCOSUR, be a new milestone in economic development for the region is dealt with as a possible new kind of spatiality for capital accumulation. ; The process of economic integration between Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay — and so far with Chile and Bolívia —, the MERCOSUR, Is viewed as part of a movement that is changing the relation of economy and space. In this sense, first of all, some theoretical questions about economic development and the territory are pointed out, describing this relationship at the level of accumulation and regulation and picturing the fordist mode of development and its Latin-American contemporary, the national development—commonly identified with import substitution. Secondly, a historical overview of Latin America's South Cone development at the fordist age tries to characterize the regimes of accumulation and modes of regulation prevailing in a national base at each country. Thirdly, the post-fordist era is considered with the changes in the international regime, the accumulation process and the regulation structures and their effects on the economic integration. At least, the hypothesis of the emerging continental block, the MERCOSUR, be a new milestone in economic development for the region is dealt with as a possible new kind of spatiality for capital accumulation.