Suchergebnisse

A crise financeira não deveria chegar à América Latina, segundo a maioria dos economistas e governantes: o conjunto de indicadores de vulnerabilidade melhorou na maior parte dessas economias. No entanto, ela chegou e, à medida que os dias passam, anuncia-se cada vez mais severa. Os indicadores de vulnerabilidade, portanto, não são suficientes para estabelecer prognósticos confiáveis. É necessário combiná-los com indicadores de fragilidade mais confiáveis como a apreciação da taxa cambial, as desigualdades mais elevadas. Quanto piores forem esses indicadores, mais difícil será resistir à crise, e vice-versa. Como a crise nos países desenvolvidos adquiriu um caráter sistêmico e os indicadores de fragilidade não são muito bons, suas repercussões serão consideráveis nessas economias emergentes, apesar de indicadores de vulnerabilidade terem apresentado melhoras. ; Most economists and government leaders stated that the crisis was not going to reach Latin America; the indicators of vulnerability have improved in most of these economies. However, the crisis did reach the region and is looking increasingly severe as the days go by. The indicators of economic vulnerability alone cannot, therefore, establish reliable forecasts. More reliable indicators such as exchange rate appreciation and other high inequalities must also be taken into account. The worse these indicators are, the more difficult it is not to fall into the crisis, and vice-versa. In developed countries, the crisis has taken on a systematic character and the signs of fragility are worrying. Therefore, despite an improvement in the indicators of economic vulnerability, the crisis will have significant repercussions in emerging economies.

É surpreendente a resistência da economia brasileira à crise internacional nos primeiros meses de 2009. A queda da produção e dos investimentos foi intensa, mas não houve crise cambial, nem crise fiscal ou abalos no sistema financeiro. O governo conseguiu adotar medidas anticíclicas, com corte de impostos e redução dos juros, favorecido pela arrecadação fiscal elevada e pelo fortalecimento dos bancos, depois de anos de juros elevados, além de dispor dos bancos públicos e dos fundos públicos, instrumentos poderosos herdados do passado. No lado externo, a entrada de capitais é estimulada pela ampla liquidez gerada pelas políticas de expansão monetária dos Estados Unidos, enquanto as exportações refletem a sustentação da demanda chinesa, com forte aumento da participação de produtos primários e redução das vendas de produtos industrializados. A capacidade de reagir à crise é um grande teste para o modelo brasileiro de abertura e liberalização, da mesma forma que as dificuldades para sustentar as exportações de industrializados e para a recuperação dos investimentos e da atividade produtiva são também desafios consideráveis. ; Reviewing the first months of 2009, it's surprising to see the Brazilian economy resistance over the international crisis. The decline on production and investment were intense, however, there has not been neither a foreign exchange crisis nor fiscal and financial system breakthrough. The government could apply anti-cyclic policies, as tax cuts and interest reduction, helped by the actual large extend of tax collection and banks strength, after years of high interest rates, besides using the public banks and the public funds, valuable legacy instruments. Regarding the external side, the capital inflow is stimulated by the wider liquidity generate by the US recent monetary expansion policy, while the exports are due to China demand maintenance, with significant increase in basic commodities and decrease of manufactured products. The capacity of reacting to the crises is a great test for the Brazilian model of economic opening, in the same way that the difficulties to sustain the industrialized good exports and recovery of investment rates in the manufacturing activities are considerable challenges.

OBJECTIVE:To comparatively analyze governmental regulations on embryonic stem cell research among countries. METHODS: The study was performed between March and May 2008, using a direct electronic search through official databases of legislative documents from 25 selected countries, confirmed by email consultation with researchers and authorities from these countries, when necessary. RESULTS: Results showed a trend to allow the practice of embryonic stem cell research, though with strict ethical restrictions. Among the countries analyzed, only Italy and Germany explicitly condemned the extraction of stem cells and only Italy prohibits their subsequent use. Recent judicial decisions in Brazil are in accordance with the international regulatory context of embryo research. CONCLUSIONS: The trend observed represents freedom of research to promote knowledge as a public good, emphasized by the expectation of therapeutic potentiality of embryonic stem cell research to treat and cure diseases without any medical care. ; OBJETIVO:Analisar comparativamente regulações governamentais entre países sobre pesquisa em células-tronco embrionárias. MÉTODOS:O estudo foi conduzido entre março e maio de 2008, por meio de busca eletrônica direta nas fontes oficiais sobre documentos legislativos de 25 países selecionados e confirmada, quando necessário, por consulta por e-mail a pesquisadores e autoridades desses países. RESULTADOS: Os resultados mostraram tendência a permitir a prática de pesquisas com células-tronco embrionárias, embora com rígidas restrições éticas. Dentre os países estudados, apenas Itália e Alemanha explicitamente condenam a extração de células-tronco e apenas Itália proíbe seu uso subseqüente. Decisões jurídicas brasileiras recentes são coerentes com o contexto regulatório internacional sobre pesquisa embrionária. CONCLUSÕES: A tendência observada representa a liberdade de pesquisa para a promoção do conhecimento como um bem público, reforçada pela expectativa de potencialidade terapêutica na pesquisa com células-tronco embrionárias para o tratamento e cura de doenças sem qualquer possibilidade de assistência médica. ; OBJETIVO:Analizar comparativamente regulaciones gubernamentales entre países sobre pesquisa en células madre embrionarias. MÉTODOS:El estudio fue conducido entre marzo y mayo de 2008, por medio de búsqueda electrónica directa en las fuentes oficiales sobre documentos legislativos de 25 países seleccionados y confirmada, cuando era necesario, por consulta por e-mail a investigadores y autoridades de esos países. RESULTADOS:Los resultados mostraron tendencia a permitir la práctica de pesquisas con células madre embrionarias, a pesar de que con rígidas restricciones éticas. Entre los países estudiados, apenas Italia y Alemania explícitamente condenan la extracción de células madre coherentes con el contexto regulatorio internacional sobre pesquisa embrionaria. CONCLUSIONES: La tendencia observada representa la libertad de pesquisa para la promoción del conocimiento como un bien público, reforzada por la expectativa de potencialidad terapéutica en la pesquisa con células madre embrionarias para el tratamiento y cura de enfermedades sin cualquier posibilidad de asistencia médica.

O artigo trata da presente crise do capitalismo internacional, interessando-se pelo nexo entre seus aspectos propriamente econômicos e as questões políticas e institucionais que ela suscita. São discutidos alguns elementos de caráter cognitivo e metodológico importantes para uma agenda de pesquisa da crise, e em seguida é apresentado um panorama do processo de globalização neoliberal que caracterizou o mundo nas ultimas décadas e que está no centro da crise contemporânea. O artigo conclui com uma breve prospecção das mudanças que poderão advir da crise, sobretudo no que diz respeito à revalorização da política e ao fortalecimento do papel do estado. ; The article deals with the current crisis of world capitalism, relating its specifically economic aspects to political and institutional questions raised by the financial crash. It discusses some cognitive and methodological issues which are relevant for a research agenda of the process, followed by an overview of the development of neoliberal globalization. This model, which characterized the world during the last few decades, is in the heart of the contemporary economic problems. The article concludes with a brief prospect of the changes that may be stemming from the crisis, especially those related to the strengthening of politics and the state's role.

This article analyses the Brazilian trade policy and the dilemmas involved in the search of a more dynamic insertion in the world's international trade system. In view of the prevailing tendencies in the direction of globalization and regionalism, new rules and disciplines introduced in GATT's Uruguay Round, proposals coming from the United States and from the European Union, respectively, to become a partner in Free Trade Agreements, Brazil is confronted with strategic choices which will determine its long-term development's possibilities. ; This article analyses the Brazilian trade policy and the dilemmas involved in the search of a more dynamic insertion in the world's international trade system. In view of the prevailing tendencies in the direction of globalization and regionalism, new rules and disciplines introduced in GATT's Uruguay Round, proposals coming from the United States and from the European Union, respectively, to become a partner in Free Trade Agreements, Brazil is confronted with strategic choices which will determine its long-term development's possibilities.

This paper deals with the reasons why the United States have been seeking for the strengthening of the intellectual property rights (IPRs) at recent bilateral and multilateral negotiations, specially during the GATT's Uruguay Round. The hypothesis of this paper suggests that the IPRs' strengthening is part of an attempt made by the United States to revert the present process of weakening of their competitive advantages in the International trade. This hypothesis is investigated through three aspects: (a) the relationship between technological paradigms and the appropriability of innovations; (b) the role of transnational corporations; (c) the challenges to the United States' competitive position. ; This paper deals with the reasons why the United States have been seeking for the strengthening of the intellectual property rights (IPRs) at recent bilateral and multilateral negotiations, specially during the GATT's Uruguay Round. The hypothesis of this paper suggests that the IPRs' strengthening is part of an attempt made by the United States to revert the present process of weakening of their competitive advantages in the International trade. This hypothesis is investigated through three aspects: (a) the relationship between technological paradigms and the appropriability of innovations; (b) the role of transnational corporations; (c) the challenges to the United States' competitive position.

The Brazilian Federation features an accentuated degree of decentralization, as much in terms of the political and institutional configuration as at the level of the tax and fiscal indicators. The majority of the analysts and participants in the national debate do not know the evolution and structure of the government accounts, and, even less, the comparisons with international experience. There is much to do in the administrative arena and in the infraconstitutional legislation to organise and further the process of fiscal decentralization, though all this depends on what the central government (in the sense of its political powers), above anything else, assumes a firm desire to decentralize, transfer power to the state and municipal governments. ; The Brazilian Federation features an accentuated degree of decentralization, as much in terms of the political and institutional configuration as at the level of the tax and fiscal indicators. The majority of the analysts and participants in the national debate do not know the evolution and structure of the government accounts, and, even less, the comparisons with international experience. There is much to do in the administrative arena and in the infraconstitutional legislation to organise and further the process of fiscal decentralization, though all this depends on what the central government (in the sense of its political powers), above anything else, assumes a firm desire to decentralize, transfer power to the state and municipal governments.

Apesar da literatura sobre o recente enfraquecimento de funções básicas do Estado Nacional por obra da globalização, o Estado-nação vem demonstrando admirável resiliência, isto é, flexibilidade e capacidade de adaptação às mudanças. Partindo da perspectiva das relações internacionais, o artigo realiza levantamento da geografia política do mundo contemporâneo, indicando as razões que levaram à criação, no século XX, de nada menos de 150, do total de cerca de duzentos Estados existentes. Analisa o caráter ambivalente dos fatores de mudança, nem sempre no sentido do enfraquecimento do Estado, e se detém no caso da União Européia, única exceção de êxito na construção, ainda incompleta, de configuração pós-nacional. ; Notwithstanding recent studies about the alleged weakening of some basic functions of nation-states on account of globalization, national states have been showing remarkable resiliency, that is, flexibility and adaptability to change. Starting from the perspective of international relations, the article undertakes a review of contemporary world's political geography, pointing out some of the reasons that explain the creation, during the XXth century, of 150 out of a total number of 200 existing national states. It analyses the ambivalent nature of some of the forces for change, not always towards national state weakening, and devotes special attention to the European Union, the only example of a still unfinished construction of a post-national configuration.

This article discusses the concept of Italianity, from phenomenology point and from the theory point. I am trying to deal with this subject so as to demonstrate its heuristic or educative potential to: (a) research the international and intercultural communication; (b) construct educational politics that lean to the formation of a new, responsible and inclusive cosmopolitanism; and (c) develop a wider and longer appreciation of war and peace subjects. ; Este artigo trata do conceito de italianidade, tanto do ponto de vista da fenomenologia como do ponto de vista da teoria. Procurarei tratar desse assunto de modo a demonstrar seu potencial heurístico ou educativo para: (a) pesquisar a comunicação intercultural e internacional; (b) construir políticas educativas que tendam para a formação de um novo cosmopolitismo responsável e inclusivo; e (c) desenvolver uma consideração mais ampla e mais prolongada dos temas da guerra e da paz.

In this text, Jacques Fontanel demonstrates that, only recently, contemporary economists have been concerned with defense economy, as, frequently, peace, in their studies, was considered as something given. The author reviews the five major currents of thought that analyse the economical nature of defense effort, showing what it has been representing along periods of time, for the liberals, Marxists, Keynesian authors, for the Mercantilist School and for the adepts of econometric studies. Following, emphasizes the economy of disarmament, approaching questions such as: the military costs are, actually, external variables? Ali disarmament is necessarily equivalent to a cut in military costs? There exist, in fact, the so called "peace dividends"? Is there possibility of conversion of the military industry? After, the author analyses the fundamental principles of disarmament and the actual International context which lead interrogations from the economists about the substitution of the military war by the economical war. Concluding, J. Fontanel states that the economical factors became permanent armament, where the economy is transformed in an instrument of power used in the conflict of States, as the food weapon. The author, finally, exhorts the influent segments of society to a general concern in favor of peace. ; In this text, Jacques Fontanel demonstrates that, only recently, contemporary economists have been concerned with defense economy, as, frequently, peace, in their studies, was considered as something given. The author reviews the five major currents of thought that analyse the economical nature of defense effort, showing what it has been representing along periods of time, for the liberals, Marxists, Keynesian authors, for the Mercantilist School and for the adepts of econometric studies. Following, emphasizes the economy of disarmament, approaching questions such as: the military costs are, actually, external variables? Ali disarmament is necessarily equivalent to a cut in military costs? There exist, in fact, the so called "peace dividends"? Is there possibility of conversion of the military industry? After, the author analyses the fundamental principles of disarmament and the actual International context which lead interrogations from the economists about the substitution of the military war by the economical war. Concluding, J. Fontanel states that the economical factors became permanent armament, where the economy is transformed in an instrument of power used in the conflict of States, as the food weapon. The author, finally, exhorts the influent segments of society to a general concern in favor of peace.

The process of economic integration between Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay — and so far with Chile and Bolívia —, the MERCOSUR, Is viewed as part of a movement that is changing the relation of economy and space. In this sense, first of all, some theoretical questions about economic development and the territory are pointed out, describing this relationship at the level of accumulation and regulation and picturing the fordist mode of development and its Latin-American contemporary, the national development—commonly identified with import substitution. Secondly, a historical overview of Latin America's South Cone development at the fordist age tries to characterize the regimes of accumulation and modes of regulation prevailing in a national base at each country. Thirdly, the post-fordist era is considered with the changes in the international regime, the accumulation process and the regulation structures and their effects on the economic integration. At least, the hypothesis of the emerging continental block, the MERCOSUR, be a new milestone in economic development for the region is dealt with as a possible new kind of spatiality for capital accumulation. ; The process of economic integration between Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay — and so far with Chile and Bolívia —, the MERCOSUR, Is viewed as part of a movement that is changing the relation of economy and space. In this sense, first of all, some theoretical questions about economic development and the territory are pointed out, describing this relationship at the level of accumulation and regulation and picturing the fordist mode of development and its Latin-American contemporary, the national development—commonly identified with import substitution. Secondly, a historical overview of Latin America's South Cone development at the fordist age tries to characterize the regimes of accumulation and modes of regulation prevailing in a national base at each country. Thirdly, the post-fordist era is considered with the changes in the international regime, the accumulation process and the regulation structures and their effects on the economic integration. At least, the hypothesis of the emerging continental block, the MERCOSUR, be a new milestone in economic development for the region is dealt with as a possible new kind of spatiality for capital accumulation.

O artigo enfoca, pela óptica do direito econômico, as influências das políticas econômicas privadas (basicamente do capital transnacional) e dos entes internacionais sobre as políticas econômicas públicas, especialmente as realizadas pelos Estados em desenvolvimento. Enfatiza a mutação do neoliberalismo de regulamentação para o de regulação como exigência dos poderes econômicos privados, identificando entre os seus resultados o enfraquecimento do Estado e a descrença na democracia. E, ainda, defende a existência de espaços para a execução de ações econômicas endógenas por parte dos Estados Nacionais, a fim de viabilizar a eficácia de suas Constituições econômicas e suprir as carências de seus povos. ; This paper deal with, by Economical Law view, the effects of private economic policy, essentially of foreign capital, and the international organizations above the public economic policy, mainly that politics performed by the development nations. Lay emphasis on the mutation of the regulatory New Liberalism to the regulation as demand of private economic powers, recongnized enter their results: The decline of the State and the unbelief of democracy. Defends existence of spaces for the execution of endogenous economic actions by part of National States, for the purpose of execute effectiveness of their economical constitution and supply the shortage of their people.

O artigo teve por objetivo caracterizar o jogo patológico, apresentando as principais conseqüências desse transtorno. Foi realizado levantamento bibliográfico sobre o tema, na literatura nacional e internacional. Foram selecionadas as publicações cujos principais achados enfatizavam prevalência, custos sociais e econômicos associados, legalização de jogos de azar e conseqüente impacto na saúde pública. Alto índice de suicídio, comorbidade com outros transtornos psiquiátricos, problemas familiares e no trabalho, e prática de atos ilícitos foram conseqüências relatadas. A prevalência desse transtorno é maior em países que legalizaram jogos de azar e no Brasil, há evidências do crescimento do número de jogadores patológicos. O desenvolvimento de pesquisas nacionais é imprescindível para a definição de políticas públicas adequadas à realidade brasileira. ; The article aimed to characterize pathological gambling, showing the main consequences of this disorder. Bibliographic survey on this theme was conducted, covering both national and international literature. Publications whose main findings emphasized related prevalence, social and economic costs, gambling legalization and resulting impact on public health, were selected. High suicide rate, comorbidity with other psychiatric disorders, family and work problems, and illicit behavior were consequences reported. The prevalence of this disorder is higher in countries that have legalized gambling and in Brazil there is evidence of growth in the number of pathological gamblers. The development of national research is fundamental to define public policies that are adequate for the Brazilian context.

Apesar dos últimos anos não registrarem mudanças significativas nos indicadores da tuberculose no Brasil, há clara modificação no cenário político do enfrentamento dessa doença, no qual se destaca o aparecimento da sociedade civil. São feitas considerações sobre as condições que contribuíram para o seu aparecimento, tais como a origem, a composição, as ações, os parceiros e as perspectivas da mobilização social. Em função de iniciativas para o controle da tuberculose no âmbito internacional e de empreendimentos para incentivar a mobilização social nos níveis estaduais e municipais, o governo federal passou a imprimir uma política mais consistente e coerente, passando também a incluir a sociedade civil em suas ações. Mesmo sendo um ator reconhecido pelo poder público e considerado estratégico para o êxito das ações de controle da tuberculose, a participação comunitária requer incentivos e apoio constante de outros setores. ; Although no significant changes in the tuberculosis indicators have been registered in Brazil in recent years, there is a clear shift in the political scenario regarding the manner this disease has been tackled, with the appearance of civil society standing out. Considerations about the conditions that contributed to its emergence are made, such as the origin, composition, actions, partners and perspectives on social mobilization. Due to initiatives for tuberculosis control on an international level and attempts to encourage social mobilization on state and municipal levels, the Brazilian federal government began to engage in a more consistent and coherent policy, also including civil society in its actions. In spite of being an actor acknowledged by the public power and considered strategic for the success of tuberculosis control actions, community participation requires incentives and constant support from other sectors.

O artigo discute dois paradoxos e um enigma que se desenvolveram no país durante as últimas décadas: o processo de democratização iniciado em 1978, que foi acompanhado por aumento espetacular da criminalidade; uma nação que foi construída pelos ideais da cordialidade e da conciliação mudados recentemente para os mecanismos da vingança pessoal e impulsos agressivos incontroláveis, visto que nem o perdão nem a pacificação foram discutidos publicamente no término do regime militar. Por fim, o enigma de uma violência brutal entre homens jovens que afetou muito pouco as mulheres e outras categorias de idade. Ao contrário dos conflitos étnicos que atingem a todos, no Brasil são os homicídios cometidos entre homens jovens que cresceram várias vezes nos anos 1980 e 1990. A fim de compreender isso, são utilizadas quatro dimensões: o contexto internacional do tráfico de drogas e de armas de fogo; a importância e os limites das explicações macrossociais sobre a criminalidade violenta que interage com os mecanismos transnacionais do crime organizado; a inércia institucional que explica a ineficácia do sistema de justiça; os processos microssociais ou as formações subjetivas sobre a concepção de masculinidade em suas relações com a exibição de força, dinheiro e armas de fogo. ; The article discusses two paradoxes and one enigma that have developed in this country during the last decades: a process of democratisation that started in 1978 coming forward with increasing criminality rates, especially homicide; a nation constituted on the idea of cordiality and conciliation that changed recently its dominant ideas and developed vengeance mechanisms and uncontrollable aggressive behaviour for there was never a public discussion of pacification and forgiveness; the enigma of a fierce violence among men, mainly young men has affected women comparatively much less. This suggests a model of violence dissimilar to the model present in ethnic conflicts where everybody is victim. To understand them, I have used four dimensions: the international context related to drug and gun trafficking, the institutional inertia that explains the malfunctioning of the justice system; the importance and limits of macro social explanations for violent criminality, such as poverty and social exclusion; the necessary look at micro social processes concerning subjective formations on masculinity linked to exhibition of force, money and guns.