В статье рассматриваются перспективы и последствия интеграции Украины в ВТО и ЕС для транспортной отрасли. Проведён SWOT-анализ экономических последствий для транспорта после присоединения Украины к ВТО и ЕС. ; В статті розглянуто перспективи та наслідки інтеграції України до СОТ та ЄС для транспортної галузі. Проведено SWOT-аналіз економічних наслідків для транспорту після вступу України до СОТ та ЄС. ; The prospects and consequences of integration ofUkraineto the WTO and the EU for transport complex have been considered. The SWOT-analysis of economic after-effects after such an integration has been performed.
Розглянуто актуальність дослідження міжнародних відносин і транскордонного співробітництва. Акцентовано увагу на специфіці співробітництва України з ЄС. Проаналізовано наслідки розширення ЄС для України. ; The actuality of international relations and trans-boarden cooperation has been considered in the paper. The attention is given to peculiarities of EU cooperation with Ukraine. The EU enlargement consequences for Ukraine analyzed. ; The actuality of international relations and trans-boarden cooperation has been considered in the paper. The attention is given to peculiarities of EU cooperation with Ukraine. The EU enlargement consequences for Ukraine analyzed.
This article analyses the Brazilian trade policy and the dilemmas involved in the search of a more dynamic insertion in the world's international trade system. In view of the prevailing tendencies in the direction of globalization and regionalism, new rules and disciplines introduced in GATT's Uruguay Round, proposals coming from the United States and from the European Union, respectively, to become a partner in Free Trade Agreements, Brazil is confronted with strategic choices which will determine its long-term development's possibilities. ; This article analyses the Brazilian trade policy and the dilemmas involved in the search of a more dynamic insertion in the world's international trade system. In view of the prevailing tendencies in the direction of globalization and regionalism, new rules and disciplines introduced in GATT's Uruguay Round, proposals coming from the United States and from the European Union, respectively, to become a partner in Free Trade Agreements, Brazil is confronted with strategic choices which will determine its long-term development's possibilities.
Розглянуто сутність, функції, завдання і принципи екологічного менеджменту промислових підприємств, а також основні етапи становлення і розвитку екологічного менеджменту, уточнено термінологічний апарат з питань екологічного менеджменту, з'ясованої відмінності між екологічним управлінням і екологічним менеджментом, проаналізовано нормативно-правове забезпечення екологічного менеджменту. ; The essence, functions, tasks, and principles of the environmental management for industrial enterprises have been presented in the paper. The main stages of environmental management establishment and development at the international level are described. The terminology used in the field of environmental management discussed. In particular the difference between the "environmental governance" and "environmental management" clarified. The legal system to support the practical implementation of environmental management analyzed in the paper also. ; The essence, functions, tasks, and principles of the environmental management for industrial enterprises have been presented in the paper. The main stages of environmental management establishment and development at the international level are described. The terminology used in the field of environmental management discussed. In particular the difference between the "environmental governance" and "environmental management" clarified. The legal system to support the practical implementation of environmental management analyzed in the paper also.
Розглянуто питання вдосконалення законодавчого забезпечення інноваційної діяльності в Україні. Розглянуто загальні, спеціальні, міжнародні та інші закони в цій галузі. Особлива увага приділена питанням охорони об'єктів інтелектуальної власності. ; The question of perfection of the legislative providing of innovative activity is considered in Ukraine. General, special, international et al acts are considered in this industry. The special attention is spared to the questions of guard of objects of intellectual property.
This paper deals with the reasons why the United States have been seeking for the strengthening of the intellectual property rights (IPRs) at recent bilateral and multilateral negotiations, specially during the GATT's Uruguay Round. The hypothesis of this paper suggests that the IPRs' strengthening is part of an attempt made by the United States to revert the present process of weakening of their competitive advantages in the International trade. This hypothesis is investigated through three aspects: (a) the relationship between technological paradigms and the appropriability of innovations; (b) the role of transnational corporations; (c) the challenges to the United States' competitive position. ; This paper deals with the reasons why the United States have been seeking for the strengthening of the intellectual property rights (IPRs) at recent bilateral and multilateral negotiations, specially during the GATT's Uruguay Round. The hypothesis of this paper suggests that the IPRs' strengthening is part of an attempt made by the United States to revert the present process of weakening of their competitive advantages in the International trade. This hypothesis is investigated through three aspects: (a) the relationship between technological paradigms and the appropriability of innovations; (b) the role of transnational corporations; (c) the challenges to the United States' competitive position.
The Brazilian Federation features an accentuated degree of decentralization, as much in terms of the political and institutional configuration as at the level of the tax and fiscal indicators. The majority of the analysts and participants in the national debate do not know the evolution and structure of the government accounts, and, even less, the comparisons with international experience. There is much to do in the administrative arena and in the infraconstitutional legislation to organise and further the process of fiscal decentralization, though all this depends on what the central government (in the sense of its political powers), above anything else, assumes a firm desire to decentralize, transfer power to the state and municipal governments. ; The Brazilian Federation features an accentuated degree of decentralization, as much in terms of the political and institutional configuration as at the level of the tax and fiscal indicators. The majority of the analysts and participants in the national debate do not know the evolution and structure of the government accounts, and, even less, the comparisons with international experience. There is much to do in the administrative arena and in the infraconstitutional legislation to organise and further the process of fiscal decentralization, though all this depends on what the central government (in the sense of its political powers), above anything else, assumes a firm desire to decentralize, transfer power to the state and municipal governments.
Apesar da literatura sobre o recente enfraquecimento de funções básicas do Estado Nacional por obra da globalização, o Estado-nação vem demonstrando admirável resiliência, isto é, flexibilidade e capacidade de adaptação às mudanças. Partindo da perspectiva das relações internacionais, o artigo realiza levantamento da geografia política do mundo contemporâneo, indicando as razões que levaram à criação, no século XX, de nada menos de 150, do total de cerca de duzentos Estados existentes. Analisa o caráter ambivalente dos fatores de mudança, nem sempre no sentido do enfraquecimento do Estado, e se detém no caso da União Européia, única exceção de êxito na construção, ainda incompleta, de configuração pós-nacional. ; Notwithstanding recent studies about the alleged weakening of some basic functions of nation-states on account of globalization, national states have been showing remarkable resiliency, that is, flexibility and adaptability to change. Starting from the perspective of international relations, the article undertakes a review of contemporary world's political geography, pointing out some of the reasons that explain the creation, during the XXth century, of 150 out of a total number of 200 existing national states. It analyses the ambivalent nature of some of the forces for change, not always towards national state weakening, and devotes special attention to the European Union, the only example of a still unfinished construction of a post-national configuration.
In this text, Jacques Fontanel demonstrates that, only recently, contemporary economists have been concerned with defense economy, as, frequently, peace, in their studies, was considered as something given. The author reviews the five major currents of thought that analyse the economical nature of defense effort, showing what it has been representing along periods of time, for the liberals, Marxists, Keynesian authors, for the Mercantilist School and for the adepts of econometric studies. Following, emphasizes the economy of disarmament, approaching questions such as: the military costs are, actually, external variables? Ali disarmament is necessarily equivalent to a cut in military costs? There exist, in fact, the so called "peace dividends"? Is there possibility of conversion of the military industry? After, the author analyses the fundamental principles of disarmament and the actual International context which lead interrogations from the economists about the substitution of the military war by the economical war. Concluding, J. Fontanel states that the economical factors became permanent armament, where the economy is transformed in an instrument of power used in the conflict of States, as the food weapon. The author, finally, exhorts the influent segments of society to a general concern in favor of peace. ; In this text, Jacques Fontanel demonstrates that, only recently, contemporary economists have been concerned with defense economy, as, frequently, peace, in their studies, was considered as something given. The author reviews the five major currents of thought that analyse the economical nature of defense effort, showing what it has been representing along periods of time, for the liberals, Marxists, Keynesian authors, for the Mercantilist School and for the adepts of econometric studies. Following, emphasizes the economy of disarmament, approaching questions such as: the military costs are, actually, external variables? Ali disarmament is necessarily equivalent to a cut in military costs? There exist, in fact, the so called "peace dividends"? Is there possibility of conversion of the military industry? After, the author analyses the fundamental principles of disarmament and the actual International context which lead interrogations from the economists about the substitution of the military war by the economical war. Concluding, J. Fontanel states that the economical factors became permanent armament, where the economy is transformed in an instrument of power used in the conflict of States, as the food weapon. The author, finally, exhorts the influent segments of society to a general concern in favor of peace.
The process of economic integration between Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay — and so far with Chile and Bolívia —, the MERCOSUR, Is viewed as part of a movement that is changing the relation of economy and space. In this sense, first of all, some theoretical questions about economic development and the territory are pointed out, describing this relationship at the level of accumulation and regulation and picturing the fordist mode of development and its Latin-American contemporary, the national development—commonly identified with import substitution. Secondly, a historical overview of Latin America's South Cone development at the fordist age tries to characterize the regimes of accumulation and modes of regulation prevailing in a national base at each country. Thirdly, the post-fordist era is considered with the changes in the international regime, the accumulation process and the regulation structures and their effects on the economic integration. At least, the hypothesis of the emerging continental block, the MERCOSUR, be a new milestone in economic development for the region is dealt with as a possible new kind of spatiality for capital accumulation. ; The process of economic integration between Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay — and so far with Chile and Bolívia —, the MERCOSUR, Is viewed as part of a movement that is changing the relation of economy and space. In this sense, first of all, some theoretical questions about economic development and the territory are pointed out, describing this relationship at the level of accumulation and regulation and picturing the fordist mode of development and its Latin-American contemporary, the national development—commonly identified with import substitution. Secondly, a historical overview of Latin America's South Cone development at the fordist age tries to characterize the regimes of accumulation and modes of regulation prevailing in a national base at each country. Thirdly, the post-fordist era is considered with the changes in the international regime, the accumulation process and the regulation structures and their effects on the economic integration. At least, the hypothesis of the emerging continental block, the MERCOSUR, be a new milestone in economic development for the region is dealt with as a possible new kind of spatiality for capital accumulation.
O artigo enfoca, pela óptica do direito econômico, as influências das políticas econômicas privadas (basicamente do capital transnacional) e dos entes internacionais sobre as políticas econômicas públicas, especialmente as realizadas pelos Estados em desenvolvimento. Enfatiza a mutação do neoliberalismo de regulamentação para o de regulação como exigência dos poderes econômicos privados, identificando entre os seus resultados o enfraquecimento do Estado e a descrença na democracia. E, ainda, defende a existência de espaços para a execução de ações econômicas endógenas por parte dos Estados Nacionais, a fim de viabilizar a eficácia de suas Constituições econômicas e suprir as carências de seus povos. ; This paper deal with, by Economical Law view, the effects of private economic policy, essentially of foreign capital, and the international organizations above the public economic policy, mainly that politics performed by the development nations. Lay emphasis on the mutation of the regulatory New Liberalism to the regulation as demand of private economic powers, recongnized enter their results: The decline of the State and the unbelief of democracy. Defends existence of spaces for the execution of endogenous economic actions by part of National States, for the purpose of execute effectiveness of their economical constitution and supply the shortage of their people.
O artigo teve por objetivo caracterizar o jogo patológico, apresentando as principais conseqüências desse transtorno. Foi realizado levantamento bibliográfico sobre o tema, na literatura nacional e internacional. Foram selecionadas as publicações cujos principais achados enfatizavam prevalência, custos sociais e econômicos associados, legalização de jogos de azar e conseqüente impacto na saúde pública. Alto índice de suicídio, comorbidade com outros transtornos psiquiátricos, problemas familiares e no trabalho, e prática de atos ilícitos foram conseqüências relatadas. A prevalência desse transtorno é maior em países que legalizaram jogos de azar e no Brasil, há evidências do crescimento do número de jogadores patológicos. O desenvolvimento de pesquisas nacionais é imprescindível para a definição de políticas públicas adequadas à realidade brasileira. ; The article aimed to characterize pathological gambling, showing the main consequences of this disorder. Bibliographic survey on this theme was conducted, covering both national and international literature. Publications whose main findings emphasized related prevalence, social and economic costs, gambling legalization and resulting impact on public health, were selected. High suicide rate, comorbidity with other psychiatric disorders, family and work problems, and illicit behavior were consequences reported. The prevalence of this disorder is higher in countries that have legalized gambling and in Brazil there is evidence of growth in the number of pathological gamblers. The development of national research is fundamental to define public policies that are adequate for the Brazilian context.
Brazil grew 2.4 percent per year on average in the last 25 years-somewhat less than Latin America, a good deal less than the world, far less than the emerging countries of Asia in the same period, and indeed far less than Brazil itself in previous decades. If anything stands out favorably in recent Brazilian experience, it is not growth but stabilization and the successful opening of the economy. The purpose of this paper is more modest. It is limited to setting out the authors' particular view of recent efforts to consolidate democracy in Brazil while controlling inflation and resuming economic growth. At the same time the paper presents, as objectively as possible, some thoughts on the limits but also the relevance of action by political leaders to set a course and circumvent obstacles to that process. Here and there, the paper refers to the experiences of other Latin American countries, especially Argentina, Chile, and Mexico, not to offer a full fledged comparative analysis but merely to note contrasts and similarities that may shed light on the peculiarities of the Brazilian case and suggest themes for a more wide-ranging exchange of views.
Defence date: 21 November 2008 ; Examining Board: Prof. Doutor Jacques Ziller, Instituto Universitário Europeu; Prof. Doutor Pedro Bacelar Vasconcelos, Universidade do Minho; Prof. Doutor Rui Moura Ramos, Universidade de Coimbra; Prof. Doutor Francesco Francioni, Instituto Universitário Europeu. ; First made available online 14 January 2015. ; Portugal is a very good illustration of the current identity quests that are pursued by communities of all shapes and sizes – local, national, supranational, international, civilizational – in response to old urges and new threats posed in a globalised, but also "glocalised", world. Torn between its European body and its atlantic/lusophone "soul", Portugal tries to strike a balance between the two dimensions of its identity as a polity and, in the process, claims a special role as mediator between north and south, Europe and the African continent. Although fully committed to the European immigration policy, with its restrictive dimensions and its focus on integration, Portugal purports to articulate the European demands with the special solidarity bonds that exist with the Portuguese speaking countries. It has been so for a number of years, but the recent developments in both the Portuguese nationality and immigration laws show that the fears expressed by many that Schengen would surpass the lusophone ties were well founded and that, no matter how well intended the Portuguese policies are in these matters, the result will be detrimental to the so-called lusophone citizens. They do enjoy a special status – encompassing voting rights and access to public office that is generally forbidden to all foreigners (a status unparalleled in the two other European countries under scrutiny, France and the United Kingdom) – but their access to the Portuguese territory has been curtailed. Even more than Portugal, which until recently was the last of the European "nation states" and only now faces visible cultural diversity in its society, the European Union and the Community of the Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP) struggle with the definition of their respective identities and sense of purpose, seeking to win the hearts and minds of their peoples. Commonly considered a natural spontaneous community, due to the existence of a common language, the CPLP faces the difficulties posed by mutual distrust and old grudges and the fear, by many, that it is only an expression of imperial nostalgia on the part of Portugal. Its member states show only a mild commitment, engaged as they all are in other regional communities of their own, as can be seen in the discussions on citizenship and free movement within the lusophone area. There are many similarities between the legal systems of the CPLP member states, which can be explained by the cooperation between lawyers and academics specially in Africa and East Timor, but some of those similarities are merely formal, with little correspondence in the law in action, and coexist with relevant differences due mostly to different levels of socio-economic development and political will. For the European Union the purpose of fostering a feeling of belonging and solidarity between the peoples of Europe is an ongoing struggle for legitimacy which has suffered major setbacks in recent years. After the constitutional momentum, the Union has adopted a more modest stance, but has by no means given up winning the support of the European citizens. One of the fields in which its intervention is demanded is directly linked with the identity quest in progress – border definition and control, policies towards illegal and legal aliens. Stressing the need to integrate the third country nationals who are legal residents and adopting the mantra of intercultural dialogue, the EU presents itself as a guardian for human rights and a fighter against racism, at the same time as it tries to keep Europe for the Europeans as much as possible. Its member states are willing, for European or domestic reasons, to go along and easily drop old preferences for extra-community bonds of solidarity. Portugal may again be the last of the empires, keeping a special status for the foreigners of lusophone origin, but it nevertheless keeps with the times when it comes to admission to its territory.
