Suchergebnisse

Historian T. Jakovina spoke with the diplomat and ambassador Cvijeto Job. Job took part in the Second World War on the side of the Partisan movement, when he became a member of the Communist Party. The first diplomatic assignments of Cvijeto Job were in Oslo and London. Already in 1950 he is a member of the Yugoslavian diplomatic mission to the United Nations in New York. From 1962 to 1968 he is an advisor to the press in the Yugoslavian embassy in Washington. Following that he returns to Yugoslavia as chief of the Department for the United States of America and Canada in the Federal Secretariat for foreign affairs, and from 1971 to 1976 he is advisor to the Security Council for the Yugoslavian mission at the UN and the deputy ambassador. From 1980 to 1984 he was named the Yugoslavian ambassador to Cyprus. He was retired in 1989, until which time he had served as chief of the Group for planning politics (GZZP) in the Federal Secretariat for foreign affairs (SSIP). He left Yugoslavia in 1991 to reside in the United States. He was an associate of the United States Institute of Peace, and now he is an associate of the Institute for Policy Studies in Washington.

The author analyzes the concept of balance of power in International Relations through critical overview of Realist tradition (both Classical and scientific), and its horizontal understanding of balancing of power as a principle per se. The first part analyzes the pessimistic phase (Classical Realism), with the emphasis on the works of H.J. Morgenthau, who promoted the balance of power as a principle per se in the hands of international power politics. In the second part, the scientific phase (Neorealism) empirically establishes the value-free balance of power concept in International Relations. By examining materialism and empiricism of Realism, in the third part the author indicates the limitations of the horizontal approach as a consequence of permanently ignoring the vertical aspect: ideational approach and norms and rules as the first principle of international system of society of states. Adapted from the source document.

Profesionalni razvoj odgojitelja dio je oblikovanja kurikula ustanove ranoga i predškolskog odgoja i obrazovanja i u velikoj se mjeri odražava na cjelokupan kontekst u kojemu se kurikul konstruira, oblikuje i živi. Ovaj se rad bavi aktualnim pitanjima razvoja odgojiteljske profesije u okolnostima definiranima stalnim društvenim, političkim i tehnološkim promjenama. U prvome dijelu rada govorit će se o obilježjima zanimanja koje sebe želi artikulirati kao profesiju te specifičnim obilježjima odgojiteljske profesije i profesionalnog identiteta. Sljedeća je važna tema kompetencijski okvir odgojitelja, poglavito važnost cjeloživotnoga učenja kao ključnog elementa profesionalnog razvoja. Uz različite formalne i neformalne modalitete učenja u radu se osobito vrijednima ističu oni oblici stručnog usavršavanja koji se događaju ili bi se trebali događati unutar profesionalne zajednice. ; The professional development of teachers is a part of an institution's early and pre-school education curriculum design and it, to a large extent, affects the entire context in which the curriculum is constructed, formed and in which it lives. This paper addresses the topical issues of development of teacher profession in the circumstances defined by constant social, political and technological changes. The first part of the paper addresses the characteristics of the occupation that wants to articulate itself as a profession and the specific features of ECEC teacher profession and professional identity. The next important topic is the competence framework of teachers, and in particular the significance of the lifelong learning as the key element of professional development. In addition to various formal and informal learning modalities, the paper highlights as especially important the forms of professional development that take place or should take place within the professional community.

Obrazovna inkluzija je tema koja je relevantna za pedagogijski i društveni kontekst, a posebice za suvremene odgojno-obrazovne reforme. Uključivanje ili inkluzija je zahtjev koji je koncepcijski nazvan odgoj i obrazovanje za sve. U širem smislu riječi, obrazovna inkluzija se odnosi na uključivanje djece i odraslih koji su zbog psihofizičkih, socijalnih, kulturnih, odgojno-obrazovnih mogućnosti, etničkih i drugih razlika podložni socijalnoj isključenosti, izloženi socijalnoj marginalizaciji, a time obespravljeni i ranjivi. U užem smislu riječi, inkluzija je zahtjev kojim senaglašava da je svako dijete ma pravo na obrazovanje u skladu s svojim mogućnostima. U okviru Deklaracije o ljudskim pravima iz 1948. godine se proklamira i postavlja uvjet za ostvarenje temeljnog prava čovjeka, a to je prava na besplatno osnovno obrazovanje za svu djecu. Zemlje Europe i svijeta naglašavaju važnost inkluzije u obrazovanju na svim razinama odgojno-obrazovnog sustava kroz nacionalne kurikulume i druge dokumente obrazovne politike. Obrazovna inkluzija je zahtjev koji proširuje i produbljuje odgojni model integracije djece s teškoćama u razvoju u redovno školovanje. ; Inclusive education is a relevant theme in the pedagogical and social context. It has a special meaning towards the new educational reforms. Inclusion is a demand that is conceptually known as education for all. In broader meaning, educational inclusion relates to the inclusion of the children and the adults who were socially excluded and exposed to social marginalization due to psychophysical, social, cultural, educational, ethnical and other differences by which they were deprived of their rights. In the narrow sense inclusion is a demand which emphasizes that every child is ready to train in accordance with the possibilities in the school as the education institution.The Declaration of Human Rights Act of 1948 defines the right on education as a fundamental human right of every child and every adult. Inclusive education with the meaning that everybody is involved in education is clearly defined and determined in The Salamanca Statement and Framework for Action in 1994 that promotes the right of every child that regardless of his/her physical, intellectual, emotional, social, linguistic or other conditions should be involved inthe regular schools. Educational inclusion with previously mentioned meaning constitutes the demand that broadens and deepens the educational model to integrate children with disabilities into educational system. In consistence with above-mentioned, in this paper, the differences between the integrated education and the inclusive education will be shown. By identifying the significance of inclusion for social development in European countries and in the world, it is its importance and role in educational system that is emphasised.

Polazište ovog rada nedavni je prijepor suvremenih realista oko aktualne dvojbe je li vanjskopolitička doktrina američkog predsjednika Donalda Trumpa realistička. Autor ukazuje da je navedena polemika posljedicom zastarjelog, tautološkog, ali još uvijek i neprevladanog dualističkog diskursa u teorijama međunarodnih odnosa, koji dijeli teoriju i vanjskopolitičku praksu na dva dominantna pravca: realizam i liberalizam. Na temelju dosadašnje teorijske kritike novog realizma, ili neorealizma, članak potvrđuje da ovaj suvremeni realistički pravac epistemološki ne pripada tradiciji realizma na koju se poziva, nego se svojim predodžbama o moći, državi i međunarodnom sustavu utemeljuje u političkom idealizmu: pravcu mišljenja koji se redovno pripisuje liberalima I kojemu je tradicionalni, ili "klasični" realizam bitno suprotstavljen. Analizirajući glavne podudarnosti između pretpostavki neorealizma i načela Trumpove doktrine, ovaj rad navodi na zaključak da Trump nije realist nego protuliberalni idealist. Pojam "protuliberalni idealizam" prikladniji je za razmatranje aktualne američke vanjske politike u kontekstu njene hegemonijske pozicije u liberalnom međunarodnom poretku. ; The article's initial motive is the recent controversy among contemporary realists, who questioned the supposed realism of US president Donald Trump's foreign policy doctrine. The author argues that the polemic is a consequential outgrowth of outdated, tautological, and yet still actual binary discourse, that divides international theory and foreign policy practice on Realism and Liberalism. Referring to the established critique of Neorealism, the article argues that Neorealism does not in epistemic terms belong to the tradition of Realism, to which it is a self-proclaimed successor. On the contrary, with its notions of power, state and international system it is established in political idealism: the tradition of thought that is conventionally attributed to Liberalism, and to which "classical" Realism was fundamentally opposed. By analyzing evident congruence between principles of Neorealism and Trump's America First doctrine, the article concludes that Trump is not a realist, but illiberal idealist. His idealistic nationalist world-view, when translated into foreign policy objectives, is in stark contrast to the professed principles of Realism. Furthermore, the concept of illiberal idealism offers an analytical framework for further analysis of present US foreign policy in the context of its hegemonic position in the Liberal International Order.

U tekstu se prikazuje sustav lokalne samouprave u dvije europske zemlje, Njemačkoj i Francuskoj. Obrađuju se razine, broj i vrsta teritorijalnih jedinica te organizacija i struktura njihovih lokalnih samouprava. Prikazuju se različiti institucionalni oblici međuopćinskog povezivanja i suradnje koji proizlaze iz duge tradicije, ali i teritorijalnih reformi novijeg datuma. Uspoređuju se modernizacijske i menadžerske reforme lokalne samouprave od 1980-ih na- dalje te se prati proces njihova provođenja koji se u Njemačkoj uglavnom pokretao odozdo (bottom-up), dok ga je u Francuskoj vodila središnja država (top-down). ; The authors have described local self-government systems in Germany and France. They have analysed the levels, the number and type of territorial units, and the organisation and structure of German and French local self-governments. Different institutional forms of intermunicipal cooperation and connections springing from a long tradition, as well as from relatively recent territorial reforms, are shown. Modernisation and managerial reforms of local self-government since the 1980s onwards are compared, together with the process of their implementation, which has been conducted bottom-up in Germany and top-down in France.

Problem je ovoga istraživanja nedovoljno učinkovit način obrazovanja vođa u poslovnim školama. Iako je potreba za vođama u svijetu sve veća, vjeruje se da je neadekvatno obrazovanje u poslovnim školama doprinijelo sustavnom nedostatku vodstva, što je dovelo do financijske i moralne globalne krize. Smatra se da poslovne škole u svojim obrazovnim programima premalo pažnje posvećuju etici i sustavu vrijednosti. Međutim, uz univerzalne principe vodstva, svako društvo i kultura moraju definirati svoje potrebe vodstva i "otkriti" svrhu, način djelovanja i upotrebu moći. Stoga je cilj ovoga istraživanja izraditi prijedlog učinkovitog kurikuluma za obrazovanje vođa u hrvatskim poslovnim školama. Šira je društvena svrha aktualizacija teme vodstva i obrazovanja za vodstvo kao nasušne potrebe hrvatskog društva na svim razinama. Za potrebe teorijskog dijela rada provedeno je sekundarno istraživanje znanstvene i stručne literature, stranih i domaćih autora. Objašnjeni su pojam, definicije i karakteristike vodstva te iznesen povijesni pregled raznih teorija i pristupa vodstvu. Naveden je kratki pregled istraživanja o učinku kulture i njezinom utjecaju na obrazovanje za vodstvo. Opisan je primjer dobre prakse u kreiranju i praćenju uspješnosti obrazovnih politika i strategija te neki obrazovni programi vodstva i njihov utjecaj na razvoj vođa. Na temelju spoznaja dobivenih iz provedenog sekundarnog istraživanja, kreiran je prijedlog kurikuluma za obrazovanje vođa koji nedostaje u Hrvatskoj. Predloženi višeslojni model temelji se na multidisciplinarnom znanju utemeljenom u tradiciji poslovnih škola i humanističkih znanosti, tako da potiče razvoj analitičkih, konceptualnih, međuljudskih i praktičnih vještina. Posebna je važnost dana praksi, coachingu i mentorskom pristupu kao alatima pomoću kojih se studentima omogućava iskustveno učenje. Inovativnim vježbama i praksom studente se priprema da budu transformacijski vođe koji će znati učinkovito komunicirati viziju i misiju svojim suradnicima i sljedbenicima. Posebno je naglašena globalna perspektiva i potreba za integracijom etike i sustava vrijednosti u svaki dio obrazovnog procesa. ; The focus of this study is on leadership education in business schools which is not effective enough. Although the global demand for leaders is growing, it is believed that the inadequate education in business schools contributed to the systemic failure in leadership that led to the current global financial and moral crisis. It is thought that business schools do not pay enough attention to ethics and the system of values. However, in addition to the universal principles of leadership every society and culture has to define their own leadership needs in order to 'discover' the purpose, mode of operation and use of power. Therefore, the aim of this research is to propose an effective curriculum for leadership education in Croatian business schools. A broader social objective is to promote the topic of leadership and education for leadership as the fundamental need of the Croatian society at all its levels. Secondary research of scientific and professional literature by Croatian and other authors was conducted for the theoretical part of the paper. The concept, definitions and characteristics of leadership are explained and a historical overview of various leadership theories and approaches is given. The paper gives a short overview of the research on culture and its impact on leadership education. An account of good practice is given concerning the establishment and monitoring of educational policies and strategies and some educational programmes for leadership and their influence on the development of leaders. A curriculum proposal is formulated for the education of Croatian leaders on the basis of insight gained from the secondary research. The proposed multilevel model is based on the multidisciplinary knowledge founded in the tradition of business schools and humanistic sciences so that it stimulates the development of analytical, conceptual, interpersonal and practical skills. Special importance is placed on practice, coaching and mentoring as the tools for students to learn from experience. By means of innovative assignments and practice students are prepared to become transformational leaders who will be able to effectively communicate the vision and mission to their co-workers and followers. Global perspective is emphasised as well as the need to integrate ethics and the system of values in every aspect of the educational process.

The pervasive problem of academic cheating is an important issue for teachers and other educational stakeholders. Since teachers are one of the most important role models to students, their approach to academic (dis)honesty will likely have a strong influence on them. Therefore, the aim of this study was to identify teachers' perceptions of the frequency and acceptability of different kinds of cheating acts, as well as their perception of the reasons for cheating and their reactions to cheating. Additionally, this study attempted to investigate whether teachers from different levels of education differ in their perceptions of cheating and/or in strategies that they use to deal with this problem. Data was obtained from 400 teachers from Croatian universities, secondary schools and elementary schools using an on-line survey. The results show that teachers from all levels of education perceive cheating as very frequent, but unacceptable behaviour. They recognize the great importance of their role in the prevention of cheating, but their actual reactions are a cause of concern. Teachers' reactions were usually reduced to warnings and did not lead to any serious consequences. Teachers from different levels of education reacted similarly to all acts of cheating. ; Sveprisutan problem varanja u školama i na fakultetima važna je tema za nastavnike i kreatore obrazovne politike. Budući da su nastavnici jedan od najvažnijih uzora svojim učenicima i studentima, njihov pristup akademskom (ne)poštenju zasigurno ima velik utjecaj na akademsko poštenje učenika/studenta. Zbog toga je cilj ovog istraživanja bio ispitati nastavničku percepciju učestalosti i prihvatljivosti različitih oblika varanja, njihovu percepciju razloga varanja i načine na koje reagiraju na pojavu varanja. Prema navedenom su uspoređeni nastavnici zaposleni na različitim razinama obrazovanja, a u svrhu utvrđivanja mogućih razlika među njima u odnosu na taj problem. Podaci su prikupljeni on-line anketom u kojoj je sudjelovalo 400 nastavnika zaposlenih u osnovnim i srednjim školama, i na fakultetima. Rezultati su pokazali da nastavnici svih triju razina obrazovanja percipiraju varanje kao vrlo često, ali neprihvatljivo ponašanje. Prepoznaju važnost vlastite uloge u prevenciji varanja, ali njihove su stvarne reakcije na pojavu varanja razlog za zabrinutost; obično su svedene na upozorenja i nemaju ozbiljne posljedice za učenike i studente. Nastavnici na različitim razinama obrazovanja, neovisno o obliku varanja, uglavnom reagiraju na sličan način.

Prije početka I. svjetskog rata u Bosni i Hercegovini izlazilo je 27 listova što vjerskog, što političkog, što prosvjetno-kulturnog karaktera. Osim 3 sarajevska dnevnika povezana s interesima austrougarske administracije, svi ostali bili su listovi pojedinih nacionalnih, odnosno vjerskih zajednica. Početkom I. svjetskog rata prestali su izlaziti srpsko-pravoslavni i muslimanski listovi dok su hrvatsko-katolički uglavnom nastavili izlaženje. Smrt cara i kralja Franje Josipa I. i stupanje na prijestolje Karla I. bio je glavni politički i društveni događaj 1916. godine te je kao takav i popraćen u ondašnjem hrvatsko-katoličkom tisku. Svi listovi, bilo ih je krajem 1916. godine 6, posvetili su dio prostora ovom događaju. Smrt cara i kralja Franje Josipa I. opisana je kao veliki gubitak za ovdašnje Hrvate katolike jer je pokojni vladar bio njihov zaštitnik, osloboditelj i onaj koji im je omogućio normalan život i razvoj. U njemu su gledali svojega hrvatskog kralja i kralja katolika. Novome kralju izražena je vjernost kao zakonitom nasljedniku ali i zbog zahvalnosti habsburškoj kruni za učinjeno u prošlosti. ; Before the First World War, 27 newspapers of a religious, political, educational and cultural character were edited and published in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Apart from three newspapers, published in Sarajevo, that specialized in Austro-Hungarian interests, all the other papers catered to individual national and religious communities. At the beginning of the First World War the Orthodox-Serb and Muslim newspapers stopped publication, while Croat-Catholic newspapers for the most part continued to publish. The death of Emperor Francis Joseph I and the accession to the throne of Karl I, was the main political and social event covered at the end of 1916, and as such was followed by CroatCatholic newspapers of the period. The death of Emperor Francis Joseph was viewed as a great loss for Croats and Catholics of the time, since the late ruler was seen as their protector and liberator, who had enabled normal life and development for them. They considered him as their Catholic and Croat king. Loyalty to the new emperor was renewed, as the legal successor and in gratitude to the Habsburg crown for what it had done in the past.

U ovom smo prilogu, nadovezujući se na tekst objavljen u prošlom broju Numizmatičkih vijesti, prema tekstu latinskih isprava nastojali pokazati kolike su bile ovlasti Mladena Šubića (1312.-1322.), bana Kraljevstva Dalmacije i Hrvatske te bana i hercega Bosne, zatim Ivana Babonića (1316.-1322.), Nikole Amadijeva (1322.-1324.) i Mikca Mihaljevića (1324.-1343.), banova Čitave Slavonije, Hrvatske i Dalmacije, te koliko su i kako ti banovi sudjelovali u tadašnjem društvenopolitičkom životu. ; In this contribution, which is a continuation of the article published in the last number of Numizmatičke vijesti, the author shows from the text of Latin documents the extent of the powers of Mladen Šubić (1312-1322), Ban of the Kingdom of Dalmatia and Croatian and Ban and Duke of Bosnia, and of Ivan Babonić (1316-1322), Nikola Amadijev (1322-1324) and Mikac Mihaljević (1324-1343), Bans of All Slavonia, Croatia and Dalmatia, and how these bans participated in contemporary social and political life.

Prvi svjetski rat bio je (ne)očekivana situacija zastrašujućeg intenziteta koja je uvelike izmijenila dotadašnje pojmove i rasprave o ograničenosti ratnih djelovanja. Bio je pomalo »očaravajući« za tehnologe, uzbudljiv za političare i šokantan za intelektualce. Međunarodni odnosi (preko Lige naroda i Ujedinjenih naroda) nakon Drugog svjetskog rata više nikad nisu bili isti, uz tihe ratove koje su vodili idealisti i realisti teorija politike i međunarodnih odnosa. Kenneth Waltz, kao neorealist, usmjerava raspravu o smislu rata manje na pitanje ljudske prirode, a više prema pitanjima država, međunarodnih sustava te prema globalnoj strukturi koje stvara potrebu za ratovanjem ili za uspostavljanjem mira. Uviđa da suvremene metode (filozofije) politike i političke znanosti valja i dalje prožimati s klasičnim pristupima i kriterijima filozofske i političke misli. U raspravi o naravi ratovanja ili nužnosti mira valja razotkrivati koncepte sile i državne dominacije – koja se provodi u kulturnoj, tehnološkoj pa i masmedijskoj sferi – i kritičkim pristupom Noama Chomskog. Potrebno je i (re)afirmirati stav javnosti, reakcije intelektualaca i ozračje što ga je izazvao Prvi svjetski rat da bismo se – i kroz eseje Hermanna Hessea – bolje suočili s današnjom postmodernističkom dehumanizacijom i beznađem aktualnih koncepcija i perspektiva ratovanja. ; World War I was the (un)expected situation of frightening intensity that has greatly changed the prior concepts and discussions about the limitations of war operations. It was somewhat "enchanting" for technologists, exciting for the politicians, and shocking for the intellectuals. International relations (through the League of Nations and United Nations) after World War II changed, with silent wars being led by idealists and realists of the theory of politics and international relations. As a neorealist, Kenneth Waltz directs discussion about the meaning of war less towards the matter of human nature, and more towards the questions regarding countries, international systems, and global structure that create the need for a war or the need for establishing peace. He recognizes that modern methods of (philosophy of) politics and political science should still be pervaded with classical approaches, and criteria of philosophical and political thought. In the debate about the nature of war or about the necessity of peace, the concepts of force and the state domination should be exposed. They are carried out in the cultural, technological, and even in the mass media sphere, and here Noam Chomsky's critical approach is needed. Attitude of the public, the reaction of intellectuals, and the atmosphere which was caused by the First World War has to be (re)affirmed in order to – and through the essays by Hermann Hesse – better face with today's postmodern dehumanization, and the pointlessness of current concepts and perspectives of War

U radu se analiziraju četiri slučaja diplomacije prinude od kojih svaka predstavlja jedan aspekt suvremenih sigurnosnih ugroza: teritorijalna agresija motivirana nacionalističkim i etničkim aspiracijama (Bosna), agresija protiv vlastitog stanovništva zbog želje za samoodređenjem (Kosovo), terorizam (Afganistan) i oružje za masovno uništavanje (Irak). Cilj je provedene analize identificirati čimbenike koji su utjecali na ishod (uspjeh/neuspjeh) provedene strategije. Kao kriterij vrednovanja ishoda koristi se Jentlensonov cost/benefit model koji se temelji na zadovoljenju kriterija proporcionalnosti, recipročnosti i vjerodostojnosti. Uspjeh diplomacije prinude u Bosni imao je značajan utjecaj na odabir strategije za Kosovo, koji se smatra graničnim uspjehom s obzirom na dugotrajnost zračne kampanje. Diplomacija prinude u slučaju Afganistana i Iraka nije polučila željene rezultate te su ciljevi ostvareni primjenom sveobuhvatne vojne sile. Uzevši u obzir rezultate analize koji upućuju na zaključak da je diplomacija prinude, unatoč konceptualnoj jednostavnosti, kompleksna strategija čiji je ishod uvelike određen nizom kontekstualnih varijabli uz prilično ambivalentan karakter, svrha je ovoga rada spoznaja korisnosti i perspektive primjenjivosti Jentlensonova modela u objašnjenju uspjeha, odnosno neuspjeha strategije prinude. ; This paper analyzes four cases of coercive diplomacy each representing one aspect of contemporary security threats: territorial aggression motivated by nationalist and ethnic aspirations (Bosnia), aggression motivated by self-determination (Kosovo), terrorism (Afghanistan) and weapons of mass destruction (Iraq). The aim of the analysis is to identify factors that had impact on the outcome (success/failure) of coercive strategy. Jentleson cost benefit model based on the criteria of proportionality, reciprocity and credibility is used as the criterion for valuing outcome. The successfull aplication od coercive diplomacy in Bosnia played a major role in creating Kosovo`s coercive strategy witch is regarded as a marginal success due to continuance of the air campaign. Coercive diplomacy in cases of Afganistan and Iraq had faild and goals were achieved through application of brute force. Taking into account the results of the analysis that points to the conclusion that coercive diplomacy, despite conceptual simplicity, is a complex strategy whose outcome is influenced by a number of contextual variables with rather ambivalent character, the purpose of this paper is to comprehend the effectiveness and perspectives of the applicability of Jentlenson model in verification of success or failure of coercive strategy.

U okviru borbe protiv negativnih posljedica globalne financijske krize iz 2008. godine Europska središnja banka (ECB) je pored tradicionalnih instrumenta monetarne politike u svrhu oporavka gospodarstva relativno rano počela provoditi i nestandardne mjere. Istodobno nakon krize dolazi do intenzivnog proučavanja makroprudencijalne politike i implementiranje njenih instrumenata. S druge strane, HNB je koristio makroprudencijalne instrumente i prije krize, međutim prvu nestandardnu mjeru monetarne politike implementirao je u ožujku 2020. Provedenim istraživanjem potvrdilo se kako je provedba monetarne politike i implementacija nestandardnih mjera pozitivno utjecala na oporavak gospodarstva. Analiza s primjenom deskriptivne statistike na razini EU pokazala je kako postoji značajna negativna korelacija između monetarnih agregata i stope nezaposlenosti. Provedena analiza u Hrvatskoj također pokazuje statistički značajnu negativnu korelaciju između ponude novca i stope nezaposlenosti. Međutim, analizirajući na razini EU i RH M2 monetarni agregat umanjen za novčanu masu M1 i stopu nezaposlenosti, vidljiva je jaka pozitivna korelacija, što znači da povećavanje štednje dovodi do porasta stope nezaposlenosti. Odnosi između inflacije i duga u BDP-u s ostalim varijablama su statistički nesignifikantni, kako na razini EU tako i u RH. ; As part of the fight against the negative consequences of the 2008 global financial crisis, the European Central Bank (ECB), in addition to traditional monetary policy instruments for the purpose of economic recovery, began to implement non-standard measures relatively early. At the same time, after the crisis, there is an intensive study of macroprudential policy and the implementation of its instruments. On the other hand, the Croatian National Bank (CNB) used macroprudential instruments even before the crisis, but the first non-standard monetary policy measure was implemented in March 2020. Proven research confirmed that the implementation of monetary policy and the implementation of non-standard measures had a positive impact on economic recovery. An analysis using descriptive statistics at EU level showed that there is a significant negative correlation between monetary aggregates and the unemployment rate. The conducted analysis in Croatia also shows a statistically significant negative correlation between the money supply and the unemployment rate. However, analyzing at the EU and Croatian level M2 the monetary aggregate reduced by the money supply M1 and the unemployment rate, a strong positive correlation is visible, which means that the increase in savings leads to an increase in the unemployment rate. The relations between inflation and debt in GDP with other variables are statistically insignificant both at the EU level and in the Republic of Croatia.

U ovome radu analizirana je studija Krste Hegedušića za fresku Golgota u hrvatskom nacionalnom svetištu u Mariji Bistrici. Studija je nastala 1944. godine. U svom punom kolorističkom sjaju realizirana je nekoliko desetljeća kasnije 2008. godine od slikarsko restauratorskog dvojca Eugena Kokota i Egidia Budicina. Razlog zbog kojeg fresku nije dovršio sam Hegedušić nije poznat. Iznijete su nedaće koje su Hegedušića pratile na putu ka ostvarenju navedene freske. Radi svog političkog opredjeljenja nekoliko puta je zatvaran, ali nikad nije odustao od svojih teza. Njegova likovna ostvarenja možemo pratiti od dolaska u Hlebine, malo podravsko mjesto koje je zauvijek ostalo utisnuto u njegovom srcu. Za boravka u Parizu uvidio je nove mogućnosti te nakon povratka u Zagreb počinje djelovati unutar Likovnog udruženja Zemlja čiji je iznimno vjeran član. Svoj rukopis otisnuo je i na zidu, a jedno od najreprezentativnijih djela zidnog slikarstva Krste Hegedušića svakako je Golgota. ; In this paper a study byKrsto Hegedušić for his fresco Golgota in Croatian national sanctuary in Marija Bistrica has been analized. Study was made in 1944. in it's fully coloristical shine and realized a few decades later, in 2008. by painters-restaurators couple Eugen Kokot and Egidio Budicin. The reason why Krsto Hegdušić didn't finish the fresco himself remains unkown. Some of the challanges that followed Hegedušić on the way to complete the fresco have been described in this paper. He has been inprisoned a couple of times, because of his political views, but he never gave up on his thesis. His art can be followed from his arrival in Hlebine, little village in Podravina, that for ever remained written in his heart. While he resided in Paris, he saw new opportunities, so as he came back, he got involved in the ''Zemlja" art association, and was one of the most prominent members. Krsto Hegedušić left his signatures on the walls as well, and one of his most representative wall painting is surely Golgota.