Suchergebnisse

During the last two centuries, the military in Latin America has been involved in politics in a characteristic duality of professionalism and political 'calling', by political armies of the right and the left. In both cases, a kind of 'military mystique' prevails, but its content is different. In both cases, the military justifies its involvement as a consequence of its necessary correcting and transforming vanguard role in politics and society. The two characteristics of dual functions (internal and internal security) and dual pathways (professionalism and political missions) are a revolving theme in this article.

Beginning in the 1970s, "corporatism" came to be a major focus of attention in research on Latin America. 1 Analysts employed the concept to refer both to a pattern of interest group politics that is monopolistic, hierarchically ordered, and structured by the state and to a broader cultural and ideological tradition of the region that they viewed as patrimonial and statist. The concept commanded great attention, as it seemed to provide a valuable analytical tool for scholars concerned with the authoritarian regimes emerging in Latin America during this period. In addition, the understanding of political relationships suggested by this concept appeared to offer a useful alternative, or at least an important supplement, to pluralist models widely used in the United States. Hence, corporatism has been subject to much theoretical debate, and the concept has been applied in many empirical studies.

© 1995 Taylor & Francis. All rights reserved. Beginning in the 1970s, "corporatism" came to be a major focus of attention in research on Latin America. 1 Analysts employed the concept to refer both to a pattern of interest group politics that is monopolistic, hierarchically ordered, and structured by the state and to a broader cultural and ideological tradition of the region that they viewed as patrimonial and statist. The concept commanded great attention, as it seemed to provide a valuable analytical tool for scholars concerned with the authoritarian regimes emerging in Latin America during this period. In addition, the understanding of political relationships suggested by this concept appeared to offer a useful alternative, or at least an important supplement, to pluralist models widely used in the United States. Hence, corporatism has been subject to much theoretical debate, and the concept has been applied in many empirical studies.

El artículo define y muestra las conexiones entre los conceptos fundamentales del análisis de regímenes políticos, desde Schumpeter a Linz. El análisis provee el contexto para resaltar cambios y continuidades en el trabajo que Guillermo O'Donnell dedicó a la política post-transicional,incluidas las nociones de democracia delegativa, zonas marrones e instituciones informales. El texto plantea que si estas nociones son combinadas con la sociología política de Max Weber, el último trabajo de O'Donnell en realidad implica una ruptura con el paradigma de la democratización. Su trabajo dejó de centrarse en cuestiones de acceso alpoder y pasó implícitamente a estudiar cuestiones de ejercicio del poder.

La política en América Latina cuenta con rasgos muy heterogéneos asentados en las últimas décadas que han contribuido a definir con bastante nitidez sus principales líneas maestras fijadas de manera dinámica. El resultado son países con profundas diferencias, por ejemplo, en lo atinente al grado de calidad de sus democracias. Sin embargo, a mediados de 2020 se da un contexto inmediato de gran homogeneidad influido por la pandemia del COVID-19 que está dando paso a un escenario denominado de nueva normalidad que, a su vez, se superpone a otro de mayor poso configurado paulatinamente a lo largo del último cuarto de siglo definido por la era exponencial[1]. El presente texto[2], que en su segunda parte aborda seis aspectos que van a tener una relevancia notable en los tiempos venideros, es de carácter especulativo, y su finalidad principal estriba en abrir debates que son necesarios en el ámbito público y que no debieran quedar recluidos en la arena académica. Algunos de los puntos abordados requieren una validación empírica tanto de su contenido como de su impacto. [1] Este término lo aplica Oszlak (2020) para analizar el impacto sobre el estado de las nuevas tecnologías de la información y de la comunicación que crecen a una velocidad mucho más rápida que la capacidad del ser humano de adaptarse a ese crecimiento. [2] Una versión inicial en la que se esbozaron algunos de los puntos aquí tratados puede encontrarse en https://www.politicaexterior.com/puntos-para-una-agenda-politica-en-america-latina/ (03.06.20)

No abstract availableRealidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 05, 1988: 401-412 ; No hay resúmenes disponiblesRealidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 05, 1988: 401-412

The Latin American Area Studies Program was designed to enable students to cross college and departmental lines to pursue, with the study of Spanish, a coordinated study of the geographical, cultural, socio-economic and political life of Latin American countries. The collection is composed of newsletters and an announcement for a course in Latin American politics.

This work tackles a little-known and less investigated topic, that of the relationships between Italy and Latin America during the first half of the XXth century These relations were characterized by four important topics: the emigration, the search of commercial connections, the cultural contacts under the title of the "latinidad" and for the attempts of establishing solid geopolitical bonds between the peninsula and the Continent. This study focuses especially in the period between the first one and the second world postwar period, when Italy tried to make use of his privileged positions as the place of origin of emigrants, "mother" of the "Latin" culture and the beginner of a new political form -the fascism- to turn herself into a reference model for the countries of the Latin-American continent. ; Este trabajo aborda un tema poco conocido y poco investigado, el de las relaciones entre Italia y América Latina durante la primera mitad del siglo XX. Estas relaciones fueron matizadas por cuatro temas importantes: la emigración, la búsqueda de socios comerciales, los contactos culturales bajo el rubro de la "latinidad" y por los intentos de establecer sólidos lazos geopolíticos entre la península y el continente. Este estudio se enfoca especialmente en el período entre la primera y la segunda posguerra mundial, cuando Italia trató de aprovechar sus posiciones privilegiadas en cuanto tierra de origen de emigrantes, "madre" de la cultura "latina" y creadora de una nueva forma política -el fascismo- para convertirse en un modelo de referencia para los países del continente latinoamericano.

This work tackles a little-known and less investigated topic, that of the relationships between Italy and Latin America during the first half of the XXth century These relations were characterized by four important topics: the emigration, the search of commercial connections, the cultural contacts under the title of the "latinidad" and for the attempts of establishing solid geopolitical bonds between the peninsula and the Continent. This study focuses especially in the period between the first one and the second world postwar period, when Italy tried to make use of his privileged positions as the place of origin of emigrants, "mother" of the "Latin" culture and the beginner of a new political form -the fascism- to turn herself into a reference model for the countries of the Latin-American continent. ; Este trabajo aborda un tema poco conocido y poco investigado, el de las relaciones entre Italia y América Latina durante la primera mitad del siglo XX. Estas relaciones fueron matizadas por cuatro temas importantes: la emigración, la búsqueda de socios comerciales, los contactos culturales bajo el rubro de la "latinidad" y por los intentos de establecer sólidos lazos geopolíticos entre la península y el continente. Este estudio se enfoca especialmente en el período entre la primera y la segunda posguerra mundial, cuando Italia trató de aprovechar sus posiciones privilegiadas en cuanto tierra de origen de emigrantes, "madre" de la cultura "latina" y creadora de una nueva forma política -el fascismo- para convertirse en un modelo de referencia para los países del continente latinoamericano.

In recent years, women have become prominent on the Latin American filmmaking scene, with exciting and challenging films that are achieving domestic and global prominence. Latin American Women Filmmakers: Production, Politics, Poetics examines this emergence of a body of internationally distributed films by Latin American women, and the national cinematic histories and international production contexts within which this work has arisen. Bringing together distinguished scholars of Latin American cinema, this book features exciting research on established and emerging directors – including Lucrecia Martel, Claudia Llosa and Lucía Puenzo – as well as a focus on influential female producer-auteurs, and sets these key agents and contemporary developments in historical context.

This article affirms that the Chilean policy of the last 20 years has tended to be rather counter-cyclical in relation to the regional reality, that is, the Andean country's policy has accompanied with its own rhythm the Latin American tendencies of power, anticipating or incorporating with a certain delay the inclinations of the rest of the countries of the neighborhood: it began its process of democratic transition late and quickly established itself as a successful model of application of neoliberal economic recipes, even at a time when the cycle of progressive governments in the region was beginning that questioned them. With this idea, we intend to emphasize the asynchrony of Chilean political rhythms with respect to the region, but also, at a time when the existence of a new political cycle in this country is in question, we intend to explore the counter-tendencial potentialities of Chile in regional trends marked by the apparent decline of the progressive cycle. ; Este artículo afirma que la política chilena de los últimos 20 años ha tendido a ser más bien contra-cíclica en relación a la realidad regional, es decir, la política del país andino ha acompañado con ritmo propio las tendencias latinoamericanas del poder, anticipando o incorporando con cierto retraso las inclinaciones del resto de las países del vecindario: inició tardíamente su proceso de transición democrática y rápidamente se estableció como un modelo exitoso de aplicación de recetas económicas neoliberales, incluso en momentos en que se iniciaba el ciclo de gobiernos progresistas en la región que las cuestionaban. Con esta idea, se busca enfatizar la asincronía de los ritmos políticos chilenos respecto de la región, pero también, en momentos que está en cuestión la existencia de un nuevo ciclo político en este país, se pretende explorar las potencialidades contra-tendenciales de Chile en las tendencias regionales marcadas por el aparente ocaso del ciclo progresista.

This article affirms that the Chilean policy of the last 20 years has tended to be rather counter-cyclical in relation to the regional reality, that is, the Andean country's policy has accompanied with its own rhythm the Latin American tendencies of power, anticipating or incorporating with a certain delay the inclinations of the rest of the countries of the neighborhood: it began its process of democratic transition late and quickly established itself as a successful model of application of neoliberal economic recipes, even at a time when the cycle of progressive governments in the region was beginning that questioned them. With this idea, we intend to emphasize the asynchrony of Chilean political rhythms with respect to the region, but also, at a time when the existence of a new political cycle in this country is in question, we intend to explore the counter-tendencial potentialities of Chile in regional trends marked by the apparent decline of the progressive cycle. ; Este artículo afirma que la política chilena de los últimos 20 años ha tendido a ser más bien contra-cíclica en relación a la realidad regional, es decir, la política del país andino ha acompañado con ritmo propio las tendencias latinoamericanas del poder, anticipando o incorporando con cierto retraso las inclinaciones del resto de las países del vecindario: inició tardíamente su proceso de transición democrática y rápidamente se estableció como un modelo exitoso de aplicación de recetas económicas neoliberales, incluso en momentos en que se iniciaba el ciclo de gobiernos progresistas en la región que las cuestionaban. Con esta idea, se busca enfatizar la asincronía de los ritmos políticos chilenos respecto de la región, pero también, en momentos que está en cuestión la existencia de un nuevo ciclo político en este país, se pretende explorar las potencialidades contra-tendenciales de Chile en las tendencias regionales marcadas por el aparente ocaso del ciclo progresista.

The 1990s saw a shift to the left in Latin American politics. However, there no studies comprehensively analyze political ideology and its determinants in Latin America during and after this period. Using survey data from 1996-2010, this paper makes two contributions. First, it finds that political ideology is determined by subjective perceptions on the state of the economy and society. Second, it finds that the probability of being more leftist has not significantly increased. Two theories that argue that political outcomes do not necessarily reflect the political ideology of the median voter are reviewed to explain the findings.

The relationship among law, politics and global governance in Latin America has deepened. In recent years, the region has undergone important transformations, which include the expansion of democracy, difficulty to control over populism, corruption, drug traffic and the greater integration of the region in the international legal framework. There was an important maturity in politics and law, albeit often fragile and insufficient in the context of the region. Debates such as the right to development, participatory democracy, the new constitutionalism and the greater presence of the countries in international regimes of the global governance region contributed to the advance of the Latin American society. This study analyzes in the past ten years the major advances that Latin American society got among law, politics and global governance. / La relación entre derecho, política y gobernabilidad global en América Latina se ha profundizado. En los últimos años, la región ha sufrido transformaciones importantes, que incluyen la expansión de la democracia, la dificultad de control sobre el populismo, la corrupción, el tráfico de drogas y la mayor integración de la región en el marco jurídico internacional. Hubo una madurez importante en la política y el derecho, aunque frecuentemente frágil e insuficiente en el contexto de la región. Debates como el derecho al desarrollo, la democracia participativa, el nuevo constitucionalismo y la mayor presencia de los países en los regímenes internacionales de la región de gobierno global contribuyeron para el avance de la sociedad latinoamericana. Este estudio presenta un análisis de los grandes avances que la sociedad de América Latina ya ha recibido entre el derecho, la política y la gobernabilidad global en los últimos diez años.

Domestic politics in Latin America since the end of the Cold War has been characterized by the complicated process of coming to terms with its violent past. For years, the United States has had the power to aid in investigations into crimes committed during the Latin American dictatorships of the 1970s and 1980s. The US was so deeply involved in the dictatorships that thousands of pages of evidence on the crimes committed are available in CIA, Military, and Presidential archives. Through making these classified documents available, the United States has a unique opportunity to make amends for its involvement in Latin America and to live up to its self-crafted reputation of promoting global democracy and justice. Yet, declassification projects have been limited, drawn out, contentious, and deeply political. I argue that the American resistance to assisting the nations of Latin America in coming to terms with their difficult and painful histories reflects the primacy of political concerns over ethical and legal issues when presidents consider major declassification projects. This behavior reflects a persistent trend in U.S. foreign policy of placing interests ahead of values. US presidential administrations are aware that they hold tremendous political power in the information concerning Cold War-era Latin American dictatorships that exists in classified and declassified documents in the United States. As this project demonstrates, a president will never offer information to Latin American countries solely for transparency's sake- but will only declassify documents if it is clear that there will be tangible political gains from a declassification project.