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"Left melodrama" is a form of contemporary political critique that combines thematic elements and narrative structures of the melodramatic genre with a political perspective grounded in a left theoretical tradition, fusing them to dramatically interrogate oppressive social structures and unequal relations of power. It is also a new form of what Walter Benjamin called "left melancholy", a critique that deadens what it examines by employing outdated and insufficient analyses to current exploitations. Left melodrama is melancholic insofar as its use of older leftist critical methods disavows its attachments to the failed promises of left political-theoretical critique: that it could provide direct means to freedom and moral Tightness. Left melodrama is melodramatic insofar as it incorporates the specific melodramatic narrative, style and promise of the text that stands in for its disavowed attachments: the Manifesto of the Communist Party. Whereas the Manifesto's critical power promised radical political transformation, left melodrama incorporates the Manifesto's melodramatic style in an effort to revivify that promise. It thus inhibits the creation of new critical methods appropriate to our current historical moment and occludes Marx and Engels' warning that the possibility of radical transformation is diminished when the past furnishes the vision for the future. Left melodrama can be found in the texts of Giorgio Agamben, Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri; their reincorporation of the Manifesto's melodrama both contributes to their widespread success and undercuts their critical capacities to examine and challenge the inequalities, injustices and unfreedom that shape the present moment. Adapted from the source document.

As Mexico approaches the 2006 elections, the candidate for president closest to the left is Andrés Manuel López Obrador, supported by the Partido de la Revolución Democrática and other left and center organizations. All the polls place him well ahead of the candidates of the other two parties, presenting a unique possibility of a pendulum swing of Mexican politics to the left of center.

Since the fall of communism far-left parties have begun a long process of change, which has transformed their position in the European political systems. Indeed, far-left parties are now important actors in most of the E.U. However, they present different characteristics than in the past. Communist parties have almost disappeared from parliamentary arenas, and, in many countries, new forms of far-left parties have emerged (i.e. social-populist and populist-socialist parties). The aim of this article is to describe the ideological framework of far-left parties in Europe. More specifically, it aims to examine both the demand-side and supply-side factors on which scholars focused in the attempt to explain the birth of these parties and the interactions that led to the development of specific forms of far-left parties. This article concludes with an analysis of three national cases, namely Spain, Portugal and Italy. The three countries belong to a similar context characterised by a profound economic crisis. However, despite many common features, in the three cases different forms of far-left parties have developed.

This article places the Labour Party's present post-Corbyn renewal in the context of previous periods of renewal in the party's recent history, associating with the new leadership of Keir Starmer a potential to rediscover the strategic project of the pluralist 'soft' left as an alternative to the 'programmatic' character of the hard left. After assessing the Corbynist hegemony established in the Labour Party between 2015 and 2019, it considers the current absence of any clearly defined set of principles or values underpinning 'Starmerism'. It then looks back to the Kinnockite ascendency in the 1980s, and the Blairite ascendency in the 1990s, as possible templates for how the party reassesses its positioning with reference to changing electoral, social and economic circumstances. A critique of Corbynism's left populism culminates in a consideration of the possible grounds for a new pluralist agenda attuned to the policy and electoral challenges Labour faces today.

Abstract
Are the limits of psychoanalytic politics the limits of the politics of psychoanalysis's founding father, Sigmund Freud? This article offers an answer to this question by discussing Freud's political affinities and then recounting a short history of the "Left Freudians," psychoanalytic thinkers who broke with Freud's old-style liberalism. Freud was neither a communist nor a political radical, but he was the figurehead of a tradition of inquiry and body of knowledge that lent itself to radical political thought and practice. How does psychoanalytic thinking justify this ideological break? Beginning with anarchist Otto Gross, this article traces a genealogy of radical psychoanalytic thinkers through the historical depoliticization and repression of political psychoanalysis, unearthing its more radical proponents and critiques and substantiating Gross's assertion that psychoanalysis is preparatory work for the revolution. At the end of the genealogy, the article turns to psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan's infamous and emblematic encounter with provocateurs from the radical student movement. Neither as domineering nor paternalistic as he seemed, Lacan's diagnosis of the revolutionaries as hysterical helots should be read as his own provocation for them to clarify their desire, because the purpose of political psychoanalysis is to understand the unconscious desire involved in political acts.

In the most definitions of terrorism, the key concept is «violence». The purpose of violence is to achieve the desired development for the terrorists: the change of power, the destabilization of society, the undermining of economic and information stability of both the states as a whole and individual segments in their economy in particular.The structural-functional approach to the study of terrorist organizations means their consideration as social groups consisting of the following components: political, financial-economic, integrative (discipli- nary), ideological. But for the study of modern terrorism the analytical tools of structural-functional approach is not enough. In particular, it is necessary to use the conflict paradigm that would allow considering the origin and development of terrorist organizations as a conflict of interests of the ruling classes, their activity as a catalyst for social change in countries which are donating terrorism and countries which are the object of aggression. Theory of background practices would be useful to uncover the motivation of terrorists, their awareness of everyday life, the degree of their involvement in the struggle and commitment to ideological patterns.The terrorist organizations now are specific territorial units and important technology in the hybrid war in the modern world. The hybrid war can be defined as a aggression of one state against another through non formal groups represented by the military (often by guerrilla warriors) and non-governmental organizations, local communities, communication with which is formally denied. The state, which leads the hybrid war is not positioning itself as a member of a military conflict, describing it as a civilian one. Events in Donbas were a ruled process of implementation of complex social technologies: the information war, the distortion of democratic procedures, the use of terrorism tactics, combat operations in populated areas etc. ; Стаття представляє систематичну оцінку основних тенденцій протестної активності українських лівих партій, організацій і неформальних ініціатив перед початком протестів Майдану наприкінці листопада 2013 р. Представлений аналіз помісячної динаміки, кількості учасників, тактики, темати- ки, географії та союзників в протестних подіях за участі лівих груп на всій території України з 1 січня 2011 р. по 20 листопада 2013 р.

This article places the Labour Party's present post‐Corbyn renewal in the context of previous periods of renewal in the party's recent history, associating with the new leadership of Keir Starmer a potential to rediscover the strategic project of the pluralist soft left as an alternative to the programmatic character of the hard left. After assessing the Corbynist hegemony established in the Labour Party between 2015 and 2019, it considers the current absence of any clearly defined set of principles or values underpinning 'Starmerism'. It then looks back to the Kinnockite ascendency in the 1980s, and the Blairite ascendency in the 1990s, as possible templates for how the party reassesses its positioning with reference to changing electoral, social and economic circumstances. A critique of Corbynism's left populism culminates in a consideration of the possible grounds for a new pluralist agenda attuned to the policy and electoral challenges Labour faces today.

Abstract
We document that children growing up in places left behind by today's economy experience lower levels of social mobility as adults. Using a longitudinal database that tracks over 20,000 places in the USA from 1980 to 2018, we identify two kinds of left behind places: the 'long-term left behind' that have struggled over long periods of history; and 'recently left-behind' places where conditions have deteriorated. Compared to children of similar baseline household income levels, we find that exposure to left behind places is associated with a 4-percentile reduction in adult income rank. Children fare considerably better when exposed to places where conditions are improving. These outcomes vary across prominent social and spatial categories and are compounded when nearby places are also experiencing hardship. Based on these findings, we argue that left behind places are having 'scarring effects' on children that could manifest long into the future, exacerbating the intergenerational challenges faced by low-income households and communities. Improvements in local economic conditions and outmigration to more prosperous places are, therefore, unlikely to be full remedies for the problems created by left behind places.