The aim of this paper is a comparative analysis of legislative solutions and practical application of the direct democracy in Hungary and Albania after 1989. The legal changes that occurred during this period have guaranteed the citizens of both countries the tools to direct exercising the political power. Unfortunately, these tools have been almost immediately limited. The long-term political conflict, which effectively discouraged the public opinion to such activity, was responsible for this limitation in the case of Albania. Hungarians, on the other hand, have lost these rights as a result of unfortunate decisions of rulers, who were repeatedly changing the electoral law. The object of our attention will be especially institutional and legal differences determining the development (or regression) of the direct democracy in those countries. Main thesis of the article is the opinion that Hungary and Albania, regardless of their common experiences, represent two different models for adaptation of direct democracy solutions. ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest odpowiedź na pytanie o miejsce instytucji referendum ogólnokrajowego w systemach politycznych Węgier i Albanii po transformacji ustrojowej 1989, zarówno w wymiarze legislacyjnym, jak i praktycznym. Zmiany prawne, które nastąpiły w tym okresie, zagwarantowały obywatelom obydwu państw narzędzia do bezpośredniego sprawowania władzy. Jednakże niemal natychmiast zmiany te były ograniczane. W przypadku Albanii zadecydował o tym wieloletni zamęt polityczny, który skutecznie zniechęcił społeczeństwo do aktywności referendalnej. Węgrom uprawnienia te stopniowo odbierały natomiast decyzje poszczególnych rządów zmieniających wielokrotnie ordynację wyborczą. Przedmiotem naszego zainteresowania będą różnice instytucjonalne i prawne determinujące stan demokracji bezpośredniej w obydwu państwach. Główna teza artykułu opiera się na opinii, że Węgry i Albania, niezależnie od ich wspólnych doświadczeń, reprezentują dwa różne modele adaptacji rozwiązań demokracji bezpośredniej.
The aim of the work is to embed the Russian model of federalism (changes taking place in the Center – regions system) in the modern theoretical and conceptual grid of federalism, using the analysis of changes taking place in 2000 – 2016 within the system of federal relations in Russia. The author uses the historical method, exegesis of legal acts and ideational method. Particularly interesting, according to the author, is the attempt to relate the Russian model of federal relations to the ideal types of federalism by W. H. Riker and the concept of the model of "police patrol" and "fire alarm". The author tries to answer the following: 1. How was the evolution of federal relations in Russia after 1999? 2. What characterizes the institutionalization of the system of the mechanism of monitoring the activities of regional state authorities? 3. What was the evolution of the new format of relations between the Kremlin and the regional elites, and was it maintained in the spirit of the neo-warrior model? 4. What were the premises for changes within the federal relations system and their consequences. Answering these questions will verify three hypotheses: H1. Due to the Kremlin's lack of readiness to eliminate federalist provisions from the constitution, in conjunction with the "leaching" of federalist content from the center-regions relations, it is accepted to call Russia "a federation without federalism." Attempts to "reconcile" the benefits of federalism with the practice of a unitary state allow defining the federalism of modern Russia as "unitary". H2. As a result of the Kremlin's actions after 1999, the Russian federal model has clearly approached the maximum pole. H3. Referring to the plane of analysis of the Russian system of federal relations constructed around the axis of the model "police patrol" vs. "fire alarm", it can be assumed that in the discussed period it definitely came close to the model of "police patrol". ; Celem pracy jest osadzenie rosyjskiego modelu federalizmu (przemian dokonujących się w układzie Centrum–regiony) we współczesnej siatce teoretyczno-pojęciowej federalizmu, za pomocą analizy przemian dokonujących się w latach 2000–2016 w obrębie systemu stosunków federacyjnych w Rosji. Autor stosuje metodę historyczną, egzegezę aktów prawnych i metodę ideacyjną. Szczególnie interesująca, zdaniem autora, jest próba odniesienia rosyjskiego modelu stosunków federacyjnych do osi typów idealnych federalizmu autorstwa W. H. Rikera i koncepcji modelu "patrolu policyjnego" i "alarmu przeciwpożarowego". Autor stara się odpowiedzieć na następujące: 1. Jak przebiegała ewolucja stosunków federacyjnych w Rosji po roku 1999?; 2. Co charakteryzuje instytucjonalizację systemu mechanizmu monitoringu działań organów władzy państwowej szczebla regionalnego?; 3. Jak wyglądała ewolucja nowego formatu relacji Kreml–elity regionalne i czy była ona utrzymana w duchu modelu neojarłyku?; 4. Jakie były przesłanki zmian w obrębie systemu stosunków federacyjnych i ich konsekwencje? Odpowiedź na te pytania pozwoli zweryfikować trzy hipotezy: H1. Ze względu na brak gotowości Kremla do wyeliminowania z tekstu konstytucji zapisów federalistycznych, w połączeniu z "wypłukiwaniem" federalistycznej treści ze stosunków centrum–regiony, przyjmuje się określać Rosję "federacją bez federalizmu". Próby "pogodzenia" dobrodziejstwa federalizmu z praktyką państwa unitarnego pozwalają zdefiniować federalizm współczesnej Rosji jako "unitarny". H2. Rosyjski model federalizmu wyraźnie zbliżył się w wyniku działań Kremla po roku 1999 w stronę bieguna maksymalnego. H3. Odnosząc się do płaszczyzny analizy rosyjskiego systemu stosunków federacyjnych konstruowanej wokół osi modelu "patrol policyjny" vs. "alarm przeciwpożarowy", można przyjąć, że w omawianym okresie zdecydowanie zbliżył się on do modelu "patrolu policyjnego". ; Целью данной работы является включение российской модели федерализма (изменения, происходящие в системе Центр – регионы) в современную теоретическую и концептуальную сетку федерализма с использованием анализа изменений, произошедших в 2000 – 2016 гг. в системе федеративных отношений в России. В сщоич исследованиях Автор использует исторический метод, толкование правовых актов и идейный метод. Особенно интересной, по мнению автора, является попытка соотнести российскую модель федеративных отношений с идеальными типами федерализма У. Х. Райкера и концепциями моделей «полицейский патруль» и «пожарная сигнализация». Автор пытается ответить на следующие вопросы: 1. Как развивалась федеративные отношения в России после 1999 г.? 2. Что характеризует институционализация системы механизма мониторинга деятельности региональных органов государственной власти? 3. Какова была эволюция нового формата отношений между Кремлем и региональными элитами, и поддерживалась ли она в духе модели неоярлык? 4. Каковы были предпосылки для изменений в федеративной системе отношений и их последствия. Ответ на эти вопросы подтвердит три гипотезы: Г1. Кремль не готов исключить федеративные положения из конституции, поэтому в сочетании с «вымыванием» федералистского содержания из отношений центр – регионы, принято называть Россию «федерацией без федерализма». Попытки «примирить» преимущества федерализма с практикой унитарного государства позволяют определить федерализм современной России как «унитарный». Г2. В результате действий Кремля после 1999 года российская федеральная модель явно приблизилась к максимальному полюсу. H3. Обращаясь к плоскости анализа российской системы федеративных отношений, построенной вокруг оси модели «полицейский патруль» против «пожарная тревога», можно предположить, что в обсуждаемый период она однозначно приблизилась к модели «полицейского патруля».
Please visit: http://krzysztoffirlej.pl/; W niniejszym artykule zaprezentowano system doradztwa rolniczego (FAS – Farm Advisory System) w Polsce, jego finansowanie oraz wykorzystanie przez rolników i posiadaczy lasów w ramach działania 114 PROW. Poszczególne części opracowania opisują istotę i znaczenie usług doradczych, powiązanie systemu doradztwa rolniczego z zasadami wzajemnej zgodności, analizę efektywności narzędzia 114 PROW oraz charakterystykę działań wybranej instytucji akredytowanej do świadczenia usług doradczych w ramach FAS. Na podstawie zebranych danych można wysunąć wniosek, że FAS jest ważnym instrumentem WPR wspierającym rolników w spełnianiu wymogów wzajemnej zgodności oraz kreowaniu nowoczesnego i konkurencyjnego rolnictwa, jednak wymaga zmian organizacyjno – prawnych, które pozwolą lepiej wykorzystać środki publiczne przeznaczone na finansowanie usług doradczych. ; Summary: The article presents farm advisory system (FAS) in Poland established to support farmers seeking to meet the European Union cross-compliance requirements. Particular sections of the study describe the essence and importance of advisory services, the link between the farm advisory system and cross-compliance rules, financing of advisory services within 114 Rural Development Programmes 2007–2013 and the evaluation of effectiveness of this tool. The analysis of the collected data shows that FAS is an important instrument of the common agricultural policy which supports farmers in meeting cross-compliance requirements and creating modern and competitive agriculture, however, it requires organizational and legal changes which will allow better use of public funds intended to finance advisory services. ; Krzysztof Firlej
In the Main City of Gdańsk, a certificate of the city council's control over the legal guardians of children who lost one or both parents, are two books of minors from 1441-1460 and 1451-1460. The supervision of the registers of this type was exercised by the masons. These entries included entries regarding the property of minors entrusted by their guardians to the municipal council for safekeeping. These books also show the further fate of funds belonging to minors and financial operations carried out by their guardians (eg investments in the pension market). They are also an interesting source for research on Gdansk's financial policy in the times of political change, such as the Thirteen Years' War
This article presents the issues of changing the composition of the voivodeship board in the Republic of Poland as a result of the change in the voivodeship statute. As part of the legal analysis of the institution in question, the authors paid special attention to practical issues and nodal problems that may be encountered when interpreting the provisions of the Act of 5 June 1998 on Voivodeship Self-Government. The issues raised refer to the actual state of affairs in the Sejmik of the Świętokrzyskie Voivodeship. The article is of a scientific and research nature. The authors put forward three hypotheses and attempted to prove them in the framework of the conducted analysis. Firstly, a change in the composition of the voivodeship board as a result of the change in the voivodeship statute is possible in the light of the principles of the Polish systemic administrative law without the need to dismiss the entire voivodeship board. Secondly, in a situation where the resolution amending the articles of association did not include any adjusting provisions, it is necessary to adjust the make-up of the management board to the requirements of the amended articles as soon as possible. Thirdly, the solution according to which the dismissal or acceptance of a resignation of a board member by the voivodeship parliament and the election of a deputy marshal in his place within one resolution should be rejected. The results of the research carried out in the course of the analysis are original and innovative, as such studies have not been conducted so far. As a result, this article is a valuable source of knowledge for representatives of science and practice. ; Niniejszy artykuł przedstawia problematykę zmiany składu zarządu województwa w Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, przeprowadzanej na skutek zmiany statutu województwa. Autorzy w ramach analizy prawnej przedmiotowej instytucji szczególną uwagę zwrócili na kwestie praktyczne oraz problemy węzłowe, na jakie można się natknąć, dokonując wykładni przepisów ustawy z dnia 5 czerwca 1998 r. o samorządzie województwa. Podjęta problematyka nawiązuje do stanu faktycznego, jaki wystąpił w sejmiku województwa świętokrzyskiego. Artykuł ma charakter naukowo-badawczy. Autorzy postawili trzy hipotezy i podjęli próbę ich udowodnienia w ramach prowadzonej analizy. Po pierwsze, zmiana składu zarządu województwa na skutek zmiany statutu województwa jest w świetle zasad polskiego ustrojowego prawa administracyjnego możliwa bez konieczności odwoływania całego zarządu województwa. Po drugie, w sytuacji gdy w uchwale zmieniającej statut nie zamieszczono przepisów dostosowujących, konieczne jest jak najszybsze doprowadzenie do dostosowania składu zarządu do wymogów zmienionego statutu. Po trzecie, należy odrzucić rozwiązanie, według którego do odwołania lub przyjęcia rezygnacji członka zarządu przez sejmik województwa oraz do wyboru wicemarszałka w jego miejsce miałoby dojść w ramach jednej uchwały. Wyniki przeprowadzonych w toku analizy badań mają charakter oryginalny i nowatorski, badania takie nie były bowiem dotychczas prowadzone. Powoduje to, że niniejszy artykuł stanowi cenne źródło wiedzy dla przedstawicieli nauki i praktyki.
The author has analysed the following issues: Polish referenda traditions in the twentieth century, the currently applicable law contained in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997 and the Act of 2003, the modern referendum practice in Poland (subject and results of the referendum carried out in 1997, 2003 and 2015) and the legal limits of sovereign power (i.e. the subject of the Nation's admissible decision in a referendum). The paper also points to the prospects for a consultative referendum on the amendment to the Constitution, related to the initiative of the President of the Republic of Poland submitted on 3 May 2017. It concerns the involvement of citizens in the process of drafting the constitution from scratch, before work on its draft in the Parliament commences, a practice that has not had a precedent in our history. The author takes the view that, notwithstanding the flaws or shortcomings of the existing legal regulations and the negative past experience, a referendum may become a joint result of the work of a sovereign nation may strengthen the authority of the new constitution. ; Autor analizuje następujące problemy: polskie tradycje referendalne w XX w., obowiązujące uregulowanie referendum zawarte w Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 1997 r. i ustawie z 2003 r., współczesną praktykę referendum w Polsce (przedmiot i wyniki referendum przeprowadzonego w 1997, 2003 oraz 2015) oraz prawne granice władzy suwerena, czyli przedmiot dopuszczalnej decyzji Narodu w referendum. Wskazuje także perspektywy referendum konsultacyjnego w sprawie zmiany Konstytucji, związane z inicjatywą Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej, zgłoszoną 3 maja 2017 r. Dotyczy ona zaangażowania obywateli w proces tworzenia konstytucji od początku, przed pracami w parlamencie, co nie miało precedensu w naszej historii. Wyraża pogląd, że niezależnie od wad obowiązującej regulacji prawnej i negatywnych doświadczeń wynikających z praktyki, referendum to może być dziełem suwerennego Narodu i wzmocnić autorytet nowej konstytucji.
The collapse of the communist regime in Czechoslovakia in 1989 required settlement with the past on many levels. This applies especially to settlements with communism. In the first years after change of the regime, many legal solutions were adopted to align accounts with the past, but in parallel the communist party was allowed to function. Only very few communist functionaries responsible for crimes were sentenced, however, many symbolic changes were carried out. It took more time to create the institutional framework - institutions dealing with the period 1948-1989 in Czech history. In recent years, the importance of this topic in Czech public life has increased again. The purpose of this article is to analyze legal, formal and institutional solutions and their functioning in the practice of the Czech Republic. The legal acts, institutions as well as the effects of their functioning and actions in the last 30 years have been examined.
The article aims to analyze changes in public (administrative) law, including the introduction of a new act of law (the so-called "Law 2.0") on higher education and science in 2018 in Poland. Together with the accompanying introductory law and executive acts, Law 2.0 established not only a new legal regime, but also forced institutional changes, that will be analysed in the second part of this article. In addition to the analysis, the article is also presents author's conclusions de lege lata and de lege ferenda.
The main aim of the paper is to present the legal and institutional framework related to participation of citizens residing abroad in national elections (so called external voting) implemented in various countries. In particular, the legal framework existing in Poland is a subject of detailed analyses, including the changes over the last century. A review of present legal and organizational solutions connected to external voting is presented in the text, as well as national models based on cases of selected states. The possible procedures of registration and voting from abroad and their development in time (reflecting the transformation of external voting towards better accessibility and universality) are also discussed in the paper. The subject of analysis are existing dilemmas related to implementation of voting from abroad in practice, including passive voting rights (the seats in parliament dedicated to diaspora representatives).
This report discusses the following topics: basics of the vocational training system in Poland; causes of change in the development of vocational schools; formal and legal aspects of the school cooperation with the environment; modernization of vocational schools based on the development programs; combining the flexibility of employment with the Teacher Card.
The Polish energy policy is one of the crucial elements of country's ratio legis. As a public policy, it is a common ground for multiple groups of interest and their activities aimed at achieving what they perceive as a success. It may be maintaining the structure of the Polish energy industry, modernizing it in accordance of the EU's directives, reducing the energy prices or achieving independence from supplies brought in from one country, to achieve security through diversification. Think tanks in Poland are active participants in the conflict of interests presented by M. Considine: they act for achieving the change in the Polish energy policy and they aim at influencing the government and other political bodies to obtain legal regulations which reflect the think tank's set of values. Their presence in the game of interest reflects the theoretical approach of Josef Braml, and shows the possibilities and limitations of subjects from the "third sector" in their interaction with administrative bodies. The major handicap of expert institutions is limited by the possibility of imposing political change through the systemic (legal) means. On the other hand, as it is indicated by example of Instytut Sobieskiego and Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) party, they are capable of influencing the program through participation in the works of the "shadow cabinet" and persuading the party members to include the postulates of increased regulation and maintenance on hard coal as the primary energy source into political agenda, which increases substantial knowledge and preparation for debate on the MP's side. ; The Polish energy policy is one of the crucial elements of country's ratio legis. As a public policy, it is a common ground for multiple groups of interest and their activities aimed at achieving what they perceive as a success. It may be maintaining the structure of the Polish energy industry, modernizing it in accordance of the EU's directives, reducing the energy prices or achieving independence from supplies brought in from one country, to achieve security through diversification. Think tanks in Poland are active participants in the conflict of interests presented by M. Considine: they act for achieving the change in the Polish energy policy and they aim at influencing the government and other political bodies to obtain legal regulations which reflect the think tank's set of values. Their presence in the game of interest reflects the theoretical approach of Josef Braml, and shows the possibilities and limitations of subjects from the "third sector" in their interaction with administrative bodies. The major handicap of expert institutions is limited by the possibility of imposing political change through the systemic (legal) means. On the other hand, as it is indicated by example of Instytut Sobieskiego and Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) party, they are capable of influencing the program through participation in the works of the "shadow cabinet" and persuading the party members to include the postulates of increased regulation and maintenance on hard coal as the primary energy source into political agenda, which increases substantial knowledge and preparation for debate on the MP's side.The Polish energy policy is one of the crucial elements of country's ratiolegis. As a public policy, it is a common ground for multiple groupsof interest and their activities aimed at achieving what they perceiveas a success. It may be maintaining the structure of the Polish energyindustry, modernizing it in accordance of the EU's directives, reducingthe energy prices or achieving independence from supplies broughtin from one country, to achieve security through diversification. Thinktanks in Poland are active participants in the conflict of interests presentedby M. Considine: they act for achieving the change in the Polishenergy policy and they aim at influencing the government and otherpolitical bodies to obtain legal regulations which reflect the think tank'sset of values. Their presence in the game of interest reflects the theoreticalapproach of Josef Braml, and shows the possibilities and limitationsof subjects from the "third sector" in their interaction withadministrative bodies. The major handicap of expert institutions is limitedby the possibility of imposing political change through the systemic(legal) means. On the other hand, as it is indicated by exampleof Instytut Sobieskiego and Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość)party, they are capable of influencing the program through participationin the works of the "shadow cabinet" and persuading the partymembers to include the postulates of increased regulation and maintenanceon hard coal as the primary energy source into political agenda,which increases substantial knowledge and preparation for debateon the MP's side.
Deterioration of Hungarian democracy has weakened the rule of law since 2010. The changes that favour the executive power at the expense of the legislative one are implemented by National Assembly. The paper analyses the formal and practical outcome of the functioning of the Hungarian parliament (2010–2022), which meets the criteria of novelty by referring to only one of the parts of the political system, while many other researchers focus on global regime changes. The research aims to analyze how the Hungarian parliament introduces illiberal legalism. The main question refers to the role and position of the National Assembly in the process of deterioration of Hungarian democracy. The research methods are the legal analysis, neo-institutional approach and comparative method.
"Cultures in Times of Transition" explores how the transformations of the 1980s and 1990s affected everyday life for citizens on both sides of the Iron Curtain; how ideas of "the other" circulated before and after the fall of the wall; and what a future utopia looked like for citizens of the East. These contributions range from the history of agricultural change, urban studies, linguistics, and legal history. They mirror the broadness of questions concerning the transition, but also hint at the heterochronous nature of those transformations.
The aim of the study is to analyze the issues of midterm and snap elections during the COVID-19 pandemic in Poland. In particular, the nature of such elections was considered. Numerous restrictions including, for example, the prohibition of assembling or movement of people, had an impact on the course and implementation of the basic functions of elections. The aim of the paper is also to determine whether, in the light of the applicable regulations, it is permissible to change the date of voting in the ordered local elections during the COVID-19 pandemic. It should be noted that in the period from March to April 2020, and then from November 2020 to June 2021, this practice became almost universal. The resolution of this problem is of significant importance, as each act ordering elections should guarantee the holding of elections within a strictly defined time and, moreover, every action of the proper body should be based on legal provisions. The practice of postponing voting in local elections, which occurred during the pandemic, weakened the so understood (as of a guarantee) nature of the act of ordering elections, at the same time inspiring a discussion on the legal admissibility of such actions. In this study, the formal and legal method was used and the achievements of the doctrine and judicature were analyzed.
The main purpose of the article is to present the evolution of legal regulations regarding national minorities in Ukraine, the structure of these minorities and the dynamics of demographic change. The authors analyzed the geographical distribution as well as the political, cultural and educational activity of the most numerous national minorities. They presented the main reasons for the increase or decrease in the size of the largest national groups. The political and legal foundations of minority activities, the specificity of the organization of their educational institutions, national-cultural associations and ethnic parties were analyzed. Particular attention was paid to the problematic provisions of the new Education Act (2017), which reduced the status of languages of national minorities in education and led to the deterioration of relations with individual countries with which minorities are associated. The authors discussed the most severe problems in bilateral relations arising from Ukraine's policy towards minorities and some ideas on how to solve them. The main methods of improving nationality policy in contemporary Ukraine were also presented.
