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This research attempts to shed light on the role of the international Court of Justice (ICJ) and the significance of its adjudicatory and advisory functions. The theme of this research will initially project a brief introduction of the topic in question, keeping in view the historical and contemporary perspectives of the ICJ. This research also focuses on the organizational structure of the United Nations, keeping in view the position and role of the ICJ within the organization. With practical examples of case laws, the ambit of judicial review in the context of judicial and advisory function of ICJ will also be taken into account. It will also present brief analysis on the intra-organizational relationship between the ICJ and other organs of the UN. ; This research attempts to shed light on the role of the international Court of Justice (ICJ) and the significance of its adjudicatory and advisory functions. The theme of this paper will initially project a brief introduction of the topic in question, keeping in view the historical and contemporary perspectives of the ICJ . This research also focuses on the organizational structure of the United Nations, keeping in view the position and role of the ICJ within the organization. With practical examples of case laws, the ambit of judicial review in the context of judicial and advisory function of ICJ will also be taken into account. It will also present brief analysis on the intra-organizational relationship between the ICJ and other organs of the UN.

The aim of this study is trying to interpret the crisis of legitimacy which faced the political system in Libya after the events of 2011, including the multiple legislative and executive bodies, based on specified theoretical perception is Crisis Theory for Jürgen Habermas, which he is trying to linking between the political system has legitimacy and its ability to overcome the different crises and challenges that faced, is a reliable perception in the case of Libya, in particular, every political party in the Libyan scene is consider himself the legal and legitimate representatives of the Libyan community, in light of political division and multiple parliamentary bodies and executive Governments in the country,the researcher adopted in this trying to analytical reading emphasize on specific points in many official and non-official studies and reports on the Libyan situation, study found that all successive political parties that topped the Libyan political scene form 2011, had failed to counter the various challenges whether security or constitutional, and were unable to manage the different crisis suffered by the Libyan citizen, specially economic, living and service, this place it in a real crisis of legitimacy at the level of society as a whole, in light of decrease what they have done in the past and what they can do in the future under the current situation, which contributed in create a case of distrust among the citizens in their programs and plans and lost motivation to participate in the various activities that they supervise on the one hand, and in increasing cases of disrespect for laws and decisions that represent their authority on the other hand,this leads us to say that the political system in Libya after the events of 2011, is faces a national crisis of legitimacy, accompanied by crises in motivation and non-normality, according to Habermas societal crisis theory, this is reflected in our reading of studies and reports that have been exposed to the Libyan crisis.

Executive Council Thirty-Fourth Ordinary Session 7 – 8 February 2019 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; The African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights (the Court) was established in terms of Article 1 of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Establishment of an African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights (hereinafter referred to as "the Protocol"), adopted on 9 June 1998, in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, by the then Organization of African Unity (OAU). The Protocol entered into force on 25 January 2004. The Court became operational in 2006 and is composed of eleven (11) Judges elected by the Executive Council and appointed by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union. The Seat of the Court is in Arusha, the United Republic of Tanzania. Article 31 of the Protocol mandates the Court to "…submit to each regular session of the Assembly, a report on its work. The report shall specify, in particular, the cases in which a State has not complied with the Court's judgment.

"A probing inquiry into medieval court struggles, this book shows the relationship between intellectual conflict and the geopolitics of empire. It examines the Persian Buyids' takeover of the great Arab caliphate in Iraq, the counter-Crusade under Saladin, and the literature of sovereignty in Spain and Italy at the cusp of the Renaissance. The question of high culture--who best qualified as a poet, the function of race and religion in forming a courtier, what languages to use in which official ceremonies--drove much of medieval writing, and even policy itself. From the last moments of the Abbasid Empire, to the military campaign for Jerusalem, to the rise of Crusades literature in spoken Romance languages, authors and patrons took a competitive stance as a way to assert their place in a shifting imperial landscape."--Back cover

The Michigan guidelines on the internal protection alternative (1999) -- The Michigan guidelines on nexus to a convention ground (2001) -- The Michigan guidelines on well-founded fear (2004) -- The Michigan guidelines on protection elsewhere (2006) -- The Michigan guidelines on the right to work (2009) -- The Michigan guidelines on the exclusion of international criminals (2013) -- The Michigan guidelines on risk for reasons of political opinion (2015) -- The Michigan guidelines on refugee freedom of movement (2017)

تناولت هذه الدراسة موضوعاً في غاية الأهمية يتعلق بإشكاليات تنفيذ الأحكام القضائية الإدارية الصادرة ضد الإدارة. وتهدف الدراسة إلى التصدي لظاهرة امتناع الإدارة عن تنفيذ الأحكام القضائية الإدارية والحد من حالات حدوثها، في ظل عدم إمكانية القاضي الإداري التدخل في عمل الإدارة. وتقوم مسؤولية الإدارة والموظف المسؤول في حالة الامتناع عن تنفيذ الأحكام القضائية الإدارية كذلك وفي حالتي التراخي أو التباطؤ في التنفيذ، فالموظف يمكن تحريك دعوى جنائية ضده بموجب أحكام المادة (182) من قانون العقوبات الأردني، ويمكن إثارة مسؤوليته التأديبية من جهة الإدارة ذاتها وبالنتيجة ممكن أن تعاقبه تأديبياً لإخلاله بواجباته الوظيفية، كما أن الإدارة يمكن إثارة مسؤوليتها عن التأخير في تنفيذ الأحكام القضائية الإدارية ورفع دعوى ضدها أمام القضاء الإداري للمطالبة بالتعويض كما أن القضاء الإداري يمكن أن يحكم عليها إضافة للتعويض بإلغاء القرار الإداري السلبي الناتج عن الامتناع. ; Abstract Researcher address in this study was a very important subject related to a problematic implementation of administrative judicial rulings issued against the administration. The study aims to address the phenomenon of the administration's failure to implement judicial rulings and reducing administrative cases occur in administrative judge to intervene in the work administration. The responsibility of the management and the employee that responsible for implementation in case of refusal from implementation of the administrative judicial rulings and in case of inaction or slowdown it is possible to move a criminal claim against him under the provision of article (182) of the Jordan penal code, and its possible to raise his disciplinary responsibility from the department side itself, as result its possible to punish him in disciplinarian way for the breach of his duties. Also it is possible to raise the management responsibility for the delay in the implementation of the administrative judicial rulings and moving claim against them in front of administrative judiciary for asking a compensation also the administrative judiciary can be judged in addition to the compensation by canceling the negative administrative decision that result from the refusal. KEYWORDS:THE NON-EXECUTION OF ADMINISTRATION , NULLITY JUDGMENTS, ADMINISTRATION JUDICIAL RULING.

The subject of the research revolves around the extent to which the constitutional judge has the authority to supervise the amendment of the constitution and the extent to which the constitution grants this jurisdiction to the constitutional judge. There is a difference in the position of the constitutions towards this subjectbut even the constitutions granted by the constitutional judge this jurisdiction have also differed in the form of censorship granted to him to amend the provisions of the constitution between the previous censorship of the amendment of the texts as one of the procedures of amending the constitution to be presented to the constitutional judge as a precautionary measure to prevent violation of the competent authority to amend the restrictions amendment of the Constitution or Subsequent control of the amendment of the Constitution The scope of this control, whatever its type and form, varied to include the control of both substantive and formal restrictions, or only one of them, where the constitutions differed in their position on this issue. ; إن موضوع البحث يدور حول مدى اختصاص القاضي الدستوري في الرقابة على تعديل نصوص الدستور, ومدى منح الدستور هذا الاختصاص إلى القاضي الدستوري, حيث يوجد تباين في موقف الدساتير اتجاه هذا الموضوع إضافة إلى تباين موقف الفقه الدستوري أيضاً, ولكن حتى الدساتير التي منحت القاضي الدستوري هذا الاختصاص هي الأخرى قد اختلفت في شكل الرقابة الممنوحة له على تعديل نصوص الدستور بين رقابة سابقة على تعديل النصوص كأحد إجراءات تعديل الدستور إن يتم عرضه على القاضي الدستوري كإجراء وقائي للحيلولة دون مخالفة السلطة المختصة بالتعديل للقيود تعديل الدستور أو رقابة لاحقة على تعديل الدستور, كذلك اختلف نطاق هذه الرقابة أياً كان نوعها وشكلها الى انها تشمل الرقابة على القيود الموضوعية والشكلية معاً أو احداهما فقط حيث تباينت الدساتير في موقفها من هذا الموضوع.