Suchergebnisse

The nearly universal access to higher education (HE) in developed countries was once praised as a great democratic achievement, and a basis for both economic development and social mobility. After the onset of the 2008 recession, the narratives changed considerably. The most radical critics of HE propose a partial "deschooling" of society by reversing the process of massification. This paper aims to present a critical discourse analysis (CAD) of the "don't go to college" discourse that became popular in Poland and the United States. I trace the differences in the way the decision to go to college is conceptualized in Poland and the U.S to the differences in dominant political ideologies – democratic and egalitarian in the U.S., paternalistic and conservative in Poland. I also show how recent changes in the actual HE systems put those ideologies at odds with the educational realities of both countries. ; Uniwersalizację dostępu do wykształcenia wyższego uznawano za wielkie osiągnięcie krajów demokratycznych, podstawę dla ich rozwoju gospodarczego i społecznej ruchliwości. Ostatnie lata przyniosły jednak znaczą zmianę w treści narracji dotyczących szkół wyższych. Najbardziej radykalne formy krytyki zawierają sugestię, że konieczne jest dokonanie częściowego "odszkolnienia" społeczeństwa przez cofnięcie procesów umasowienia.Celem tego artykułu jest przedstawienie wyników krytycznej analizy dyskursu (KAD) odszkolnienia na podstawie źródeł pochodzących z USA i Polski. Zastosowanie KAD pozwala mi pokazać, jak te, z pozoru podobne, narracje mają u swych podstaw dwie przeciwstawne ideologie polityczne – liberalny indywidualizmu w wypadku USA i konserwatywny paternalizm w Polsce. Wskazuję też, w jaki sposób rzeczywista sytuacja absolwentów szkół wyższych stawia w wątpliwość racjonalność prognoz i planów formułowanych w obu odmianach analizowanego dyskursu.

The validity of mediation in the dispute promoted in the mass media as an example of government awareness campaign: You have the right to mediationAlternative dispute resolution (ADR) are becoming increasingly popular. One of the methods of ADR are mediations. They consist in making an attempt to reach a settlement or a mutually satisfactory resolution of a conflict through mediation – a third party, which is neutral towards all parties and subject of the conflict, designed to help work out a compromise. The survey conducted by the Ministry of Justice proved that mediation is not very well known by the Poles. The main reason for the lack of interest in this method of dispute resolution is insufficient knowledge among justice practitioners and the general public. In the absence of sufficient knowledge, lack of social acceptance for the extra-judicial settlement of disputes is also apparent. The Ministry of Justice decided to change this state in the government of PO in late 2011 and 2012, emphasizing the importance of this problem with a national, educational and informational social campaign, which circulated in the mass media and was entitled: You have the right to mediation.

The aim of study was to inverstgate the preffered by young people of personal models and factors influencing them. The study was conducted in 1999 and 2011 on the sample of high school students (third class), using questionnaire "personal patterns". The results show that the choice by young people of personal models occurs in conjunction with the family, school, theachers, peers and the media. Young people from these communities draws behavioral models from the different situations of everyday life, the system of social norms and values. Young people from these communities also draws models of socialization. In particular, the mass media (according to research) is an important and attractive component of the educational environment of youth, presenting different lifestyles and value systems, used by the adolescents.

The discussion about mutual relations between the media and politics in democracy is going on for years. One of the key issues in this debate is the impact of media on political choices and political part icipation of citizens. Last years we are observing signifi cant changes in the ways of presenting content by political actors, especially in the media. New media syst em ecology requires creativity both in political communication creating and analyzing it. One of the interest ing paradigm of this kind of analysis is gamifi cation. Th is article aims is to find out how gamifi cation elements are currently used in the practice of journalism and how the gamified schemes of political broadcast talk have the potential to st rengthen the democratic and civic purposes of journalism. The authors of this art icle are inclined to the idea that convergence between politics and popular culture can have also a positive effect for the implementation of democratic practices and civil society. And gamification creates an interest ing paradigm for underst anding political reality in terms of fun and entert ainment (according to the threat of tabloidization). Observing the dynamics of broadcast journalism it can be seen that even they can be analyzed in terms of gamifi cation mechanisms – the roles adopted by the journalist s and guest s are functional in the logic of the game. Th e prize (viewers' attention) is evident for both groups, and interactions run more oft en in ways that allow them to gain dominance and 'win' the interaction. Th e authors analyze the behavior of journalist s conducting the TV affairs programs through the scheme of roles taken in the game (according to Richard Bart le typology: achievers, explorers, socializers, killers). The test is made using quantitative and qualitative measures. ; TOMASZ Gackowski

In June 2015 the Ministry of Labour and Social Policy announced an amendment to the Labour Code, which is the reaction to the prevalence of employment based on-fixed term contracts in Poland. The scale of this phenomenon is not observed in any other E. U. state. New regulations may result in a decrease in the share of fixed-term employees of the total number of employees to be observed in the last few years. The Ministry intends to replace the limit of the renewals of a job contract concluded with an employee (currently the second renewal of the contract results in the conclusion of a permanent job contract) with another restriction: the total duration of such contracts should not exceed 33 months. The problem of an excessive share of flexible forms of employment has been widely analysed in the literature in recent years. It has become the subject of studies in the area of economy and sociology as well as an issue addressed by labour law experts. The expansion of flexibility has also received criticism from the trade unions, which influenced the mass media discourse - it is enough to mention the popularity of the term 'junk contracts' since 2012. The author attempts to comprehensively analyse the problem of flexible forms of employment, which include such issues as: the reasons for their popularity among employers, the scale of the use of particular forms based on the available statistical data, the construction of protective regulations of domestic labour law in the light of the requirements resulting from the E. U. and the I. L. O. membership, as well as social and economic consequences of the use of flexible forms of employment.

This book aims at revealing the trends of development of the spoken Polish language in Lithuania and drawing attention to the impact of the Russian, Lithuanian and Belarusian languages on contemporary Polish which is currently used in Lithuania. Based on the results of observing the formal and informal use of the Polish language in a public space as well as in private the publication presents a socio-linguistic approach regarding the issues concerning the language culture. The greatest focus falls on the elimination of the most frequent mistakes penetrating the formal speaking. The didactic teaching resource has been developed based on the programme of contemporary advanced Polish and it is designed for students studying humanitarian sciences in Vilnius University and those who are concerned with correctness of the Polish language. The book consists of theoretical and practical parts; the material of the latter is divided into 12 topics. Each topic is finished with self-control tasks which may be used by students for testing their knowledge and skills. The reference list is provided at the very end of the publication. The fact that Polish is primarily used as the spoken language in Lithuania is taken into consideration in the thesis. The Poles use the Polish language in a private environment, they use it for communication with family members (especially with people of older generations). The language is also used in informal situations in a public space, i.e. when communicating with neighbours and acquaintances. In the latter case other languages are used as well. Almost all Poles residing in Lithuania know three languages (Lithuanian, Russian and Polish); "the new Polish intellectuals" (Kurzowa 1992: 131) speak standard Polish at home. The goal of the lectures is to promote the language culture and linguistic self-awareness as it will influence further linguistic changes. The analysis focuses on lexical changes which have been taking place during the last decades in the language of Lithuanian Polish intellectuals. Linguistic processes which are taking place are similar to the development of the standard Polish language (new terms for economic, political, educational and cultural phenomena emerge, new connotations are attributed to the words); nevertheless, specific features of the Polish language used in Lithuania remain and the development itself is slower. The quality of said changes depends on the impact made by Lithuanian and Russian languages, new words corresponding with the Lithuanian realia are created, new borrowings from Lithuanian and Russian appear, dialecticisms are used as well as linguistic elements of social varieties. The interferential lexis is characteristic of many phraseological novelties related to phenomena of the social and economic nature. Many officially used phraseological novelties have a colloquial connotation; the stylistic and expressive evaluation of the contemporary Polish language are thus neutralised, for instance, stylistic and linguistic means, which do not correspond with the standards of the official language, namely colloquial words, abbreviations, dialecticisms and expressive borrowings, may be observed in mass media. Lectures promote the culture of the Polish language, since the knowledge of the standard Polish language would allow understanding the rapidly changing contemporary Polish culture and participating in the dialogue between Poland and Lithuania.

This book aims at revealing the trends of development of the spoken Polish language in Lithuania and drawing attention to the impact of the Russian, Lithuanian and Belarusian languages on contemporary Polish which is currently used in Lithuania. Based on the results of observing the formal and informal use of the Polish language in a public space as well as in private the publication presents a socio-linguistic approach regarding the issues concerning the language culture. The greatest focus falls on the elimination of the most frequent mistakes penetrating the formal speaking. The didactic teaching resource has been developed based on the programme of contemporary advanced Polish and it is designed for students studying humanitarian sciences in Vilnius University and those who are concerned with correctness of the Polish language. The book consists of theoretical and practical parts; the material of the latter is divided into 12 topics. Each topic is finished with self-control tasks which may be used by students for testing their knowledge and skills. The reference list is provided at the very end of the publication. The fact that Polish is primarily used as the spoken language in Lithuania is taken into consideration in the thesis. The Poles use the Polish language in a private environment, they use it for communication with family members (especially with people of older generations). The language is also used in informal situations in a public space, i.e. when communicating with neighbours and acquaintances. In the latter case other languages are used as well. Almost all Poles residing in Lithuania know three languages (Lithuanian, Russian and Polish); "the new Polish intellectuals" (Kurzowa 1992: 131) speak standard Polish at home. The goal of the lectures is to promote the language culture and linguistic self-awareness as it will influence further linguistic changes. The analysis focuses on lexical changes which have been taking place during the last decades in the language of Lithuanian Polish intellectuals. Linguistic processes which are taking place are similar to the development of the standard Polish language (new terms for economic, political, educational and cultural phenomena emerge, new connotations are attributed to the words); nevertheless, specific features of the Polish language used in Lithuania remain and the development itself is slower. The quality of said changes depends on the impact made by Lithuanian and Russian languages, new words corresponding with the Lithuanian realia are created, new borrowings from Lithuanian and Russian appear, dialecticisms are used as well as linguistic elements of social varieties. The interferential lexis is characteristic of many phraseological novelties related to phenomena of the social and economic nature. Many officially used phraseological novelties have a colloquial connotation; the stylistic and expressive evaluation of the contemporary Polish language are thus neutralised, for instance, stylistic and linguistic means, which do not correspond with the standards of the official language, namely colloquial words, abbreviations, dialecticisms and expressive borrowings, may be observed in mass media. Lectures promote the culture of the Polish language, since the knowledge of the standard Polish language would allow understanding the rapidly changing contemporary Polish culture and participating in the dialogue between Poland and Lithuania.

Polska w 2004 roku stała się członkiem Unii Europejskiej. W tym samym roku minęło 35 lat od powołania Komitetu Prognoz "Polska 2000 Plus" przy Prezydium PAN. Z tej okazji odbyła się konferencja naukowa, której rezultatem jest wydawnictwo pt. Polska w obliczu wyzwań przyszłości. Jest ono inspiracją do szerszego kierowania się przez naukowców, polityków oraz ludzi innych zawodów strategicznym myśleniem o przyszłości Europy i Polski. Podstawą strategii edukacji powinny być nie tylko cele ekonomiczne i pragmatyczne, ale przede wszystkim wspólne wartości cywilizacji europejskiej, którymi według raportu Komisji Europejskiej Edukacja dla Europy są: prawa człowieka (godność osoby ludzkiej), podstawowe swobody, demokratyczna prawomocność, pokój i odrzucanie przemocy jako środka do osiągnięcia celu, poszanowanie innych ludzi, równość szans, zasady myślenia racjonalnego, ochrona ekosystemu, odpowiedzialność jednostkowa. Projekty i strategie reformy systemu edukacji MEN i MNiSW oraz Strategia Rozwoju Polski do roku 2020–2030 Komitetu Prognoz PAN zakładają zapewnie skolaryzacji na poziomie maturalnego kształcenia średniego dla ok. 80–85% populacji, a na poziomie studiów wyższych dla 40–50% populacji w przedziale wiekowym 19–24. Takie wskaźniki skolaryzacji zostały już formalnie przekroczone, teraz należy zapewnić odpowiedni poziom jakości kształcenia oraz stymulować i wspierać wybieranie deficytowych kierunków kształcenia zawodowego i wyższego oraz ustawicznego. W Polsce obserwuje się niezadowalające wykorzystanie nauk o edukacji w wypracowaniu koncepcji reform i ich wdrażaniu, czego dowodem jest niedocenianie raportów edukacyjnych oraz ekspertyz, a także nieustanne zmiany ministrów resortów edukacyjnych. Współczesna ekonomia i pedagogika określają wydatki na edukację i naukę jako "inwestycję w człowieka" i w "kapitał ludzki", które są gwarancją rozwoju kraju oraz poprawy jakości życia ludzkiego. Poważny procent kadry nauczycieli, młodzieży, szkół i uczelni oraz mass mediów może edukację i kulturę zamienić na wielki program XXI wieku. ; In 2004, Poland became a Member State of the European Union. It was 35 years since the Forecasting Committee "Poland 2000 Plus" was appointed at the presidium of the Polish Academy of Sciences (Polish: PAN). On that occasion, a scientific conference took place, the result of which was the publication entitled Poland in the Face of the Challenges of the Future. It has become an inspiration for scientists, politicians and other professionals to adopt more strategic thinking about the future of Europe and Poland. The basis of the educational strategy should not only be economic and pragmatic objectives, but most of all, common values of the European civilisation. According to the Report of the European Commission Education for Europe, among these values, there are human rights (human dignity), fundamental freedoms, democratic legitimacy, peace, rejection of violence as a means to an end, respecting others, equal opportunities, principles of rational thinking, protection for the ecosystem and individual accountability. The policies and projects of the educational system reform of the Ministry of National Education (Polish: MEN) and Ministry of Science and Higher Education (Polish: MNiSW) as well as the Development Strategy of Poland until 2020–2030 of the Forecasting Committee aim to provide schooling at secondary school level with matriculation examination for about 80–85% of the population, at higher education level for 40–50% of the population aged 19–24. These schooling indicators have formally been exceeded. Presently, it is necessary to provide the good quality of education and to encourage students to choose deficit professional training courses, higher education as well as lifelong learning. In Poland, it can be observed that education sciences are unsatisfactorily used in developing reform concepts and in their implementation as demonstrated by underestimating educational reports and expertises, as well as constant changes of education ministers. Contemporary economy and pedagogy refer to the expenses on education as "investment in human" and "human capital", which guarantee the development of a country and of the quality of life. A significant proportion of teachers, young people, schools and universities as well as the mass media may change education and culture into a great program of the 21st century.

In 2004, Poland became a Member State of the European Union. It was 35 years since the Forecasting Committee "Poland 2000 Plus" was appointed at the presidium of the Polish Academy of Sciences (Polish: PAN). On that occasion, a scientific conference took place, the result of which was the publication entitled Poland in the Face of the Challenges of the Future. It has become an inspiration for scientists, politicians and other professionals to adopt more strategic thinking about the future of Europe and Poland. The basis of the educational strategy should not only be economic and pragmatic objectives, but most of all, common values of the European civilisation. According to the Report of the European Commission Education for Europe, among these values, there are human rights (human dignity), fundamental freedoms, democratic legitimacy, peace, rejection of violence as a means to an end, respecting others, equal opportunities, principles of rational thinking, protection for the ecosystem and individual accountability. The policies and projects of the educational system reform of the Ministry of National Education (Polish: MEN) and Ministry of Science and Higher Education (Polish: MNiSW) as well as the Development Strategy of Poland until 2020–2030 of the Forecasting Committee aim to provide schooling at secondary school level with matriculation examination for about 80–85% of the population, at higher education level for 40–50% of the population aged 19–24. These schooling indicators have formally been exceeded. Presently, it is necessary to provide the good quality of education and to encourage students to choose deficit professional training courses, higher education as well as lifelong learning. In Poland, it can be observed that education sciences are unsatisfactorily used in developing reform concepts and in their implementation as demonstrated by underestimating educational reports and expertises, as well as constant changes of education ministers. Contemporary economy and pedagogy refer to the expenses on education as "investment in human" and "human capital", which guarantee the development of a country and of the quality of life. A significant proportion of teachers, young people, schools and universities as well as the mass media may change education and culture into a great program of the 21st century. ; Polska w 2004 roku stała się członkiem Unii Europejskiej. W tym samym roku minęło 35 lat od powołania Komitetu Prognoz "Polska 2000 Plus" przy Prezydium PAN. Z tej okazji odbyła się konferencja naukowa, której rezultatem jest wydawnictwo pt. Polska w obliczu wyzwań przyszłości. Jest ono inspiracją do szerszego kierowania się przez naukowców, polityków oraz ludzi innych zawodów strategicznym myśleniem o przyszłości Europy i Polski. Podstawą strategii edukacji powinny być nie tylko cele ekonomiczne i pragmatyczne, ale przede wszystkim wspólne wartości cywilizacji europejskiej, którymi według raportu Komisji Europejskiej Edukacja dla Europy są: prawa człowieka (godność osoby ludzkiej), podstawowe swobody, demokratyczna prawomocność, pokój i odrzucanie przemocy jako środka do osiągnięcia celu, poszanowanie innych ludzi, równość szans, zasady myślenia racjonalnego, ochrona ekosystemu, odpowiedzialność jednostkowa. Projekty i strategie reformy systemu edukacji MEN i MNiSW oraz Strategia Rozwoju Polski do roku 2020–2030 Komitetu Prognoz PAN zakładają zapewnie skolaryzacji na poziomie maturalnego kształcenia średniego dla ok. 80–85% populacji, a na poziomie studiów wyższych dla 40–50% populacji w przedziale wiekowym 19–24. Takie wskaźniki skolaryzacji zostały już formalnie przekroczone, teraz należy zapewnić odpowiedni poziom jakości kształcenia oraz stymulować i wspierać wybieranie deficytowych kierunków kształcenia zawodowego i wyższego oraz ustawicznego. W Polsce obserwuje się niezadowalające wykorzystanie nauk o edukacji w wypracowaniu koncepcji reform i ich wdrażaniu, czego dowodem jest niedocenianie raportów edukacyjnych oraz ekspertyz, a także nieustanne zmiany ministrów resortów edukacyjnych. Współczesna ekonomia i pedagogika określają wydatki na edukację i naukę jako "inwestycję w człowieka" i w "kapitał ludzki", które są gwarancją rozwoju kraju oraz poprawy jakości życia ludzkiego. Poważny procent kadry nauczycieli, młodzieży, szkół i uczelni oraz mass mediów może edukację i kulturę zamienić na wielki program XXI wieku.

Since condemnation of operation Vistula by the Senate, we have conducted a "strategic partnership" policy towards Ukraine, expecting at most symbols, not calling for the memory of thousands of victims murdered in Volyn and Cherven Cities. Driven mainly by Russophobia, we supported the Orange Revolution and Euromaidan. On the latter, our politicians didn't hesitate to join banderite shouts in front of portraits of Bandera and Shukhevych. We should not be surprised then that two hours after the address of the President of Poland Bronislaw Komorowski, The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopted without discussion four Acts, which aim were: the recognition of the OUN and the UPA as fi ghters for Samostijna Ukraine, erasing from the collective memory shared 70-year history of the Ukrainian nation and increase of divisions in Ukrainian society. In Poland, the Acts have been passed over by the mass media (except for "Przegląd" and "Nie"). Neither the issue have been raised by the Prime Minister Ewa Kopacz in talks with the chairman of the Verkhovna Rada Volodymyr Groysman, nor by the Interior Minister Grezgorz Schetyna during his parliamentary speech on Polish foreign policy and it is even quite carefully sidestepped in the presidential campaign by all parties. Answering the question posed by "Przegląd" – "How Poland should react to the decisions of the authorities of Ukraine regarding members of the OUN and the UPA?" – advisor to the President of Poland, Professor Tomasz Nałęcz, stated, among others, "Let us remember that Ukraine is our neighbour and friend, therefore we should talk to it. I do not think the best way of conversation with a friend is to send a note of protest". In 2010, we had the courage to raise the question of granting a title of Hero of Ukraine to Bandera and Shukhevych by W. Yushchenko and to persuade the European Parliament to express deep indignation (initiator: Paweł Zalewski from PO) and withdraw this Act. Now, all indications are that we lack this courage. It is very diffi cult to speak now about the future of Ukraine and Polish – Ukrainian relations. There are only very few groups, which speak now about the need to change of our eastern policy. The borderland communities haven't obtained in our country organizations which would have an impact on foreign or even economic policy. It can therefore be assumed that regardless of who wins the presidential and parliamentary elections, Poland will continue to pursue a realistic and pragmatic policy, although resulting from Russophobia of Polish political elites and conducted by them historical policy. Previous actions of the Ukrainian authorities suggest that there may occur a scenario known to us from the period after the Orange Revolution. The current Ukrainian authorities do not seek to unite his people for a common goal, but they increase divisions in society. Ukrainian nation needs an agreement and consensus, not creation of new barriers. Polish experience shows that the actual legal, economic and political transformation needs a national consensus rather than replacing it with settlements with the past and nationalism. It seems that Poland irretrievably lost its positions of expert on East. As correctly pointed out Professor Andrzej Walicki "the prestige of Poland asa supposed export on Russia ceased to exist, because our position in Russian affairs is predictable and does not help to solve real problems". Poland should act in order to end the conflict in Ukraine, at the same time attempting to understand both sides of the conflict. Different economic and geopolitic interests causes that the positions of various countries on the events in Ukraine are and will remain diverse. Louis Stomma wrote that "the sudden and incredible love of Poles for modern Ukraine is a sad love without reciprocity". In the interest of Poland is striving for consensus and sensible mediation rather than setting up as a front-line state. A compromise is always possible, but if interest is not mixed with morals and national resentments. Preventing from compromise would reflect on the fate of the whole region and Ukraine would be harmed the most.

Artykuł jest próbą pokazania ewolucji i stanu społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Polsce w ćwierć wieku po transformacji ustrojowej na podstawie najważniejszych badań zastanych oraz badań i obserwacji własnych. Nawiązuje też do obecnej w polskim dyskursie od połowy XIX w. do dziś tezy o trudnościach w budowie polskiego społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Z przeprowadzonej analizy wynika, że Polacy rzeczywiście rzadziej stowarzyszają się nie tylko w porównaniu z obywatelami Europy Zachodniej, ale nawet w porównaniu z obywatelami innych krajów postkomunistycznych. Polską specyfiką jest wreszcie z jednej strony wielość rozmaitych stowarzyszeń, w tym także reprezentujących tzw. nowe ruchy społeczne, z drugiej zaś – ich kadrowy charakter. Przynależność do stowarzyszeń nie jest w Polsce masowa, nie jest elementem kultury politycznej społeczeństwa, lecz ma charakter elitarny. Media społecznościowe mogą ułatwić komunikowanie się i współdziałanie w sprawach publicznych, ale na razie rolę tę pełnią w niewielkim stopniu. ; This paper is an attempt to present the evolution and the condition of the civil society in Poland 25 years after the transformation of the political regime. The analysis is based on the existing results of earlier research and on the author's own studies and observations. It also refers to the discourse that has been going on in Poland since the middle of the nineteenth century on the difficulties in building a Polish civil society. As the analysis shows, Poles do indeed, affiliate much less frequently than citizens in West European states, or, even in comparison with citizens of other post-communist states. Another Polish specificity is that although there is a variety of organisations and associations, also representing followers of new social movements, most of them are elite in character. Membership in organisations does not have a mass character in Poland, nor is an element of political culture. Social networks may, eventually, facilitate communication and collaboration in social matters. Their role today, however, is negligible.