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AbstractShort-term factors played a greater than usual role in the 1984 national election. Media coverage of the campaign therefore had a crucial impact. This study documents the coverage of leaders, parties and substantive issues by the major television and radio networks and 18 newspapers selected by region and language. A major finding is that the media reported results of public opinion polls to an unprecedented degree. This was one facet of the featuring of "horserace" issues over more substantive socio-economic ones. The data lend credence to the fears of those who feel that essential democratic goals of the electoral process are being undermined. The study also suggests rethinking the "no effects" theory of polling and electoral behaviour.

Intro -- Title Page -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Notes on Contributors -- Editors' Introduction -- SECTION I: Eastern Approaches: Myths and their Makers -- 1: 'Out of your sacrificial death grows our socialist deed': Ernst Thälmann, the Antifascism Myth and Buchenwald Concentration Camp in East German Political Propaganda, 1945-58 -- 2: The Leader Cult in Communist Hungary, 1945-56: Propaganda, Institutional Background and Mass Media -- 3: Soviet Power and its Images: Celebrating Stalin's Seventieth Birthday -- 4: Ideological Pressure and Censorship: Czech Literature, 1948-57 -- 5: The Department of Agitation and Propaganda in Bulgaria, 1944-56 -- 6: Remembering the 'Martyrs of Antifascism' in Republican Italy: Piero Gobetti and the Italian Communist Party -- SECTION II: Getting the Message Across -- 7: Radio Luxembourg and Cold War Changes in European Attitudes Towards International Broadcasting -- 8: Greek and Yugoslav Public Radio in the 1940s and 1950s -- 9: Print, Power, and Persuasion: Political Poster Art in the Two German States during the First Decade of the Cold War -- 10: West European Identity in Marshall Plan Propaganda Films -- 11: New Cities for New People: Urban Planning and Mass Media Propaganda in Stalinist Poland and the GDR -- 12: 'Stalin's Skyscrapers' and the Propaganda of the New World Order after World War II -- SECTION III: The Politics of Entertainment -- 13: The Media Audience of a Soviet Republic in the Early Cold War: The Estonian SSR -- 14: Jazz in Austria in the Allied Powers' Cultural Propaganda during the Cold War, 1945-55 -- 15: Creating the 'New Man': Propaganda and its Alternatives in Hungarian Literature from Romania, 1948-65 -- 16: Jazz, Rock and Roll and Halbstarke: American Popular Culture in West Germany between Weimar Conservatism and Cold War Liberalism

AbstractThe Propaganda Model (PM), developed by Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky and published in Manufacturing Consent in 1988, sought to explain the behaviour of the mass media in the United States. Analysing the function, operation and effects of the media are essential to any understanding of contemporary societies and the article begins by sketching out the contours of the liberal‐pluralist vs. critical‐Marxist debate about the role of the media. The article then presents an overview of the PM, locates it within the field of media and communication studies, considers its reception, discusses a number of complementary methodological and theoretical approaches, and argues that the PM, more than 20 years after its formulation, continues to provide an invaluable tool for understanding the media within contemporary capitalist societies.

The Second Vatican Council (1962–65) instituted reforms in the Catholic Church that included changes in language and music employed in the liturgy, inspiring a proliferation of sung vernacular masses throughout Latin America. Drawing on archival and ethnographic research undertaken in Nicaragua and the United States, this article examines three Central American vernacular masses—Misa típica panameña de San Miguelito (1967), Misa popular nicaragüense (1969), and Misa campesina nicaragüense (1975). Each mass emanated from communities founded as part of the transnational Familia de Dios (Family of God) movement, which established programs of religious education, leadership training, and community building among impoverished populations. This study seeks to situate music and the arts within the liberation practices and transmission of Familia de Dios, and their role in the origins of a theology of liberation in Latin America.

Aim of study. The aim of this paper is to analyze how the news media influences the construction of the social perception of forests and forestry.Area of study. The area covered by this study is Spain.Material and Methods. The materials used for the analysis were the online news related to items such as forest, bioenergy and biodiversity, in two leading newspapers in Spain from 2009 to 2012. The hypotheses tested were divided into two sets, one focused on the messages and another focused on the sources on these messages. Summative content analysis was applied, combining both quantitative and qualitative data analysis. The messages and sources were systematically explored and monitored.Main results: As main results, forest wildfires news is the most frequent issue mentioned in the media, however they require deeper reflection and debate. Keywords such as forest management, owners, harvesting, products, etc. are rarely found anymore; furthermore, new terms such as biomass, are not yet prevalent. On sources, official institutions, primarily the regional governments, dominate the news sources with a share of over 50%.Research highlights: Mass media analysis is considered the most appropriate complement for perception studies as it provides relevant basic information needed to design a communication plan. Further research is required on the role mass media plays in how we perceive and react to the environmental problems around us.Keywords: summative content analysis; policy analysis; ATLAS.ti; biomass; protected areas.

Investigates political reforms toward democratization in Hong Kong, focusing on relationships among civic duty, perceived political responsiveness, mass media, & voter participation. The hypothesis that citizens who support civic duty, are receptive to election-related mass media, & perceive high instances of political responsiveness are more likely to vote is tested with data from pre- & postelection telephone surveys in 1994/95 (N = 2,476 & 1,395 respondents, respectively). While the results support the hypothesis, logistic regression analysis shows that the correlations are weak. 1 Table, 1 Appendix, 26 References. T. Noland

AbstractThis paper traces the labour processes and working conditions of wood engravers in France and England during the 19th century as the process of production of the illustrated periodicals became increasingly industrialized. It argues that the bulk of 19th century wood engravers should be considered as one of the first classes of proletarians in the mass media industry. The paper first looks at the general socio‐economic conditions from which 19th century wood engravers emerged as proletarians. Second, it examines wood engraving workshops, wood engravers' working conditions, their training and type of production. Lastly, it discusses the hierarchical relations between editors‐publishers and wood engravers, the wood engravers economic conditions, their socio‐cultural attitudes towards their work and the control exercised on them in the labour process. With the industrialization of the production of illustrated periodicals, wood engravers formed a class of waged workers who owned no means of production, had little autonomy or creativity in their work and sold their labour power to fabricate illustrations. Workshops operated as factories, training apprentices to mechanically reproduce fragmented segments of illustrations in an assembly‐line type of labour and based on a rigid hierarchy in which engraver‐apprentices were at the bottom.

This article analyses the material and ideological implications of a highly commodified mass higher education system on the 2011 students' mobilisations in Chile. Drawing upon quantitative and qualitative data, we show that the grievances denounced by the movement emerged from the differences in the process of socialisation/reproduction of intellectual labour among universities, which in turn correspond to forms of class exploitation. Moreover, we demonstrate that students' engagement in/with the movement varies across universities in accordance with the differentiation of these institutions along class and political cleavages. The article offers insights to understand why a sectoral conflict became the most significant challenge to the neoliberal consensus that has prevailed since the late‐1980s.

Over the past decades, the Netherlands has witnessed the rise of several influential populist radical right parties, including the Pim Fortuyn List (Lijst Pim Fortuyn), Geert Wilders's Party for Freedom (Partij voor de Vrijheid) and, more recently, the Forum for Democracy (Forum voor Democratie [FvD]). By analyzing the party's organizational structures, this article seeks to determine whether the FvD may be considered a new "mass party" and to what extent ordinary members can exert influence over the party's internal procedures. The party's efforts to establish a large membership base suggest that the FvD set out to build a relatively complex mass organization. Through targeted advertising campaigns, the party made strategic use of social media platforms to rally support. Thus, while the means may have changed with the advent of the internet, the FvD invested in creating some organizational features that are commonly associated with the "mass party" model. At the same time, however, the party did not really seek to foster a community of loyal partisan activists among its membership base but instead treated its members as donors. The party is clearly characterized by centralized leadership in the sense that the party's spearhead, Thierry Baudet, maintains full control over key decision‐making areas such as ideological direction, campaigning, and internal procedures. At first sight, the party appears to have departed from Wilders's leader‐centered party model. However, a closer look at the party apparatus demonstrates that the FvD is, in fact, very hierarchical, suggesting that the party's internal democracy is much weaker than the party's name might suggest.

This article analyzes the relationship between collective protest and social spending in Latin America from 1970 to 2007. I argue that under democracy, organized labor is in a better position relative to other groups in society to obtain social policy concessions as a consequence of their collective action efforts. Labor insiders mobilize around specific demands, and labor strikes carry significant economic and political costs on governments. In contrast, other groups in society rarely protest around specific social policy issues and are more often subject to successful demobilization tactics from political leaders. Results from an error correction model (ECM) show that in democracies, collective protest has differentiated effects on social spending. While strikes have a strong positive long-term effect on social security and welfare spending, none of the different forms of collective protest affect education or health spending. Importantly, I also find evidence of a deterrent effect of mass protests in democratic regimes; cutbacks in human capital spending are less likely as peaceful large-scale demonstrations increase.

No rational person can deny the destructive potential of a nuclear bomb as a weapon of mass destruction (WMD). The perception of anthrax as a WMD, however, is yet unformed in our society and its institutions. Opinions on anthrax WMD have ranged from dire to dismissive (1, 2), but a scientifically rigorous analysis of their destructive potential has been lacking. In a recent issue of PNAS, Wein, Craft, and Kaplan (3) filled this critical gap by providing quantitative assessment of the deaths resultant to a civilian population from an airborne attack of weaponized anthrax on a large city. The analysis in ref. 3 is a mathematical model, and, as such, is founded on scientific assumptions and framed in mathematical language. It is not a typical model of a scientific phenomenon, because of the irreducible uncertainty of its formulation and parameters. Its predictive power is thus subject to scientific debate. Nonetheless, this comprehensive model is the best information available to organize our understanding of anthrax as a WMD.