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The problems of relations between church and state are covered. The opinions of historians, religious studies scholars, public figures are given. The attention to the XX century significant events which had essential influence on the religions' position in Central and Eastern Europe countries is paid: the creation of the European Union, the fall of the Berlin wall, the dissolution of the USSR. The general peculiarities of the relations between state and church during this period for the countries of this region (The Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and others) are analyzed. The main tendencies of such relations development are characterized: establishment of the state church model and separation of church from the state. The attention is paid to the fact that there is no full agreement in understanding the term «separation of church from the state» among experts. It is emphasized that such law, public and cultural situation in which the state has nothing in common with church does not take place in any Western Europe country. The separation means that the state does not identify itself with one of religions or churches and both institutes respect an autonomy of each other in spheres belonging to them. The relevance of the research of the questions connected with law regulation for the religious organizations activity in Central and Eastern Europe countries is grounded for optimization of the relations between state and confessions in Ukraine ; Рассматриваются вопросы взаимоотношений Церкви и государства. Приводятся мнения историков, религиоведов, общественных деятелей. Уделяется внимание знаменательным событиям ХХ века, оказавшим существенное влияние на положение религий в странах Центрально-Восточной Европы: созданию Европейского Союза, падению Берлинской стены, распаду СССР. Проанализированы общие для стран этого региона (Чехии, Словакии, Венгрии и других) особенности государственно-церковных отношений в этот период. Характеризуются основные тенденции развития таких отношений: установление модели государственной церкви и отделение церкви от государства. Обращается внимание на то, что среди специалистов нет полного согласия в понимании термина «отделение Церкви от государства». Подчеркивается, что ни в одной из стран Западной Европы не имеет места такая правовая и общественно-культурная ситуация, в которой государство не имеет с Церковью ничего общего. Отделение означает, что государство не отождествляет себя ни с одной из религий или церквей и оба института уважают автономию друг друга в принадлежащих им сферах. Обосновывается актуальность исследования вопросов, связанных с правовым регулированием деятельности религиозных организаций в странах Центрально-Восточной Европы, для оптимизации государственно-конфессиональных отношений в Украине

The author writes about the inadmissibility of revising the main results of the Second World War, the consequences of which are acutely felt in the 21st century. About the role of the USSR in the Victory in World War II and the desire of the West to belittle it. About attempts to lay the main blame for the outbreak of war on the USSR along with Nazi Germany. On the responsibility of Western and «small» countries for the «pacification» of the aggressor. Why is this happening, who is responsible for starting the Second World War, what are the results of the war and what are their consequences — this article is devoted to the consideration of these fundamentally important issues.

Древнейшие греческие историки (Акусилай Аргосский, Гекатей Милетский, Ферекид Афинский, Харон Лампсакский, Гелланик Лесбосский, Ксанф Лидийский и др.), принадлежали, наряду с Геродотом и в отличие от Фукидида, к ионийской традиции историописания. Именно в позднеархаической Ионии появился у греков сам концепт варварства (самые ранние случаи употребления слова «варвар» встречаем у нескольких ионийских авторов рубежа VI–V вв. до н.э.). Концепт этот имел, помимо прочего, свой гендерный аспект. Существовала отчетливая тенденция сближать варваров с женским полом, которая порождалась рядом факторов — от чисто внешних, привходящих, до более принципиальных (признавали приоритет эмоций над разумом как у женщин, так и у варваров, тем и другим приписывались разного рода девиации и т.п.). В статье рассмотрен релевантный источниковый материал, содержащийся в сохранившихся фрагментах ранних историков. Этот материал отличается чертой, которая в целом может быть определена формулировкой «феминизация варварского и варваризация фемининного».
The earliest Greek historians (Acusilaus of Argos, Hecataeus of Miletus, Pherecydes of Athens, Charon of Lampsacus, Hellanicus of Lesbos, Xanthus of Lydia and others) belonged, side by side with Herodotus and in contrast to Thucydides, to the Ionian tradition of historical writing. It was exactly in Late Archaic Ionia that the very concept of barbarity made it appearance in the Greek tradition (the earliest cases of use of the word "barbarian" we can see in several Ionian authors of the late 6th and early 5th centuries B.C). The concept in question had, among other aspects, a gender-conditioned one. There was a distinct trend to bring together barbarians and women, which was generated by a number of factors, both purely external, attendant ones and ones based on principle (barbarians as well as women were considered creations with priority of emotions over reason, and deviations of various kinds were ascribed to both). The article deals with the relevant source material that extant fragments of early historians contain. That material is notable for a feature, which in general may be defined by the formula "feminizing the barbarian and barbarizing the feminine".

В качестве факторов, способствовавших нарастанию варваризации в Афинах второй полвины V в. до н.э., в статье указываются создание Афинской морской державы, движение софистов, конфликт поколений, Пелопоннесская война, наступление «эры демагогов». Обратное же движение в сторону деварваризации (с самого конца Vв. до н.э.) было связано в первую очередь с возрождением уважения к законности, с укреплением стабильности и порядка. Новая афинская демократия IV в. до н.э., которую одни специалисты считают «усовершенствованным» вариантом по сравнению с демократией предшествующего столетия, а другие, напротив, ее упадком, кризисом, была в основном свободна как от охлократических, так и от олигархических тенденций; она может с полным основанием быть определена как умеренная демократия, в отличие от радикальной демократии второй половины V в. до н.э. Конфликтов не то чтобы не было, но их старались разрешать мирным путем, по возможности достигая компромисса и избегая насилия.
The article cites as factors, which promoted the growth of barbarization in Athens in the last half of the 5thcentury B.C., the following ones: the emergence of the Athenian Empire, the sophistic movement, the conflict of generations, the Peloponnesian War, and the coming of the "era of demagogues". As to the reverse motion towards debarbarization (from the very end of the 5th century B.C.), it was connected, in the first instance, with revival of the lawfulness' authority and with strengthening order and stability. The new Athenian democracy of the 4thcentury B.C. (which is considered by some scholars an "improved" version as compared with democracy of the previous century, but by other scholars, on the contrary, its decline and crisis) was in general free from both ochlocratic and oligarchic tendencies; it may be with good reason defined as a moderate democracy, as distinct from the radical democracy of the last half of the 5thcentury B.C. It is not to say that there were no conflicts, but people sought to solve them by peaceful way, as far as possible, to reach compromises and to avoid violence.

China, Russia, and the United States are the three most active geopolitical actors today. One central question is whether the three powers can replicate the American-Chinese-Soviet strategic triangle of the 1970s that refashioned the global geopolitical landscape. That earlier triangle emerged as a consequence of a U.S. policy decision to reestablish relations with China as part of a strategic design to enable the United States to exit the war in Vietnam "with honor," restrain the Soviet Union's burgeoning power, and stabilize East Asia. Through deft diplomacy, Washington advanced its goals, but the triangle endured for most of the 1970s because it also advanced Soviet and Chinese interests. Today, the return of great-power competition has sparked debate about the emergence of a new strategic triangle. One does not now exist, primarily because the United States is not interested in establishing a working link with Russia. Because Washington does not believe that Russia adds much to the challenge it faces from China alone, it is unwilling to do much to disrupt growing Russian-Chinese alignment. Whether a strategic triangle comes into being depends largely on Russia. It has to convince both Washington and Beijing that its policy choices can significantly shift the balance between the two now and in the future. Neither capital believes that now, largely because they doubt Moscow's ability to revitalize the economy to generate the resources it needs to back up its great-power ambitions in the long run.

In November 1868, the Ministry of Enlightenment of Russia approved the Charter of the Russian Chemical Society (RCS), one of the Founding Members of which had been Dmitri Mendeleev. The first report on Mendeleev Periodic Table of Chemical Elements was delivered during a meeting of the RCS in March 1869. Therefore 1869 is considered by the world science as the year of discovery of the Periodic Law and formulation of the Periodic Table of Chemical Elements. Year 2019 is the 150th anniversary since Dmitry Mendeleev discovered the Periodic System, and the United Nations proclaimed this year to be the International Year of the Periodic Table of Chemical Elements (IYPT2019). After a series of transformations, in 1992 the RCS became the Mendeleev Russian Chemical Society. In 2019, the RCS is holding anniversary events. The extraordinary Mendeleev Congress on General and Applied Chemistry is one of them. It will be held in Saint Petersburg in September 2019 and will host approximately 3,000 foreign and Russian participants. English-speaking symposia, conferences and round tables on current issues of strategic development of science and technology are planned as a part of the Congress.

This article presents the results of constructing and validating the "Normless anomie index" (NLAI) sociological test, designed to measure the level of anomie among Russian-speaking and Ukrainian-speaking respondents. The theoretical validity of NLAI is based on an understanding of anomie that was proposed and detailed in the works of R. Merton. The content of the index is based on normless indicators presented in the articles of D. Dean, G. McCloskey and J. Shaar, as well as indicators presented in this article. The study is based on data from two surveys (November 2018, N = 600; April 2019, N = 600), which represent the adult population of Ukraine according to such parameters as age, gender, type of settlement and region of residence. For the purpose of empirical validation, the factor structure of the theoretical construct was analyzed (exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis) and construct validity was confirmed based on indicators that describe respondents' political consciousness and their social well-being (correlation analysis). Three versions of NLAI were tested: 1) based on indicators claiming the existence of norms, as well as based on indicators claiming the opposite (survey conducted in 2018); 2) based on indicators claiming only the absence of norms, with more specific wording (survey conducted in 2019); 3) based on indicators claiming only the absence of norms, with more abstract wording (survey conducted in 2019). A conclusion is made about the higher quality of the second version of NLAI.
A classifier of answers to the NLAI indicators is proposed, which allows for categorizing respondents into four groups: anomic (predominance of answers which indicate the absence of norms), ambivalent (there are answers indicating both the absence of norms and their presence), undefined (answers prevail which indicate the absence of a clear position) and non-anomic (prevailing answers indicating the presence of norms).

Judging by numerous publications, which, among other things, contain the results of sociological surveys, in the age of the finest technologies, our society has been «covered» by a pandemic of profanity.
The author of the article attempts to analyze what is happening from a scientific point of view, namely: to study the origins and get acquainted with the nature of the phenomenon, its vitality and ability to «revolutionary reproduction», etc.
Based on the research results, the author introduces the opinion of modern scientists about the active use of obscene vocabulary. In this regard, we are talking, first of all, about the reasons for its taboo by our ancestors, then about the functional features of the use of obscene vocabulary (increasing the emotionality of speech; relieving psychological tension; insulting, humiliating the addressee of speech, etc.); in addition, about the negative impact of swear words on the physical and emotional state of a person; about the causes of the survivability of speech obscenities, etc.
Systematizing the available research, the author formulates the possible consequences and risks of the «expletive pandemic», such as: the adoption of profanity as a norm (against the background of cultural polymorphism); the formation of language poverty; the understanding of the mat as a kind of manifestation of subcultural extremism; the presentation of spontaneous profanity as an indicator of intolerance, aggression and violence in society itself.
According to the author, according to numerous surveys, modern Russian society is indifferent, indifferent, in different ways, but, for the most part, takes obscene vocabulary for granted. The author expresses confidence in the need to immediately prevent the spread of the expletive pandemic by all available means.

War metaphor is widely used in various genres of political discourse due to its pragmatic potential. This article discusses the function of war metaphors in the Spanish King's Christmas Messages, which are one of the few occa-sions when the Head of State addresses the Spanish people on television. These speeches do not have any legal status and are considered direct communication between the king and his subjects. The texts issued by Juan Carlos I and Felipe VI from 1975 to 2018 follow the rules of classical oratory and have a lot in common semantically and lexically with that style of dis-course. In particular, war metaphor is frequently employed with the ideological purpose of strengthening the image of the monarch as someone who pays attention to people's anxieties and actively participates in the political issues of the state. ; В статье рассматриваются особенности функционирования военных метафор на материале рождественских речей Хуана Карлоса I и Филиппа VI с 1975 по 2018 гг.

The article deals with the representation of the concept of Europe in contemporary Ukrainian texts. The data are drawn from the media (including the "new media") and supplemented with questionnaires administered to students (the question asked was: "What is the 'true' Europe?"). The concept of Europe is linked with norms and values, it is sensitive to the socio-cultural context, as can especially be seen in the time of radical social changes. In this way, the dynamics of the changes in conceptualization (intra-linguistic variability) can be observed. However, conceptualizations are subjected to correction and regulation, as is the case with the metaphorical "teacher – student" schema in portrayals of the relationship between Europe and Ukraine, the presentation of Europe as a pattern to follow, etc. A modification of the model in effect signifies a change, but the change is not arbitrary: it is concordant with a specific cognitive frame and the new socio-cultural context. ; Artykuł poświęcony analizie reprezentacji konceptu Europa we współczesnych tekstach ukraińskich. Materiały zaczerpnięto z tekstów medialnych (także z "nowych mediów") i uzupełniono danymi pochodzącymi z ankiet, przeprowadzonych w środowisku studentów, którzy odpowiadali na pytanie "Czym jest 'prawdziwa' Europa?". Koncept Europa jest związany z normami i wartościami, jest wrażliwy na kontekst społecznokulturowy, co ujawnia się zwłaszcza w okresie radykalnych zmian społecznych. Umożliwia to obserwację dynamiki konceptualizacji (wariantywności wewnątrzjęzykowej) mechanizmów zmian konceptualnych. Jednak wybrane sposoby konceptualizacji są w kolejności poddawane korekcie (metaforyczny schemat "nauczyciel – uczeń" dla zobrazowania relacji Europa – Ukraina, przedstawianie Europy jako wzorca itp.). Modyfikacja modelu oznacza w istocie zmianę, ale nie dowolną, tylko zgodną z odpowiednią ramą kognitywną i nowym kontekstem socjokulturowym. ; There is no abstract available for this language

Герой прозы Довлатова находится в постоянном онтологическом «зависании в парадоксе» между частями множества оппозиций личностного свойства. В настоящей работе рассматривается его промежуточное положение между статусами эрудированного и мыслящего человека и человека малообразованного. Материалом исследования послужили проявления сознательного приема, состоящего в введении автором в его тексты, вне зависимости от периодов и жанров творчества, вольных или невольных погрешностей против фактов действительности с целью повышения интеллектуального и духовного статуса героя в восприятии читателя. В исследовании применялись структурно-описательный, описательно-функциональный и интерпретационный методы. Задачей работы были группировка и классификация многочисленных примеров недостоверных и ошибочных сообщений из текстов С. Довлатова, еще не ставших предметом внимания в довлатоведении. В ходе работы были сделаны выводы о сознательном формировании автором завышенного представления о герое его прозы как о личности глубоко мыслящего и широко образованного человека, которое далеко не всегда соответствует действительности.
The character of Dovlatov's prose is in constant ontological "hanging in a paradox" between parts of a multitude of personal oppositions. This paper considers his intermediate position between the status of an erudite and thinking person and a poorly educated person. The material of the study was the manifestation of a conscious method, which consists in the introduction by the author into his texts, regardless of the periods and genres of creativity, voluntary or involuntary errors against the facts of reality in order to increase the intellectual and spiritual status of the character in the perception of the reader. The study used structural-descriptive, descriptive-functional and interpretive methods. The task of the work was to group and classify numerous examples of unreliable and erroneous messages from the texts of S. Dovlatov, which have not yet become the subject of attention in Dovlatov studies. In the course of the work, the conclusions were drawn about the conscious formation by the author of an overestimated idea of the character in his prose as a person of a deeply thinking and broadly educated person, which does not always correspond to reality.

The paper defines the main approaches to understanding the strategic partnership between states in the international arena, identifies the main features of such a partnership. The author substantiates the thesis that at present the strategic partnership between states in the social, spiritual and cultural sphere is no longer of a secondary nature. The article defines the main directions of strategic partnership between states in the social, spiritual and cultural sphere at the present stage. The concept of changing the vector of Russia in the social, spiritual and cultural sphere at the present stage is substantiated.

The category of constitutional identity is now con dently used in the science of constitutional law and in resolving some disputes, but it remains not completely clear. The article is aimed at identifying the content of this category and the possibility of its application in practice. The article presents the meanings of the term "identity" and checks whether this term can be used in constitutional law, and if so, in what sense. Possible ways of nding the features of constitutional identity in the texts of constitutions (in preambles, among the foundations of the constitutional system, or provisions protected from change) are shown. The nal conclusions concern the limits of the application of constitutional identity in constitutional disputes. It seems that constitutional identity can be used to resolve constitutional con icts only if two conditions are met: xing the features of constitutional identity, de ned precisely as such (1), and carried out previously, not at the time of the decision, but in advance (2). It is these two conditions that will provide the necessary predictability and validity of decisions, in the adoption of which the category of constitutional identity was used for argumentation. Otherwise (if these conditions are not observed for whatever reason), the constitutional review body should, as far as possible, avoid using the category "constitutional identity" as an argument in resolving disputes.

This article explores the linguistic and sociocultural situation of the Terek Kumyk linguistic community. The data for the study have been collected in the fieldwork expedition in August 2023 in the village of Predgornoye (Mozdok district, North Ossetia - Alania). The vitality of Terek Kumyk is assessed through the age dynamics of Kumyk-Russian bilingualism. In the study, 108 native speakers representing seven age groups have been interviewed. For each group, its bilingual and sociocultural profiles have been identified.

The object of this study is the state and civil society dialogue on entrepreneurship development in Belarus (2010–2019). The subject of the research – development of private entrepreneurship in the center of interests of the state, business and NGOs dialogue. The main objectives of the research are to analyze the dialogue field, to define the main sources of the conflicts of interests and the main practices in the dialogue field, and to define successful platforms of the dialogue in authoritarian Belarus. Using such methods as theoretical analysis of the state and civil society dialogue concepts, documents analysis, semi-structured interviews with experts, discourse analysis of mass media articles and researches on the dialog issues and the analysis of political structure, it was concluded, that fusion of the authoritarian state with business causes conflicts in the dialog field and restrain the development of private entrepreneurship and market economy. This study contributes to the public policy analysis of the state and civil society dialogue.