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本文以北朝戰爭書寫為題。記錄北朝戰爭的大多是正史等歷史文獻,這些並非全然客觀中立的書寫,而是包含官方意識形態、史家個人情懷等因素;甚至一些看似「客觀」的記錄,如兵力數字、氣候、地理,其實也有可能經過了史家有意的再創造。本文嘗試對歷史文本做進一步發掘,分析文本的內外關聯,如影響戰爭書寫的政治文化力量、史學內部傳統等,從而從側面增進對於古代戰爭的認識。 ; 本文匯集一些個案研究,分別討論北朝幾次戰爭記錄中的兵力數字、北周開國君主形象、北朝勝利和失敗的武將的書寫方式、胡族戰略戰術分析,以及記錄李淵建唐的《大唐創業起居注》等。 ; 本文嘗試指出,北朝戰爭書寫最為突出的特點,可歸結為「去胡化」,或者「由胡入漢」:北朝諸政權大多是胡族政權,但在東魏北齊以及唐初的史家筆下,這些北朝胡族政權的君主、將士,胡族色彩並不濃重,反而大多蒙上一層漢族文化的面紗;胡人的戰略戰術、戰爭過程的記錄都接近漢人的傳統方式。 ; This dissertation discusses the writing of warfare in the Northern Dynasties, Medieval China. Most of the records on the warfare are from official histories written in Northern Qi (550-577) and Tang Dynasty (618-907). These records, however, are under the influence of political and cultural powers, such as political struggles and orthodoxy. Even some of so called objective description, such as records of the place, time, figure and climate may be kind of recreation of the writers. This dissertation tries to analyze context of these records, including their political and cultural background, along with the development of historiography and other writing traditions. ; This dissertation is made up of several case studies, discussing respectively figures in battle, adventure of Yuwen Tai (the leader of the military group in Western Wei), the image of generals in the Northern Dynasties, the description of strategy and tactics of nomad people, and the historical record of Li Yuan, founder of Tang Dynasty. The principal conclusion is that in the official histories historians descript nomad people in traditional Chinese way. Sinicization of the nomad people is the most important characteristics of the writing of warfare in Northern Dynasties: the nomad leaders and generals are close to Chinese emperors and generals, the nomadic way of war is replaced by the Chinese way. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; 雷仕偉. ; Parallel title from added title page. ; Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. ; Includes ...

謝偉傑. ; "2001年6月" ; 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2001. ; 參考文獻 (leaves 205-215) ; 附中英文摘要. ; "2001 nian 6 yue" ; Xie Weijie. ; Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2001. ; Can kao wen xian (leaves 205-215) ; Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. ; 序章 ; Chapter 第一章 --- 硏究回顧 ; Chapter 第一節 --- 錢穆、陳寅恪、呂思勉的北齊史論 ; Chapter 第二節 --- 繆鉞的北齊史論 ; Chapter 第三節 --- 1949年以後大陸學界的硏究成果 ; Chapter 第四節 --- 港、臺及外地的硏究成果 ; Chapter 第二章 --- 「國家龍飛朔野,雄步中原」 ´ؤ´ؤ北齊「功臣集團」的形成與高歡霸權的建立 ; Chapter 第一節 --- 高歡崛興的契機´ؤ´ؤ六鎮之亂探析 ; Chapter 第二節 --- 高歡「功臣集團」釋義 ; Chapter 第三節 --- 「功臣集團」與高歡建政 ; Chapter 第四節 --- 高歡領導性格之分析 ; Chapter 第三章 --- 高齊皇權之始建 ; Chapter 第一節 --- 高澄執政與改革 ; Chapter 第二節 --- 高澄之死 ; Chapter 第三節 --- 從相權到皇權´ؤ´ؤ高洋建國之路 ; Chapter 第四節 --- 理性與瘋狂´ؤ´ؤ高洋鞏固皇權的嘗試 ; Chapter 第四章 --- 高齊皇權發展的挫折期 ´ؤ´ؤ廢帝高殷、孝昭帝高演時期(560´ؤ561) ; Chapter 第一節 --- 失落的皇權´ؤ´ؤ乾明事變(560 ) ; Chapter 第二節 --- 風雨飄搖中的皇權´ؤ´ؤ高演的統治 ; Chapter 第五章 --- 專制皇權與北齊之亡 ´ؤ´ؤ武成帝高湛、後主高緯時期(561´ؤ577) ; Chapter 第一節 --- 高湛鞏固皇權 ; Chapter 第二節 --- 權力的雙生兒´ؤ´ؤ高緯與高儼 ; Chapter 第三節 --- 「恩倖集團」與齊末政局 ; Chapter 第六章 --- 中古時代的民族融合與文化交流 ´ؤ´ؤ北齊與東哥德王國(Ostrogothic Kingdom)比較硏究 ; Chapter 第一節 --- 比較的緣起 ; Chapter 第二節 --- 哥德人、狄奧多里克與東哥德王國 ; Chapter 第三節 --- 征服者、統治者與文化融合 ; 結論 ; 參考書目 ; Chapter 一 --- 基本史料、民國以前著述 ; Chapter 二 --- 近人論著、論文 ; Chapter 三 --- 譯著 ; Chapter 四 --- 英文論著 ; Chapter 五 --- 日文論著 ; Chapter 六 --- 工具書 ; 附表 ; Chapter 表一 --- 正光五年(524)至武泰元年(528)北魏各地亂事表 ; Chapter 表二 --- 高歡集團十八異姓功臣表 ; Chapter 表三 --- 天平元年(534)至武定四年(546)東魏將相大臣表 ; Chapter 表四 --- 武成時期宗王死因一覽 ; Chapter 表五 --- 後主時期宗王死因一覽 ; Chapter 表六 --- 東魏、北齊年號

Zsfassung in franz. Sprache u.d.T.: La fondation et l'aménagement des villes royales en Petite-Pologne sous Casimir le Grand

The article presents the reflection on current propositions regarding new ideas of the European integrity in the social and political literature of the last years. Having assumed that the present economic crisis concerning especially the common currency – euro, therefore the crisis touching the European Union member states directly, has provoked the serious identity problem of the European Union itself, many authors are looking for other visions and there is a whole range of them: from the Union breaking-up ("Good-bye Europe"), through the social contract (as with Rousseau), and the neo-empire (revival of the medieval empire), the post-national democracy (without national states, without Westphalian states) to close federation. As they do not have the character of realistic projects ready to be applied, one cannot omit them, because they are building the excellent doctrinal background to the European integration. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

The article addresses current trends in the European transformation and compares the structure which is being built to ancient and medieval empires. The imperial order appears to be productive for the EU, due to it easily embraces the heterogeneity existing within the Union, as well as contributes to the strengthening of the EU institutional legitimacy and efficiency in global governance. The ongoing EU transformations, promoted by the German-French lobby and supported by the authorities in Brussels, are indirectly leading to the emergence of an imperial structure, which is secured by a soft power, instead of a rule of sword. Taking all this into account, an attempt is made to define the role of Poland, the largest post-2004 enlargement state, in the new structure. To make this attempt sufficient a brief analysis of current Polish foreign policy and economic growth is provided. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

The relations between the state and the nation/society are approached in the context of Polish history. The author examines selected examples of the interactions between those in power and the governed populace by focusing on: 1) attitudes – the character features of the Poles; 2) the Polish historical mission; 3) the influence of Medieval conciliatory attitudes. The work attempts to prove that these factors influenced the relations between the state and the people, formed the foundations of nobles' democracy and inhibited absolutism tendencies in the political system of the First Republic. The effects of those processes are also visible in today's Poland. ; Problem relacji państwo a naród/społeczeństwo został podjęty z perspektywy przeszłości rzeczywistości polskiej. Autor starał się wskazać na wybrane przykłady tych uwarunkowań między "rządzącymi" a "rządzonymi". Uwzględnia trzy wybrane zagadnienia – kryteria: 1) problem postaw – cech charakterologicznych Polaków, 2) problem mesjanizmu polskiego, 3) problem znaczenia koncyliaryzmu średniowiecznego. Stara się dowieść, że powyższe czynniki miały wpływ na ułożenie stosunków między państwem a narodem/społeczeństwem, oddziaływały na kształt podstaw ustrojowych demokracji szlacheckiej i zahamowały tendencje absolutystyczno ustrojowe w systemie politycznym I Rzeczypospolitej. Skutki tych procesów odczuwamy w naszym kraju po dzień dzisiejszy.

Problem relacji państwo a naród/społeczeństwo został podjęty z perspektywy przeszłości rzeczywistości polskiej. Autor starał się wskazać na wybrane przykłady tych uwarunkowań między "rządzącymi" a "rządzonymi". Uwzględnia trzy wybrane zagadnienia – kryteria: 1) problem postaw – cech charakterologicznych Polaków, 2) problem mesjanizmu polskiego, 3) problem znaczenia koncyliaryzmu średniowiecznego. Stara się dowieść, że powyższe czynniki miały wpływ na ułożenie stosunków między państwem a narodem/społeczeństwem, oddziaływały na kształt podstaw ustrojowych demokracji szlacheckiej i zahamowały tendencje absolutystyczno-ustrojowe w systemie politycznym I Rzeczypospolitej. Skutki tych procesów odczuwamy w naszym kraju po dzień dzisiejszy. ; The relations between the state and the nation/society are approached in the context of Polish history. The author examines selected examples of the interactions between those in power and the governed populace by focusing on: 1) attitudes – the character features of the Poles; 2) the Polish historical mission; 3) the influence of Medieval conciliatory attitudes. The work attempts to prove that these factors influenced the relations between the state and the people, formed the foundations of nobles' democracy and inhibited absolutism tendencies in the political system of the First Republic. The effects of those processes are also visible in today's Poland.