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Purpose The study aims to examine the military-connected firms' risk preference, specifically in the innovation intensity level context. The authors argue that firms with military-experienced top management have conservative and risk-averse behavior, influencing the innovation investment policy. Design/methodology/approach The authors use nonfinancial Indonesian-listed firms from 2010 to 2018 amounted to 2,504 firm-year observations. Findings The authors document a negative relationship between military connection with both innovation activities and outputs. The additional analysis documents that risk-preferences of military-connected firms will be drastically changed when the industry has a high digital level, which confirms that risk-averse military-experienced management is less dominant with adaptation skill. The authors also identify that veterans did not need a long tenure to influence firms' innovation investment policy. Lastly, the result is robust due to various endogeneity tests employed. Originality/value This study further examines military-connected firms' technological innovation compared to prior studies and enriches the related literature.

Purpose One of the strongest connections in politics in developing countries is through military links. This study aims to examine the auditor choice preference of the militarily-connected firms in Indonesia, an emerging country where there is a strong influence from the military on political decision-making. Design/methodology/approach The analysis used 3,473 firms-year observations listed on the Indonesian Stock Exchange spanning from 2003 to 2017 using regression and other statistical tests. Findings The results reveal that firms with a militarily-connected director are less likely to appoint one of the Big 4 auditors. Using the military reform as a natural experiment, the finding shows that militarily-connected firms did not change their auditor choice preference even after the military reform. Interestingly, I find that connected firms are associated with high earnings management. In addition, the different retirement position level and military affiliations of the connected directors generate different outcomes related to the auditor choice decision. Overall, the results indicate that militarily-connected firms were less likely to appoint one of the Big 4 auditors both before and after the military reforms. These results are robust, even after the author controlled for political connections, year fixed effects and industry fixed effects. Research limitations/implications Because of the limitations of the prior literature on military connections, this study is developed based on the assumption that the militarily-connected directors have identical behavior whether they serve in either public or private companies. However, this assumption could be invalid which potentially affects the interpretation of some of the results in this study. Originality/value This paper provides direct evidence of the auditor choice preference of firms with a military connection. The evidence builds on the existing literature on the difference in auditor choice preference between politically and militarily-connected firms.

This paper aims to discuss the extent to which the influence of the military in the political system in Myanmar related to cases of prosecution of ethnic Rohingya in 2017. Myanmar's government through the military is considered to use violence and discrimination against Rohingya ethnic groups resulting in thousands of casualties and the ethnic Rohingya fled to neighboring countries. This research was conducted to assess the role of the military in the Myanmar government system because under the 2008 Constitution, the military had a seat of 25 percent in the Myanmar parliament and had a number of authorities in the political system. This can be considered as a trigger for the military's aggressiveness towards Rohingya because of military representatives who have existence in the Myanmar parliament. The author uses concordance theory and the concept of new professionalism of internal security and national development in analyzing related phenomena. The results of this study indicate the existence of military influence in the Myanmar government because under the constitution, the military controls three strategic departments, namely Defense, Internal Affairs and Border. The military also holds full control of the armed forces, police and security forces, thus demonstrating the military role in Myanmar's policies regarding prosecution of the ethnic minority Rohingya.

Religious and cultural pluralism in society can initially Posoacculturation establish the values among migrants with indigenous peoples,on further developments, have taken place between the social disintegrationAmong of them, as a result of the escalation of conflicts horizontal, for a variety of interestsgrowing, especially the expansion of economic and political institutions apparatussecurity. (Military and police) and religious and cultural pluralism imagedas a zone of still volatile, so that the imaging strengthen. The existence of a conflict region as a market force.A balanced division of strategic positions in government withrepresenting Christian and Muslim communities should be governed by clearlocal regulation and other rules or mechanisms in mind The conflict became a powerful issue. The security forces should be acting professionally make Indonesia secure and peaceful, the circulation of the various means of violence, such as firearms and bombs in Indonesia also business security forces in the conflict zone is security indicators are not handled in a professional manner. On the other hand required maximum effort and courage attitude of the government, especially the law enforcement agencies to bring those involved in cases of corruption and military violence should be given a participation in the strengthening of base- civil basis, such as combating corruption and strengthening peace program division of tasks and functions of a clear distinction between the security forces and society civilians can help realize a peaceful ofIndonesia

DPR-RI oversight in TNI (military) Business have very important role in forming of professional and reliable TNI, despitefully DPR-RI oversight also useful to link citizen priority and views in rule of policy and law in defence area. The purpose of this research is to analyze the oversight mechanism conducted by DPR-RI in the case of military business. Theory used by researcher in conducting this research is theory of parliamentary oversight, which is conducting through various mechanism which available in parliament, that is: passing debate mechanism; passing existence of commission; and through raised questions when in meeting. This research used qualitative method,and data research was obtained from primary and secondary data. Primary data was gained through observation and interview. Based on the research, the oversight mechanism have been run by first commission of DPR-RI was still weaken, on the other side the parliament (DPR) also lack in creating an effective oversight, where this matter because of some factors, such as: the lack of political willingness of parliamentary member, lack of positive supervision practices and the limited information had by DPR.

Although trauma and public skepticism toward the military is still quite strong; though the sins of the military during the New Order freely beragai stripped naked in public space during the reform. In fact, military figures rose even more flying in many national level either party until the local level, both old and new parties. To face the new system of political contestation and the military is benefiting from a weakening factor of the consolidation of civilian political forces. Political parties and civic leaders increasingly anti Orba number berjibun be a dilemma. Elections are approaching need fresh energy to be the winner while they are still haunted by the various limitations of the cadre of crisis, financial crisis and the crisis of political networks. To rise, the former general has a genetic modalities required political parties and civic leaders that organizational discipline, a network of territorial and political violence. Political modalities of military culture is that interest civilian politicians because it can be replicated in consolidating the power of the party, although very risky memangun consolidation of democracy in Indonesia in the future. The choices here are to be assessed for reading the direction of the democratization of Indonesia.

History of 1948 military coup d'etat of Indonesian Communist Party in Madiun

This research is focused on Indonesia-US diplomatic relations in politics and defense. The relationships are very volatile both in terms of closeness and depth of defense cooperation between the two countries. Bilateral defense cooperation is aimed at improving military relations between the two countries and building professionalism of the TNI - in addition to achieving the Indonesian defense goals such as maintaining the sovereignty and integrity of the country. Indonesia has interest in maintaining defense cooperation with the US due to the fact that the majority of Indonesia's major defense equipment is from the US and other western countries. By taking the perspective of the Susilo B. Yudhoyono administration (2004-2014), defense diplomacy is closely related to the Minimum Essential Force (MEF) program. The MEF program has initiated the Indonesian government to cooperate with the US in the context of maintenance and procurement of weapons that have been embargoed since 1999. This research also finds that among various defense cooperation activities between Indonesia and the US, the major one is actually in the field of education and training, e.g., short courses, staff and command education, seminars, post graduate programs and others. Meanwhile, the other defense cooperation activity, namely defense industry, is still very minor until today. The method of research is qualitative using descriptive analytical collected from the interview of practitioners and from secondary sources such book, paper, and open sources

since 2007 ASEAN has moved towards an ASEAN Economic community(AEC) as an economi integration of member states based on four economic pillars. One of AEC economic pillar the single market and Production base, means,the region as a whole must become a single market and production base to produce and commercialize good and services anywhere in ASEAN. The establishment of AEC is offering opprtunities in the from of a huge market of US$ 2.6 Trillion and over 622 million people. Of this number, around 40 per cent or 245 million people live in Indonesia. Numerous officials and othes have their doubts and worried that Indonesia will mainly be the market for the AEC and Indonesia's progress in developing its human capital will be negatively impected compettition from other ASEAN nations. The crucial futher step of the AEC is to implement the free movement of skilled labors as one of five core principles of single market and production base pillar, as it will boost economic integration in the region levels. In practice however, progress towords freer mobility has been slow and uneven. In practice however, progress towards freer mobility has been slow and uneven, due to rigid national immigration policies, inequalities in professional education and licensing regimes, public ambivalence toward the AEC, and the vast income gap that many countries fear will contribute to brain drain. This article examines impediment of free movement of skilled labors as a result of weak political and public support to drive the process forward as well as the myriad policy and procedural obstacles of free movement of skilled labor of selected categories of professions associated mainly with trade in service and invesment, this article also reviews the AMSs' policies in these areas

AbstractThe Qajar dynasty in Indonesian literature is not as popular as the Safavid dynasty and the 1979 Iranian revolution. The role of Qajar dynasty started as one of the tribal powers among the Qizilbash elite troops of the Safavid dynasty. Political conditions during the decline of Safavids led to the emergence of other warring dynasties to gain domination in Persia. Qajar dynasty under the leadership of Agha Muhammad Khan was successful in defeating warring dynasties as the Russian invaders were also driven out. Agha Muhammad later became the Shah of Persia in 1796 year before he was assassinated during a military campaign against Russia. After his assassination, Fath Ali – nephew of Agha Muhammad became the new Shah in 1798. Qajar dynasty under the new reign effectively consolidated the political condition and governing aspect of Persia. Fath Ali is also believed to have committed violence against his competitors while also; he was able to coordinate between various cultural identities in Persia along with building country's governing structure as well as patronizing religious life. During later wars with Russia, Fath Ali was dependent on intervention of British and French due to lack of reforms in his military. It became an important event before his death in 1834.