Suchergebnisse

This article aims to analyze the way in which Environmental Risk is managed and communicated to local people in an African context. In particular, the article considers the experience of one of the largest multinationals that operates in Mozambique: Mozal (Mozambique Aluminum). In 2010, it decided to make a "bypass" at its two Fume Treatment Centres. For six months, Mozal had been authorized to discharge emissions into the air without any filters, possibly damaging human health. The article seeks to understand how the various parties involved, institutional or otherwise, acted in order to prevent, manage and communicate this risk. The study is developed at two levels: firstly, the debate on risk communication in the Mozambican context; secondly, the same debate but at international level. As a conclusion, it is possible to argue that the weak and formal model of democracy present in Mozambique did not make it possible to obtain guarantees that have been considered serious and significant at international level. ; Este artigo pretende analisar o modo em que o Risco Ambiental é gerido e comunicado às populações locais num contexto africano. De forma mais específica, o artigo considera a experiência de uma das maiores multinacionais que operam em Moçambique: a Mozal (Mozambique Aluminum). Em 2010, a Mozal decidiu levar a cabo um "bypass" aos seus dois Centros de Tratamento de Fumos. A Mozal tinha conseguido uma autorização para lançar as suas emissões no ar sem filtros durante seis meses, com a séria possibilidade de prejudicar a saúde humana. O artigo procura perceber como os vários intervenientes envolvidos, quer institucionais, quer não, atuaram para prevenir, gerir e comunicar este risco. A pesquisa desenvolve-se de acordo com dois níveis de análise: primeiro, o debate sobre a comunicação do risco no contexto moçambicano; segundo, o mesmo debate mas ao nível internacional. Como conclusão, é possível deduzir que o modelo fraco e formal de democracia presente em Moçambique tem tornado impossível obter garantias que, pelo contrário, têm sido consideradas sérias e significativas no cenário internacional.

This article aims at verifying the way in which the Mozambican press covered the environmental risk caused by the activity of the multinational Mozal (Mozambique Aluminium). This company worked without filters, for 137 days, between 2010 and 2011, emitting polluting gases directly into the air ("Bypass"). The investigation intends to understand how the two main Mozambican daily newspapers, "Notícias" and "O País", approached this issue. The methodology used has been quantitative (i.e. the number of articles edited and the sources used) as well as qualitative (i.e. content analysis, with the help of conceptual semantic maps) in nature. The theoretical basis of the research was the Social Amplification of Risk Framework (SARF). The investigation showed that the coverage, instead of clarifying the real environmental risks arising from the Bypass, was used for political leverage either in favour of or against the decisions of the Government. ; This article aims at verifying the way in which the Mozambican press covered the environmental risk caused by the activity of the multinational Mozal (Mozambique Aluminium). This company worked without filters, for 137 days, between 2010 and 2011, emitting polluting gases directly into the air ("Bypass"). The investigation intends to understand how the two main Mozambican daily newspapers, "Notícias" and "O País", approached this issue. The methodology used has been quantitative (i.e. the number of articles edited and the sources used) as well as qualitative (i.e. content analysis, with the help of conceptual semantic maps) in nature. The theoretical basis of the research was the Social Amplification of Risk Framework (SARF). The investigation showed that the coverage, instead of clarifying the real environmental risks arising from the Bypass, was used for political leverage either in favour of or against the decisions of the Government.

O artigo pretende verificar o tipo de cobertura feito pela imprensa moçambicana relativamente ao risco ambiental derivante da actividade da multinacional Mozal (Mozambique Alluminium). Esta empresa trabalhou sem filtros, durante 137 dias, entre 2010 e 2011, emitindo para o ar de forma directa os seus gases poluentes ("Bypass). A pesquisa visa perceber como os dois diários moçambicanos de maior difusão, "Notícias" e "O País", abordaram tal questão. As técnicas usadas foram quantitativas (números de artigos publicados e das fontes usadas) e qualitativas (análise do conteúdo, com o auxílio de mapas semântico-conceituais), usando a teoria da Amplificação Social do Risco (SARF) A investigação mostrou que a cobertura foi orientada não tanto para esclarecer o efectivo risco ambiental derivante do Bypass junto às populações locais, quanto como alavanca polémica de tipo político, em favor ou contra as decisões tomadas pelo Governo. ; This article aims at verifying the way in which the Mozambican press covered the environmental risk caused by the activity of the multinational Mozal (Mozambique Aluminium). This company worked without filters, for 137 days, between 2010 and 2011, emitting polluting gases directly into the air ("Bypass"). The investigation intends to understand how the two main Mozambican daily newspapers, "Notícias" and "O País", approached this issue. The methodology used has been quantitative (i.e. the number of articles edited and the sources used) as well as qualitative (i.e. content analysis, with the help of conceptual semantic maps) in nature. The theoretical basis of the research was the Social Amplification of Risk Framework (SARF). The investigation showed that the coverage, instead of clarifying the real environmental risks arising from the Bypass, was used for political leverage either in favour of or against the decisions of the Government.

This article aims at verifying the way in which the Mozambican press covered the environmental risk caused by the activity of the multinational Mozal (Mozambique Aluminium). This company worked without filters, for 137 days, between 2010 and 2011, emitting polluting gases directly into the air ("Bypass"). The investigation intends to understand how the two main Mozambican daily newspapers, "Notícias" and "O País", approached this issue. The methodology used has been quantitative (i.e. the number of articles edited and the sources used) as well as qualitative (i.e. content analysis, with the help of conceptual semantic maps) in nature. The theoretical basis of the research was the Social Amplification of Risk Framework (SARF). The investigation showed that the coverage, instead of clarifying the real environmental risks arising from the Bypass, was used for political leverage either in favour of or against the decisions of the Government. ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo examinar el modo en que la prensa de Mozambique ha hecho cubrimiento del riesgo ambiental causado por la actividad de la multinacional Mozal (Mozambique aluminio). Esta empresa trabajó sin filtros, por 137 días, entre 2010 y 2011, emitiendo gases contaminantes directamente al aire ("Bypass"). La investigación tuvo como fin dar a conocer la aproximación que los dos diarios principales de Mozambique, "Notícias" y "O País", tuvieron en torno a este tema. Se utilizó la metodología cuantitativa (el número de artículos editados y las fuentes utilizadas), así como la cualitativa (análisis de contenido, con la ayuda de mapas conceptuales y semánticos). La base teórica de la investigación fue la Amplificación Social del Marco de Riesgo (SARF).La investigación determina, que el cubrimiento por parte de la prensa, en lugar de aclarar el tema del riesgo ambiental derivado por la actividad de la multinacional, se utiliza más bien, como palanca política, ya sea a favor o en contra de las decisiones del Gobierno.

This paper analyses prospects for foreign direct investment (FDI) in Africa. The problems with regard to attracting FDI in small economies are not that different than those in larger economies in the developing world. In particular, lack of infrastructure, cumbersome government regulations and restrictions on equity holdings by foreigners are common to both large and small countries. FDI flows could be a lot higher in sub- Saharan Africa if governments implemented a proper set of regulations that enabled investors to do business in a fair and consistent manner. In small countries, a single large project can be very significant in terms of raising interest in FDI. For example, Mozal in Mozambique has given the country greater visibility in the international arena. Also, if a small country is able to successfully implement a large project, it establishes itself as a credible host for FDI, thereby attracting further investment and employment.