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The meaning of an inter-religious dialogue has increased in the context of globalization, which has put different ethnicities and religions face-to-face within the fledging "planetary community". Furthermore, it encouraged a remarkably emerging role of religion, in particular in politics. The dialogue became of key importance in Western Europe due to the Muslims turning into the largest diaspora of the region, and Islam – into the second religion after Christianity. The author dedicated this work to investigation of this dialogue's aspects, since the unceasing growth of the Muslim migration and terroristic threats cause the expansion of islamophobia and ethnic tension that have become a destabilizing factor in the region.

AbstractThe anti-Semitic rhetoric of many Islamist groups is qualitatively different from the reflective jurisprudence associated with the treatises of classical Islam. There is little evidence of any deep rooted anti-Semitism in the classical Islamic world. Jews have lived under Islamic rule for 14 centuries and in many lands, they were never free from discrimination but were rarely subjected to persecution as in Christian Europe. Most of the characteristic features of European-Christian anti-Semitism were absent from the Jewish-Muslim relations. This paper examines the growth of anti-Semitism in Arab-Muslim world and identifies some of the historical events which have contributed to this development.

This article critically examines a qualitative research interview in which cultural barriers between a white non-Muslim female interviewer and an African American Muslim interviewee, both from the USA, became evident and were overcome within the same interview. This interview and two follow-up interviews are presented as a `telling case' about crossing cultural barriers. The analysis focuses on seven phases of the interview (cultural barriers, warming up, crossing the racial barrier, connecting as social workers, connecting as women, connecting as students, and crossing the tape recorder barrier). The discussion outlines the pre-interview and during-interview barriers and facilitating conditions and related implications for cross-cultural qualitative research interviewing.

The issue of religious dress, specifically female Muslim religious dress, has been the subject of intense controversy within Europe over recent years. In the United Kingdom comments by Jack Straw MP, Leader of the House of Commons and a former Home and Foreign Secretary, that he felt uncomfortable talking to women at his constituency surgery who wore the Muslim veil sparked a storm of intense and, at times, acrimonious debate.1In France the banning of headscarves in State schools has provoked major controversy.2In the Netherlands the Dutch Parliament voted to ban theburkain public places3and in five Belgian towns its wearing has been banned on pain of a fine.4

Turkey is the only Muslim country in which laicism is enshrined in the constitution. State, politics & in Turkey are for the most part secularized. Moreover, Islam in Turkey has been politicized in two distinct ways: the state, in order to secularize the population, homogenize different ethnical & confessional groups & preserve the country's territorial integrity propagating a republican & ethno-nationalist state Islam; & by & social groups! so as to break the Kemalist monopoly on the interpretation of Islam & end restrictions on religious freedom. On the whole, the Kemalist interpretation of laicism is authoritarian & undemocratic. The extent to which it can serve as a model for other Muslim countries is therefore limited. Adapted from the source document.

Представляющее собой чрезвычайно интересное и крайне противоречивое явление в истории мусульманских народов Волго-Уральского региона ваисовское движение оставило заметный след в истории развития ислама в России. ; In history of western Siberia of the end of XIX beginning of XX century there is a distinct interest to study an activity of Vais' movement. Vais` movement, which is very interesting and contradictive phenomenon in history of Muslim nations of Volga-Ural region, has left an essential track in the history of Islam in Russia. Vaisov followers were in permanent conflict both with authorities and official Muslim seculars. However, on all stages of the development of this movement its followers tried to resolve appearing issues by means of political dialogue.

AbstractIn Abrahamic religions blasphemy exists to prevent challenge to the notions of the sacred. Its existence is a litmus test of the standards a society feels it must enforce to preserve its religious beliefs and morality in order to prevent mockery of the Divine. Its commission has invariably evoked severe punishment. This paper examines the debates around these issues in Christianity and Islam. It examines the struggle against blasphemy laws in Christian and Muslim countries. It concludes by arguing that modernity plays a significant role in shaping attitudes towards blasphemy in modern societies. Using empirical evidence it explores the relationship between modernity, religiosity and blasphemy in seven contemporary Muslim countries.

This study seeks to explain the reasons behind people's participation in the Tarbiyah Movement in Indonesia. Although this movement has had phenomenal political and social achievements, it appears to be exclusive in the sense that it is dominated by a certain type of Indonesian Muslim. That is, as observed by the likes of Bahtiar Effendy, the core participants of the Tarbiyah Movement tend to be Muslims who are young and well-educated. This does not mean, however, that all those who fit this description join the Tarbiyah Movement. In fact, there are many of those with the same characteristics who not only do not participate in the movement but even oppose of it.DOI:10.15408/sdi.v13i2.566

Masyumi's name and symbol have an enduring appeal, particulary to modernist Muslims. Althougt the party was disbanded in 1960, Muslims intellectuals, activitis and politiciants continue to invoke its name and identify themselves as being part of the Masyumi heritage. For example, no less than four parties at the 1999 general elections used symbols based on Masyumi's bulan bintang (crecent moon and star) logo and they jostled among themselves for recognation as the party most representative of Masyumi values and tradition. Many of these modernist felt bound by an associative spirit to the masyumi 'family', which was commonly referred to as the Keluarga Bulan Bintang (Crescent Moon and Star Family).DOI:10.15408/sdi.v12i1.646

This study examined the extent and sources of social support of Chinese and Malay Muslim mothers of children with intellectual disability in Singapore and attempted to expand the understanding of relationship-based perceptions of social support in these 2 population groups. Analysis of 6 areas, namely, informational, emotional, social, financial, childcare, and practical needs showed that Chinese mothers have a larger and more diversified network of perceived social support than their Malay Muslim counterparts. Discussion includes the role of cultural variables in the perception of social support network, the role of relationship strength in perceived social support, and strategies for enhancing the mental well-being and coping of Asian mothers of children with intellectual disability.

During the years (1937-1947) when Pakistan movement was at its
peak, Fatima Jinnah's role was nothing less than a beacon of hope for
the Muslim women. Though the guidance of her elder brother Quaid-i-Azam
Muhammad Ali Jinnah, she herself became a role model not only for the
Muslims women of South Asia, but for the women of whole Asian society.
Her role as a women leader was even more important when after the death
of Quaid-i-Azam in 1948 she became the focal point for aspirations of
Pakistani women. It was under very difficult circumstances that she
worked for the promotion of women's rights and privileges in
Pakistan.

Abstract: In assessing the nature of "liberal Islam," we must ask the fundamental question: What is "Islam"? All too often, it is answered on the basis of misleading assumptions about what is "naturally" the case that liberal Muslims must challenge or as it were "denaturalize" if they are to win the hearts and minds of Muslims around the world. There is an unfortunate and widespread tendency to conflate Islam with attributes, practices, and institutions that are exogenous to it. Thus, "Islam" has become a code word for such a wide range of ideas and things that its true meaning has become almost completely obscured, suppressed, or lost.

As the only Sunni Islamic Republic in the world, Sudan's middle-class, modernist Islamist revolution can be seen as a model for the mobilization of public consciousness about citizenship in an Islamic state. Ways that this citizenship is consciously & conspicuously gendered are considered here. In the north, where mobilization has been most successful, Sudanese women have both been constructed & have constructed themselves as the woman citizen -- mother, Muslim, & soldier. A brief historical background reveals complicated shifts in national, local, & gender identities from the colonial state to the present. State hegemonic strategies, including the manipulation of gender & other identities, especially as these are manifested in the fashioning of the "new Muslim woman," are explored. The waning of "Arab" identity claims in the face of state emphasis on Islamic identity & the relevance to Islamist women are also considered. The discussion is illustrated by interview statements from Islamist women, which attest to both their complicity in & resistance to their construction as members of the Islamic nation/community. 14 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper examines the Hindu‐Muslim conflict in India within the context of nationalist party politics in the sub‐continent. This paper analyzes the environment within which the Hindu nationalist message was and is currently being formulated; the organizational structure of the movement; and the symbols and strategies that have helped to popularize the message on Hindutva in recent years. The paper concludes with an analysis of the popular response to Hindutva and the problems facing the BJP and Us parent organizations in carrying out the program toward a revolutionized Hindu rashtra. The aim is to provide an understanding of the historical and political forces at work in the recent anti‐Muslim violence in India.