Suchergebnisse

The change in media has shaped our society for decades and new forms and technologies for mediated communication have been created. This paper explores the use of immersive media in the context of strategic communication of non-governmental organizations in Germany. The research, based on semi-structured interviews with communication officers, reveals that immersive media is not yet widespread in the NGO landscape and remain in a trial phase. Most NGOs do not consider immersive technologies suitable for their target groups, preferring traditional communication measures. However, a general openness towards the development of immersive media has been identified when financially justifiable and appropriate for the target groups. The primary purpose of immersive media projects is to generate public attention, supporting NGOs in their organizational goals. Although immersive media are partly implemented in the communication mix, they do not serve a predefined strategic objective within the strategic communication management of NGOs. This research contributes to existing literature by analyzing the use of immersive media in the third sector from a strategic communication perspective.

"Due to advances in economic integration especially in Europe, labour markets need to be more flexible to ensure a smooth transmission of shocks. A higher degree of flexibility might cause a shift in labour demand. For example, a rise in the output and real wage elasticities in absolute value would indicate a stronger response to the changing economic environment. Whether or not aggregated labour demand has become increasingly unstable in recent years, is explored in this paper. Several interesting conclusions are derived. Cointegration can be established between the variables entering a standard labour demand function. The long run vector is in line with economic theory and similar across EU countries. The error correction models are broadly robust to a wide range of specification tests. There is no reliable evidence that globalization indicators such as trade openness has affected the cointegration parameters. Hence, the presumption that aggregated labour demand has become more fragile in the course of globalization is not supported by the data." (author's abstract)

"Due to advances in economic integration especially in Europe, labour markets need to be more flexible to ensure a smooth transmission of shocks. A higher degree of flexibility might cause a shift in labour demand. For example, a rise in the output and real wage elasticities in absolute value would indicate a stronger response to the changing economic environment. Whether or not aggregated labour demand has become increasingly unstable in recent years, is explored in this paper. Several interesting conclusions are derived. Cointegration can be established between the variables entering a standard labour demand function. The long run vector is in line with economic theory and similar across EU countries. The error correction models are broadly robust to a wide range of specification tests. There is no reliable evidence that globalization indicators such as trade openness has affected the cointegration parameters. Hence, the presumption that aggregated labour demand has become more fragile in the course of globalization is not supported by the data." (Author's abstract, IAB-Doku) ((en))

An examination of the communal conflict in Northern Ireland contends that there has been an increasing openness to emancipatory ideas in the peace process. The focus is on how changes in the conditions of conflict have made it possible for many of the political parties to combine emancipatory aims & rhetoric with realist strategies. The Belfast Agreement of 10 April 1998 is described as a product of these changes. It offered both an institutional framework for managing conflict & a path for transforming the conditions of conflict by identifying the social & cultural foundations of conflicting interests & identities. An overview of the origins of the Northern Ireland conflict is followed by a look at the underlying causes of the conflict; its evolution over time; & the historical context surrounding the emergence of the Belfast Agreement. It is argued that tensions & contradictions in the current settlement can only be addressed by strengthening emancipatory elements of the process. The potential for an emancipatory approach to build on & sustain the settlement is discussed. J. Lindroth

Examines the achievements & failures of Spain's Estado de las Autonomias (EA) in dealing with territorial conflicts. Although the EA has been generally effective, it is argued that its shortcomings are related to the constitutional ambiguity that resulted from the drafter's attempt to produce a document acceptable to all by avoiding such divisive issues as the extent of regional decentralization. Although the constitution eased the transition to democracy, problems were later created by its openness related to historical nationalities. The actors & institutions involved in the historical changes brought about by the 1978 constitution are described, along with key elements of the constitution; the institutional stability of the EA; & the evolution of territorial identities related to Basque Country, Cataluna, Galicia, Canarias, Andalucia, Aragon, Valencia, Madrid, & La Rioja. The ability of the EA to deal with territorial conflicts is assessed & questions about the interaction between federalism & nationalism raised by the Spanish experience are discussed. 5 Tables, 59 References. J. Lindroth

Examines the new natural law theory of John Finnis which poses a challenge to the Kantian theories articulated by John Rawls & others. Finnis describes natural law as a "set of principles of practical reasonableness in ordering human life & human community." Normative principles that highlight actions that are both allowed & practically reasonable & those that are forbidden & practically unreasonable are addressed. An exploration of Finnis's account of practical reasoning is followed by a look at his conception of the social sciences, his critique of Rawls's political liberalism, & his defense of limited government & inviolable human rights. Although Finnis's natural law theory is a secular theory, it is pointed out that his explanation of practical reasonableness suggests a need to consider the existence of a personal God or an immortal soul. Finnis uses religious sources to support & deepen his reason-based moral & political claims; however, his openness to traditional religion should not be a reason to reject his work. J. Lindroth

An exploration of Soka Gakkai International in the UK (SGI-UK) notes that when the movement emerged in the early 1960s, the class structure was undergoing radical change, & there was revived optimism, increasing secularization, & a new diversity of religions. Openness to varied lifestyles allowed imported spiritual ideas to lessen Christianity's dominance of the religious sphere, & shifts in the ascetic Christian ethic, coupled with growing hedonism, left a spiritual vacuum that eased the way for groups like Soka Gakkai. Early members were mostly Japanese wives of British businessmen but increasing numbers of non-Japanese citizens became converts. Sources of Soka Gakkai's appeal are discussed, & results from an early 1990s survey of 620 SGI-UK members are used to present a membership profile. Although the gender ratio was similar to that of other religions, SGI-UK included a disproportionate number of immigrants from a wide variety of countries. The quality of the people was reported as the most important factor for joining, while self-confidence, self-control, & peace of mind were highlighted as benefits of membership. J. Lindroth

Summarizes a Vol of 14 essays (each abstracted) covering movements of religious fundamentalism in various parts of the world & presents a construction of a pure form of fundamentalism drawn from contributor ideas. A key concern is how religious idealism provides a basis for a communal & individual identity that remains unaltered by outside influence or events. It is shown how fundamentalist movements arise during times of crisis, select particular historical events, texts, & traditions to form an ideology, require an adversary, & develop methods to ensure the purity of their members. Other themes include the close but adversarial relationship with modernity, presence of charismatic leaders, use of modern organizational methods, & exploitation of the openness of democratic societies. The wide range of social, political, & cultural roles played by fundamentalist groups are discussed, using radical Sikhism as an example. It is concluded that current fundamentalism is both derivative & original & more oriented toward the future than the past & will continue to be a dynamic force on the international scene. T. Arnold

This paper assesses the trade criteria for EU membership and the extent to which Croatia fulfills those criteria. The relationship between trade criteria and the economic ability to pursue EU accession is discussed and a gravity model of Croatian trade is constructed in order to measure the level of trade diversification achieved in an objective manner. Significant trade biases towards the former Yugoslav republics are found as well as an emerging bias in imports from Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC). Moreover, the process of trade liberalization
that was promoted recently did in general not significantly contribute to trade diversification towards countries with which preferential trade agreements had recently been concluded, rather reinforced existing biases, although there are some differences between export and import flows.
In order to mitigate the consequences of delays in the integration processes, reduce long-term costs of trade restructuring and encourage the trade integration with the EU necessary for successful accession, Croatia should seek to eliminate the remaining institutional barriers to trade with the EU. Also, the continuation and faster implementation of structural reforms are necessary preconditions for an increase of openness in trade.

"States have accentuated efforts to build cybersecurity strategies and offensive and defensive capabilities in the last two decades. While states have balanced efforts to promote mobility of capital, people, and goods and services with security measures to protect fixed investment and national assets, these efforts suggest a shift in the mix of openness and control. While this balance has long been a part of states' foreign policy and international relations, the promotion of network security highlights some core tensions between international conflict and cooperation in promoting cybersecurity. The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), and the International Telecommunications Union (ITU) have emphasized cooperation among participants in preventing harm to the network and in enhancing a 'culture of security'. The ITU has a longstanding principle of preventing harm to the network, and Anthony Rutkowski argues that this extends to new online networks and services. These international efforts aim to build a broad international community of participants promoting the security of physical networks, applications and uses, content, and data about individuals. The chapter examines these international efforts to advance cooperative approaches to network security and cybersecurity. It assesses these multilateral efforts in light of recent moves by states to advance more strategic national approaches to network security." (author's abstract)

The ability of a country to meet the criteria for financial convergence on the EU depends on four key factors: the behaviour and structure of the banks and non-banking financial service providers, the degree of development of the money and capital markets, the regulatory environment and the openness of the country to international financial currents. In this work the factors that work in favour of a rapid accession by Croatia to the EU and those that are the key areas of vulnerability on the same road are identified. The first group of factors includes the developmental level of the banking system, whose structural characteristics (competitiveness, ownership structure and scope of financial mediation) work in favour of rapid integration. This group also includes the standardising regulatory framework, the changes in which over the last few years have brought Croatia very close to the standards of the EU. Non-banking financial service providers are relatively undeveloped; however, where the investment and pensions funds are concerned, their development and the regulatory environment, rapidly converging on international standards, guarantee imminent ability to be included in the integration processes. The main areas of vulnerability are the undeveloped share capital market and a restrictive
attitude with respect to international financial flows.

In der Eliteforschung (im Sinne einer Forschung zu Gruppen in dominanten Positionen) mangelt es an einer Verknüpfung jener Studien, die auf die Rekrutierung von Eliten fokussiert sind, mit solchen, bei denen die Machtausübung der Eliten im Mittelpunkt steht. Wie Giddens (Elites and power in British society, 1974) herausgestellt hat, sind beide Ansätze wichtig und sollten sich bei der Analyse des Zusammenwirkens von sozialer "Klassen-", Organisations- und Machtstruktur einer gegebenen Gesellschaft ergänzen [Die Autorin verwendet den im anglophonen und francophonen Sprachraum gebräuchlichen Klassenbegriff, der einer Eindeutschung nicht standhält, aber auch mit Schicht nicht adäquat zu übersetzen ist, weshalb im Folgenden die Originalbezeichnungen beibehalten werden]. Weiterhin besteht Giddens auf der Notwendigkeit, bei Studien zur Rekrutierung zwei verschiedene Dimensionen in den Blick zu nehmen: die verschiedenen Typen von Kanälen, die von elitären Gruppen zur Reproduktion ihrer gesellschaftlichen Stellung privilegiert werden sowie den Grad der sozialen Öffnung oder Abgeschlossenheit dieser Kanäle gegenüber anderen Gruppen (Parkin, The social analysis of class structure, 1974). Dieser Unterscheidung folgend ist auch der vorliegende Beitrag strukturiert, welcher sich auf einen einzelnen, in postindustriellen Gesellschaften überaus wichtigen Kanal konzentriert - die Schulen, genauer, die oberen Sekundarschulen und Institutionen höherer Bildung und ihren Einfluss in drei verschiedenen nationalen Kontexten: in Frankreich, dem Großbritannien und den USA. Im ersten Teil werden die spezifischen Charakteristika der Elitebildung und im zweiten Teil das Ausmaß und die Modi institutioneller und sozialer Abgeschlossenheit untersucht. (DIPF/Orig.).;;;Research on elites (that is, on status groups that occupy dominant positions) is characterized by the lack of connection between studies that focus on elite recruitment and those that focus on the exercise of power by elites. As underlined by Giddens (Elites and power in British society, 1974), both types of approach are important and should complement each other in the analysis of mediations between the class structure, the organizational structure and the power structure in a given society. Giddens also insists on the need for recruitment studies to take account of two different dimensions: the types of channel that are privileged by elite groups to reproduce their social position, and the degree of social closure or openness of these channels to other groups (Parkin, The social analysis of class structure, 1974). This distinction is used to organize the present chapter, which focuses on a single channel that has come to play a crucial role in post-industrial societies, that is schools and, more precisely, upper secondary and higher education institutions, and on their influence in three different national contexts: France, the United Kingdom and the United States. In the first section, the specific features of elite education are examined. The second section explores the extent and modes of institutional and social closure. (DIPF/Orig.).

"In the seventies and eighties various competing theories put forward by the classical and Keynesian camps tried to find a convincing explanation for the unemployment problem. The structuralist model emerged from these research efforts as the dominant approach of the nineties, combining both classical and Keynesian features. By generating a relationship between changes in inflation and deviations of unemployment from the long-run equilibrium, this approach carries on where the old Phillips curve debate left off. In our contribution we do not confine ourselves to a review of the research from the last decade, but rather stress the implications of several extensions of the macroeconomic model as well. Whereas in the standard structuralist model the demand side has a negligible influence on unemployment in the medium run, we show that stabilization policies are of greater importance once unemployment persistence and/or the openness of economies are taken into account. Furthermore, we build on the structuralist framework to not only address the macroeconomic aspects of the unemployment problem, but also the debate between trade theorists and labor economists about the impact of globalisation and biased technical change on the employment performance of different skill groups. In the literature, contra-factual implications of the standard Heckscher-Ohlin model are often used as an argument against trade-based explanations of the unemployment problem. By relaxing the assumption of perfect competition, we show that major aspects of this critique can be overcome. On the other hand, conventional wisdom which favors the biased technical change hypothesis can be questioned. Things are less obvious if the general equilibrium effects of biased technical change are taken into account. In contrast to results following from a simple partial framework, it has been shown that the unskilled could profit via indirect effects from biased technical change. To obtain the stylized fact that the unskilled loose employment shares, one not only needs a high elasticity of substitution, but also certain additional assumptions about the impact of biased productivity growth on the skill-specific wage formation process." (author's abstract)

"In the seventies and eighties various competing theories put forward by the classical and Keynesian camps tried to find a convincing explanation for the unemployment problem. The structuralist model emerged from these research efforts as the dominant approach of the nineties, combining both classical and Keynesian features. By generating a relationship between changes in inflation and deviations of unemployment from the long-run equilibrium, this approach carries on where the old Phillips curve debate left off. In our contribution we do not confine ourselves to a review of the research from the last decade, but rather stress the implications of several extensions of the macroeconomic model as well. Whereas in the standard structuralist model the demand side has a negligible influence on unemployment in the medium run, we show that stabilization policies are of greater importance once unemployment persistence and/or the openness of economies are taken into account. Furthermore, we build on the structuralist framework to not only address the macroeconomic aspects of the unemployment problem, but also the debate between trade theorists and labor economists about the impact of globalisation and biased technical change on the employment performance of different skill groups. In the literature, contra-factual implications of the standard Heckscher-Ohlin model are often used as an argument against trade-based explanations of the unemployment problem. By relaxing the assumption of perfect competition, we show that major aspects of this critique can be overcome. On the other hand, conventional wisdom which favors the biased technical change hypothesis can be questioned. Things are less obvious if the general equilibrium effects of biased technical change are taken into account. In contrast to results following from a simple partial framework, it has been shown that the unskilled could profit via indirect effects from biased technical change. To obtain the stylized fact that the unskilled loose employment shares, one not only needs a high elasticity of substitution, but also certain additional assumptions about the impact of biased productivity growth on the skill-specific wage formation process." (Author's abstract, IAB-Doku) ((en))

"The proposed presentation has two aims: (a) It will outline a theoretical understanding of 'citizenship' that is rooted in sociological systems theory and in sociolinguistic approaches. With this approach it tries to develop a sociological supplement to the more normative notions of governance and citizenship in the legal and political sciences. (b) It will apply these theoretical considerations to a comparative view on forms of citizenship, which can be observed in participatory procedures in different European countries. The rationale of such a perspective is, at the end, to aim at a sociologically grounded evaluation of normative expectations about 'adequate' and 'legitimate' forms of participatory governance. The task or the problem that is being solved by the idea of citizenship has been remaining identical from the beginning of political reflection in the Greek polis to the modern concepts, such as Marshall's 'Citizenship and Social Class', Barber's notion of 'Strong Democracy', Philip Frankenfeld's concept of 'technological citizenship', or more recently, Phillippe Schmitter's concept of different positions of 'holders'. All these concepts deal with a certain aspect of the relationship between persons and society. Citizenship describes the coupling between the political system and individuals or groups, often using terms of justice and community membership. In modern society, citizenship mainly has two aspects: (1) membership in a wider, largely national, context; (2) and a certain kind of social position. To be a citizen means more than being a member of a nation; it means having rights and duties, especially rights of information, rights to participation, voice, and standing for example, that is rights to being treated in a certain way. These rights and duties constitute social positions, a term by which we mean differentiated sets of social expectations. On this basis, citizenship can theoretically be understood as an aspect of social inclusion. It is then be defined as a special mode of inclusion into the political system. When inclusion is the function of citizenship, a number of different (but functionally equivalent) forms could fulfil this function. Nationality is prominent mode of inclusion into the political system, as well as electorate, for example. Participatory forms of inclusion play a respective role in public procedures. We may on the basis of functions and forms then try to identify effects of different forms. One consequence of this approach is its conceptual openness to different semantic concepts of citizenship, which can be observed in their empirical occurrence (...)." (author's abstract)